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Although from a very early period of life Mr. Roscoe had taken a deep interest in public affairs,
and had manifested, not only by his writings, but also by the part he had taken in
promoting public meetings in Liverpool, the strong desire he felt to render himself useful
to the country, he had yet never entertained the idea that he should be called upon to fill
the responsible situation of a representative of the people. It was therefore with the
greatest surprise that, on the eve of the general election in 1806, he received a
requisition from a number of the most respectable burgesses of Liverpool, requesting him to
come forward as a candidate for the representation of his native town. In the selection of
a person to oppose the individuals who had long represented the borough, the friends of
Mr. Roscoe were actuated by many considerations. His well known
attachment to liberal principles; his long connection with the town; his acquaintance with
business; his celebrity as a writer; and the universal respect with which
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Throughout the whole of the election Mr. Roscoe had been the popular candidate; the number of his supporters in the town quadrupling those of either of his antagonists.* His
* In the preface to “An Account of the Election,” published by a supporter of one of Mr. Roscoe’s adversaries, it is said,—“At this period the popular cry was completely in |
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The return of Mr. Roscoe was celebrated on the 25th Of November, by a large and respectable meeting of his friends, when he took the opportunity of declaring, more at large than he had hitherto done, the principles by which his public conduct would be guided. After adverting to the situation of the Continent, and expressing his hope that the course of events might lead to the accomplishment of that most desirable object, an honourable and lasting peace, and after pointing out the necessity of retrenchment, he entered upon the two great questions, of the African Slave Trade and of Parliamentary Reform. To speak of the former in an assembly where some were present who were still engaged in the traffic was a task of considerable difficulty; but Mr. Roscoe did not hesitate to avow, in the most distinct manner, his adherence to the opinions which he had so long held on the subject. He contended, indeed, as the justice of the case obviously required, that as the trade had been sanctioned by parliament, and long continued
favour of Mr. Roscoe; and to walk the streets quietly in an evening, it was necessary to re-echo his name to the innumerable persons who saluted you with it.” |
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 359 |
“The other subject, on which I wish to say a few words, is one of
considerable moment; it is that which is usually called a Reform in Parliament. But
before I proceed, it may be necessary to enquire, what is meant by a reform in
parliament? If by a reform in parliament be meant any alteration in the established
constitution of this country, as it has long existed in its three estates of king,
lords, and commons, then I declare I am totally averse to any reform in parliament. I
consider the king as the keystone of the arch of the constitution, and that if he were
taken away, the whole must inevitably fall into ruins. I consider the nobility as a
body of hereditary counsellors, adding dignity to the crown, and forming a powerful and
useful barrier, on many occasions, between the crown and the people. I esteem the House
of Commons, properly purified and constructed, as the legitimate organ of the public
voice; and, therefore, if any innovation be attempted upon any one of these, to that
you will always find me a
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The principles of reform, professed upon this occasion by Mr. Roscoe, and in a few years afterwards more fully developed in a letter addressed to the present Lord Chancellor, are in effect the same which have since formed the basis of the great scheme so happily accomplished under the auspices of Lord Grey.
Parliament having assembled early in the year 1807, Mr.
Roscoe, unattended by any of his family, left Liverpool for the metropolis.
Upon his entrance into public life he had many difficulties to contend with. He was called
away from the active management of a very extensive mercantile concern, upon the prosperity
of which
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 361 |
“The rest of your letter, my dear friend, rather oppresses than
cheers me, in my present difficult and laborious situation. If my friends have formed
such high notions of the extraordinary effects which I am to produce in my public
character, I fear they will only meet with disappointment, and that I must reconcile
my-
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In reply to a letter from one of the most valued of his friends, the
Rev. W. Shepherd, making some suggestions with
regard to his new course of life, Mr. Roscoe says,
“As to the rest of your cautions, they point not out the rocks on which I am
likely to split. Deeper thoughts oppress and agitate me. I ruminate much, and do
nothing; yet I keep some objects in view, of which I may say with Milton, ‘The accomplishment of them lies not but
in a power above man’s to perform; but that none hath by more studious ways
endeavoured, and with more unwearied spirit that none shall, that I dare almost aver of myself, as far as life and free leisure will
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 363 |
In another letter, written soon afterwards to the same correspondent, he says, “You cannot readily conceive the difficulties that are to be got over in the House of Commons, particularly in some minds, before a person can acquire the habit of expressing his sentiments in a way to do either himself or his cause any credit. I certainly, however, do not despair of attaining it, though, from the state of my health, and a consequent depression of spirits, I have hitherto been deterred almost wholly from the attempt.”
In the month of February, 1807, he was joined in London by Mrs. Roscoe; and her society, upon which he always set the
highest value, contributed much to the ease of his mind and the restoration of his health.
“You will, I am sure, all rejoice with me,” he says in a letter to
Mr. Rathbone, “that last night my wife
and Edward arrived safe in London. It was once
my wish to have gone through the troublesome task which I have undertaken alone,
without deranging my domestic connections; but to pass five or six months in banishment
from my family and dearest connections I find is too bold an attempt.” As he
became more familiar with the proceedings of parliament his confidence revived, and the
feel-
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The favourable effect which a restoration to his usual domestic society produced upon the health of Mr. Roscoe, appears from the following extract of a letter addressed by Mrs. Roscoe to Mrs. Moss, her warmly attached sister, and the invaluable friend of Mr. Roscoe and his family:—
“I well know that Mr.
Roscoe’s health and welfare are always an object of great
solicitude to you. He is now nearly well of the nervous complaint which had assailed
him from overexertion and want of exercise, and his spirits are very good. Edward will have informed you that he conducted us to
our lodgings an hour before
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As the period approached when the great subject was to be discussed in
which, from his earliest youth, Mr. Roscoe had taken so deep an
interest, his anxieties became great, lest he should not do justice to the cause which he
had so much at heart. Mr. Rathbone having addressed
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“I have received your excellent oration on the African slave trade, which, if delivered by yourself, would have the intended effect on the House. If I speak on the subject, which, unless I am disabled by personal indisposition, it is my resolution to do, I shall probably adopt somewhat of a different line of argument, touching, however, though not so largely, on several of the topics in your sketch. If I should be able to get out all I have to say, it would perhaps be longer than yours, though I have not committed a word of it to writing. In this situation I cannot describe the anxiety I feel, lest I should be a weak and unworthy advocate of the great cause which I have espoused.”
The following report of the speech of Mr. Roscoe on this occasion, fuller than that given in the Parliamentary Debates, was corrected by himself immediately after its delivery:—
“As the colleague of the honourable gentleman who spoke
last, and as one of the representatives of a place where the trade, which it is
the object of the present bill to abolish, has been carried on to a greater
extent than in any other place in the kingdom, I cannot, I conceive, with
propriety, give a silent vote on this occasion. That vote, Sir, will be in
favour of
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 367 |
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“In like manner, I trust that the time will ere long arrive when the West India planters will feel and acknowledge the beneficial effect, and will date the true prosperity of the British colonies from the time of the abolition of the slave trade. In discussing a question of this magnitude, affecting so great a portion of the human race, it is impossible to close our eyes to that part of the world which has suffered so greatly by the effects of the trade in question—I mean the coast of Africa. I should be sorry to accuse this country as being the sole cause of the state of ignorance and degradation in which that immense continent yet remains; but I must be allowed to say, that if we have not been the cause of the evil, we have at least contributed in a high degree to prevent its removal.
“When we consider the nature of the trade which we have
carried on with that continent,
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“But, Sir, although I think it unnecessary to enter into a further discussion of the principle of the bill, yet I have been well aware, that with respect to its mode of operation, or rather with respect to the time when such operation is to commence, some difference of opinion may be entertained. However anxious I have always been for the abolition of this traffic, it has been my uniform opinion that this should be effected by gradual and proper measures.
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“And here I beg it may be most explicitly understood that, in speaking of gradual measures, it was never my idea that the trade should be continued for the advantage of those persons who are carrying it on. No, Sir, I would not continue the trade a month, a week, a day, on any such grounds.
“It was well observed on a former night in this House, that justice is due to all persons, as well to our own countrymen as to the natives of Africa. I fully assent to this observation. But in the distribution of justice we must cautiously distinguish between the rights of the claimants. It would be the height of injustice to balance the mere pecuniary interests of any one body of men against the lives, the liberty, and the safety of any other body of men. They are claims of a different nature, and cannot be weighed with each other. That justice is due to the persons in this country who may be affected by the bill 1 readily admit; but it is due from this nation, and not from Africa, which has already suffered sufficiently from us.
“Leaving, therefore, these claims out of the question at present, and regarding only the object of this bill, I must observe, that in a great measure, of this nature particularly, caution is necessary, that in producing a certain good we produce as little evil as possible.
“Sir, we must perceive how difficult it is
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“I certainly am not without apprehensions that if this
trade had been terminated by a sudden and immediate act, it might have been
productive of dreadful consequences on the coast of Africa, where there is a
great conflux of slaves, whose numbers might accumulate, and who, from the
sudden and total cessation of the trade, might fall a sacrifice to the avarice
or resentment of their owners. Before I left Liverpool, to have the honour of
taking my place in this House, I thought it necessary to make a particular
inquiry on this subject from a person well conversant with, and who had
frequently visited different parts of the coast. From him I learnt, that at
Angola, and other places on the southern parts of the coast, slaves were
brought down in scanty numbers, and, consequently, little danger was to be
apprehended from the immediate termination of the trade; but that on the more
northern parts, and particularly at Bonny, the slaves are brought down in great
numbers, being carried from the interior parts of the country for four, five,
or six months, and that there some fatal consequences might ensue if
precautions were not taken against them. It was, however, his opinion, that a
period of six, or at most nine months, would be a sufficient notice for
terminating the trade; and as this space of time
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 373 |
“And now, Sir, as to the question of compensation to
those persons who may be injured by the effects of the present measure, I
cannot entertain a doubt that this House will be earnest to distribute justice
in its proper degree to all who are entitled to it. The trade in question has
been long carried on with the concurrence of the country, and under the
sanction of the legislature, and has, till the present time, been thought
indispensably necessary to the cultivation and possession of our colonial
possessions. If, then, it should hereafter appear, that the persons engaged in
carrying it on should sustain an actual loss by the operation of this bill,—not
a loss of eventual or prospective profits, which they might have derived from
continuing to carry on the trade (for to such a claim it would be absurd to
listen), but a real and substantial loss, by not being able to withdraw their
capital, and to close their concerns within the time limited by the bill,—then
I must assert,
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“It can be no longer concealed, that the question respecting the East Indies is now so closely connected with the safety and prosperity of this country, that they can scarcely be separately considered; nor can it be supposed that we can any longer allow ourselves to be crippled in this essential branch of our commerce. Let there be no monopoly but the monopoly of the country at large.
“Sir, I have long resided in the town of Liverpool. It is
now upwards of thirty years since
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Of his feelings on this occasion, which he justly regarded as the most important passage in his whole life, he has given some account in a letter, written immediately afterwards, to his friend Mr. Shepherd.
“You will, I am sure, rejoice with me most truly, on the triumphant manner in which the question on the slave trade has been carried through both Houses of Parliament; and you will also feel an additional gratification, that I have had an opportunity of speaking my sentiments publicly on the subject.
“It required, I assure you, no small share of resolution
to seize the proper moment to obtrude myself on the House, and to persevere
against several competitors, all of them eager to distinguish themselves on the
occasion. Mr. Fawkes, member for
Yorkshire, and I, were equally unwilling to give way, till the Speaker restored
order, and decided in my favour. What I had
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“I afterwards, with the assistance of my son Edward, committed my speech to paper, which he took down with him, and which you have perhaps seen. I have since recollected some omissions, but it will give you a sufficient idea of it.
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 377 |
“We had a long debate on the same subject on Friday, and shall have another on Wednesday next. Wyndham has avowed his determination to oppose the measure; Lord Howick, and it is said Sheridan, will defend it. There are so many persons who have not yet spoken, that I shall not attempt it again, unless I feel myself called on to explain.
“On the whole, I find the attendance on the House of Commons, particularly whilst the election committees are sitting, a very arduous service. There are great difficulties to be surmounted, and it requires a degree of courage and of caution, not often united, to secure the favourable judgment of the House. Although I have spoken twice, my anxiety on this head is very little relieved, and I have reason to suspect that I partake this anxiety in common with many of those who have been much more accustomed to the House. I mean, however, to attempt it again when a proper opportunity occurs, being resolved that if there be any talent, it shall not, in times like the present, be buried in a napkin.”
To the vote given by him on this occasion he often referred, in his
after-life, with expressions of the warmest satisfaction. In a letter written in 1812 to
his friend Walter Fawkes, Esq., he says,—“I
am gratified to find that the few but interesting conferences we had together
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There was no member of the House for whose talents and virtues Mr. Roscoe entertained a more sincere regard than for those of Sir Samuel Romilly; and when that distinguished and enlightened statesman brought forward in Parliament his bill for subjecting real estates to simple contract debts, the measure received the warm support of Mr. Roscoe. The following outline of his speech on this occasion is now given from a note of it, in his own hand, and may serve as an example of the style which he adopted in public speaking:—
“I must beg leave, Sir, wholly to dissent from the opinion
of the honourable member on the other side of the House (Colonel Eyre), and am, on the contrary, of
opinion that the country is highly indebted to the honourable and learned
member who introduced the bill, for proposing a measure of such manifest
utility. Sir, it is to me matter of surprise that in a country like this, where
there is such a continual and daily interchange between real and personal
property, this measure should not have been sooner adopted. With respect to the
objections which have been
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“It is only, then, in cases where a person possessed of freehold estates dies without subjecting them to the payment of his debts that this bill will apply. Now, Sir, such cases can only occur from two causes. First, where a person, knowing himself to be indebted, wilfully and purposely avoids making a provision for the payment of his debts. This, Sir, I cannot but consider as a crime of the highest magnitude. The perpetrator of it avails himself of the law to defraud his just creditor. And what is the moment of the completion of his crime? That awful moment when he quits this state of being, to appear in the immediate presence of his Creator? Surely, Sir, a law to prevent so heinous a crime cannot be too soon passed through this House.
“The second case, Sir, is, when a person, intending to
make a will and to do justice to his creditors, is snatched away without having
an opportunity of carrying his intentions into effect. Perhaps in the midst of
health he has postponed this important duty. Perhaps he feels that reluctance,
common to some minds to perform what he considers as a last act. Perhaps he
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 381 |
“If, however, Sir, there be any gentleman in this House, whose moral taste is so peculiarly formed, as to be gratified with the injustice of the present system, there will still remain sufficient to satisfy him. In the first place, there is the whole class of estates for life, by which a person is enabled to live in high rank and great splendour, so as to obtain considerable credit among his tradesmen, yet at his death his estate passes to the person in remainder, wholly discharged from his debts. There will also still remain all the estates entailed in strict settlement, in which the present possessor either cannot, or will not, defeat the entail, and which pass to the person next in remainder, without being subject to the debts of his predecessor. Neither of these classes will be at all affected by the present bill.
“Nor are the copyhold estates of the country within its
operation; and, indeed, I conceive this to have been the strongest objection
which was, on a former night, raised against this bill by an honourable and
learned member high in the law
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“Nor am I deterred from expressing this hope by any apprehension that in these wise, and just, and necessary regulations, we are encroaching on the institutions of our ancestors, or making alterations in the established law of the land.
“Sir, it is the very end and object of our meeting to make such regulations as may from time to time be found necessary, and to vary the law, according to the circumstances of the times and the different situations in which the country is placed. In our present situation the measure now proposed is highly necessary and advisable, and I shall therefore give the bill before the House my most hearty assent.”
The circumstances under which the ministers were deprived of office in the
spring of 1807 will not be easily forgotten. In accordance with the principles which they
had always professed, and which they were known by the King to entertain, when he submitted
to their appointment, they deemed it their duty to bring before parliament a question
connected with the Roman Catholic claims. A measure so
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 383 |
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In the course of this speech, he took an opportunity of stating, in a pointed manner, the cruelty of inflicting penalties and disabilities on those who, notwithstanding the injustice to which they were subjected, did not hesitate to range themselves in the ranks of our armies.
“Sir, I remember that when it was urged that the bill, to which I
have alluded, would induce the Roman Catholics to enter into our armies and navies,
that right honourable and learned gentleman observed, that, in this respect, the bill
was useless; for that in spite of the Test Laws the Roman Catholics did enter into our armies and our navies; and that, therefore, we
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 385 |
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The last occasion on which Mr. Roscoe addressed the House of Commons was upon Mr. Whitbread’s bill for establishing a plan for the education of the poor; the object of which was to provide a school, at which the children of the poor might be instructed, in every parish. This was the first of a series of measures which the enlightened statesman, from whom it emanated, had it in contemplation to propose, with the view of rescuing the poorer classes of the community from that state of degradation to which the operation of various causes, and more especially the weight of taxation, have reduced them. The basis of all improvement Mr. Whitbread justly regarded as consisting in that intelligence and knowledge of their real interests which education can alone confer, and in this view of the question he was warmly supported by Mr. Roscoe.
In the course of his short parliamentary life, Mr. Roscoe, as a friend of ministers, had considerable experience in that
system of patronage which was thought necessary to keep the machine of government in
motion. Innumerable applications were made to him, both by those who had claims upon him,
and by those who had nothing to urge but their own desire of preferment. The rule which he
laid down with regard to these applications he thus states in a confidential letter to one
of his friends, whose
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 387 |
“You are right in supposing that the applications from Liverpool for places, &c. are very numerous. I divide them, however, into two classes, viz. first, such as relate to places already vacant, for which the applicant brings good recommendations; and, secondly, such as require generally a good place, a tolerable place, an easy place, a place in the customs, &c. or, in short, any place that may happen to offer. To the first of these I think myself bound to pay attention, and have not hesitated, where I thought the persons proper, to recommend them to his Majesty’s ministers; but in the latter cases it is impossible for me to do any thing, as I could scarcely expect that they would promise me the reversion of a place not yet vacant, but on which some provident expectant might have set his eye. You will therefore see that your friend ——— comes under this latter class, and that I can be of no service to him, for it is impossible for me here to know what places become vacant. If he will take an opportunity, when such an event occurs, to furnish me with proper testimonials, I will do the best I can for him consistently with the merits and pretensions of other candidates that may appear; and this I think is all you would wish me to say on the subject.”
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During his residence in London, and before the dissolution of that
parliament of which he was a member, Mr. Roscoe was
much gratified by being enabled to assist in founding “The African
Institution,” a society, the object of which was the civilisation and improvement of
the natives of Africa. The first meeting, which was a highly respectable one, was held at
the Freemasons’ Hall, and the Duke of Gloucester,
whose zeal on behalf of the enslaved Africans has reflected the highest credit on his
character, took the chair. Mr. Roscoe, having been requested by
Mr. W. Smith and Mr.
Robert Thornton to address the meeting and to propose its thanks to
Mr. Wilberforce, did so in a short speech; which
he closed by observing, “That as this was the first public meeting held by the
friends of the abolition after their great measure had been accomplished, he trusted it
would not be passed over without marking the deep sense which they entertained of the
pre-eminent services of him who had laboured so successfully in their cause. Not that
even this approbation, however grateful it might be, was necessary to him,—that his
reward was not to be found in the applause of that meeting,—not in the admiration of
the whole country, but in the conscious rectitude of his own conduct, and in the
approbation of his God.” On the passing of the resolution, Mr.
Wilberforce rose and ob-
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 389 |
Mr. Roscoe having been appointed one of the committee, took an active and zealous part in preparing the laws of the Institution, and in bringing it into operation. For many years he continued to manifest an interest in its success, and corresponded at considerable length with the Duke of Gloucester on the subject.
Thus terminated Mr. Roscoe’s
short parliamentary career, before he had become well accustomed even to the forms of the
House, or had acquired that confidence in his own powers
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The inconvenience and anxiety that he had experienced during the short
period of his public life did not induce him to shun a renewal of the same duties. As the
dissolution
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 391 |
Unfortunately, in this supposition, Mr.
Roscoe was mistaken. The part taken by him on the question of the slave
trade, and the triumphant passing of the bill for the abolition of that traffic, had
excited a strong feeling against him amongst the lower classes in Liverpool. In that town,
as in other parts of the empire, the “No Popery” cry had been renewed; and the
speech of Mr. Roscoe in favour of the Catholics was made use of, in
order to excite against him the odium of the populace. The dismissal of the ministry also
was not without its effects on the minds of many, while the short period, which had elapsed
since the former contest, might be expected to create a degree of unwillingness on the part
of his supporters, so soon again to incur the labour and expense which a contested election
in Li-
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Mr. Roscoe made his public entry into Liverpool in
the month of May. A numerous body of his friends, mounted and on foot, met him at the
outskirts of the town. They had not, however, proceeded far on their return when it became
evident that their progress to Mr. Roscoe’s bank, from the
windows of which it was intended that he should address the people, would be opposed.
Strong parties of seamen, chiefly consisting of the crews of vessels lately engaged in the
African trade, armed with bludgeons and other weapons, were disposed along the streets to
obstruct the passage of the procession; and when it reached Castle Street, the principal
street of the town, a scene of the greatest tumult and riot prevailed. At length the number
and resolution of Mr. Roscoe’s friends enabled them to force a
passage through their adversaries, but not without many personal injuries to both parties.
The horse on which Mr. Williams, a magistrate of the county, and a
warm friend of Mr. Roscoe, was mounted, was stabbed
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 393 |
It now became necessary for Mr.
Roscoe to decide upon the course which, under circumstances like these, it
was his duty to adopt. While some of his friends strongly urged him to disregard the
attempt to drive him from the contest by threats and by violence, to which they did not
doubt their ability to offer a successful resistance, others expressed the most serious
apprehensions as to the result. The great body of the electors, it was represented to him,
were still favourably disposed towards him; and though it could not be denied that his
popularity had, in some degree, suffered by his vote on the slave trade, yet his
parliamentary conduct had entitled him to the continued confidence and exertions of his
friends. These topics, though strongly pressed on the mind of Mr.
Roscoe, failed to produce the effect which those who urged them desired. He
saw, in the exasperation displayed upon his entrance, a determination to decide the contest
by tumult and by violence; and he did not find it consistent, either
| 394 | LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. |
His determination was conveyed to the public in the following address; in which he both enters into an explanation of his parliamentary conduct, and details the motives which induced him to retire from a second contest.
“After the many proofs of attachment and confidence with
which you have honoured me,
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 395 |
“Called upon as I was by you on a former occasion, I laid aside all considerations of private interest and personal convenience, and cheerfully obeyed your summons. From that time I have devoted myself to your service by a diligent performance of my duty in Parliament, and have uniformly maintained those principles and opinions which first recommended me to your choice. To the best of my power I have asserted the cause of justice, of humanity, of toleration, and of true constitutional British freedom; and amidst the changes which I have witnessed around me, I have certainly remained and now return unchanged.
“Short as the duration of that parliament has been, its
proceedings will always be recorded, in the annals of this country, with
peculiar honour. During that period, I have had the satisfaction of giving my
humble but disinterested support to men who, from their rank, their property,
and their independence, could have no object in view but to promote the
permanent interests and prosperity of the country; and of adding my public
sanction to measures of the greatest national benefit and importance. Of these
measures,
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“No sooner was the dissolution of this parliament known
than I announced to you my intention of offering myself again to your choice.
But on my arrival in Liverpool I found that the same arts of ministerial
misrepresentation, which had been so industriously employed in other places to
mislead the public mind, and had induced so many persons of independent
character to relinquish their pretensions to a seat in parliament, had not been
without their effect there also. To this more general prejudice was added a
particular disapprobation, in some few individuals, of the part I had taken on
the abolition of the slave trade. On these and other points it was my most
earnest desire to have addressed myself to you. After having been met on my
approach, and accompanied into the town by such a concourse of the most
respectable inhabitants as was perhaps never before witnessed, except on the
memorable occasion in November last, I made several attempts to obtain a
hearing, and to perform what I consider a sacred and indispensable duty, by
rendering an account of my conduct to my constituents. But, to the disgrace of
themselves and their employers, persons evidently stationed for the purpose
prevented me, by their clamours, from all possibility of addressing my friends.
Prepared for outrage,
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“Under these circumstances, and wholly hopeless, in the
present situation of public affairs, of rendering those services to my
constituents or to my country, which could alone justify me in entering upon a
contest, I have finally resolved not to afford, by my further perseverance, a
pretext for those excesses, which, from what has already occurred, there is but
too much reason
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 399 |
On the appearance of this address, a numerous meeting of Mr. Roscoe’s friends was held, and the following letter was transmitted to him, expressive of their feelings on the occasion:—
“It is with heartfelt concern that we have read your address, announcing your intention to withdraw yourself as a candidate for the representation of Liverpool.
“Impressed with a high respect for your talents and your
virtues, confident in your abilities, and still more so in your integrity, we
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“It is with pleasure that we discharge an incumbent duty in assuring you, that your conduct in that assembly meets “with our entire approbation. In most of the particulars of that conduct you expressed our unanimous sentiments, and in whatever cases any of us might differ from you in opinion, we paid cheerful deference to the purity of your motives. It was never our object to send into parliament a party agent, or an instrument of faction. Our honest ambition was, and is, to be represented by a man of undeviating honour, who would uniformly act according to the dictates of his conscience.
“Regarding you, Sir, as such a man, we have cherished an
earnest desire that you should again yield your services to the independent
burgesses of Liverpool, under the full persuasion that you retain the
affectionate esteem of a great majority of your late constituents. We were not,
indeed, insensible of the effects which had been produced by the
misrepresentations of your opponents. But we were assured that a simple
explanation on your part would have convinced
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“We are the more persuaded that these truths would have been brought home to the general feelings, from the unexampled attendance with which you were honoured on your arrival in Liverpool on Saturday last. As to the outrages which took place on that day, be assured we reflect upon them with mingled sensations of indignation and contempt. And we are confident that could you have been persuaded to authorise our firm but peaceable exertions in your favour, we should soon have demonstrated that the sense of the town is not to be ascertained by the chalk or the pen of the incendiary, nor its spirit by the clamour and violence of intoxicated ruffians.
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“As, however, you have declined to accept our services, however cheerfully proffered, we pay reluctant deference to your decision, expresssing our warmest wishes for your health and comfort in your retirement, and assuring you that the concern which we cannot but feel on this occasion is much lessened by the prospect of your again residing amongst us, and gratifying us by the attentions of private friendship. “Signed on behalf of a most numerous and respectable meeting of Mr. Roscoe’s friends,
From many quarters Mr. Roscoe
received communications expressive of the strong regret which the late occurrences at
Liverpool had occasioned. “I am seized alternately with stupor and
indignation,” says Dr. Parr, in a
letter written at this time, “at the state of public affairs. Do not suppose that
I am a tame or careless observer of the strange and disgraceful events which have
occurred at Liverpool. Disdain, I beseech you, to repel any accusations. All wise and
all virtuous men will deplore your removal from parliament, and will detest or despise
the artifices of your opponents. Reading, reflection, the society of wise men, and the
conscious rectitude of your own intentions, will preserve you and me from the
perturbation and dismay which
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 403 |
The resignation of Mr. Roscoe did
not prevent the freemen of Liverpool from attempting to assert their own cause. A number of
the electors, without any communication either with him or his late committee, met together
for the purpose of considering the best means of securing his re-election. A subscription
was set on foot, and instead of receiving bribes, the poorer voters cheerfully contributed
their half crowns or half guineas to the expenses of the contest. About one hundred pounds
having been raised in this manner amongst the common freemen, a number of gentlemen stepped
forwards and offered their exertions in the same cause; still without the sanction of
Mr. Roscoe or his immediate friends.
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An effort so zealous and disinterested called for the acknowledgments of Mr. Roscoe; which were accordingly expressed immediately after the conclusion of the election, in an Address, of which the following is the termination:—
“In taking my leave of you in a public character, and returning
to the avocations of private life, I feel consolations of which no change, either in
the opinions or the conduct of others, can ever deprive me. I have faithfully
discharged, to the best of my abilities, the trust reposed in me; not by sacrificing my
principles to my popularity, but by consulting the true honour and character, and, let
me add, the real and permanent interests of the town of Liverpool, as well as of the
empire at large. In the great questions that have of late agitated the country, I have
taken that part to which I have been induced by an unalterable attachment to my king, a
strict regard to the dignity and security of his crown, and a firm adherence to the
genuine principles of the British constitution; and I have contributed my humble
efforts towards promoting that affection, attachment, and brotherly union, amongst his
Majesty’s subjects
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“With these reflections I could easily have consoled myself under much greater changes of popular favour than any that I have ever experienced. But your unsolicited patronage has removed all impressions of the kind; and I retire with the additional satisfaction of knowing that my public conduct, during the short but eventful period in which I have been your representative, has obtained the approbation of a great and respectable body of my constituents, and has preserved to me undiminished those connections of private attachment and friendship, which have hitherto been the chief honour and happiness of my life.”
Great regret was expressed by the political friends of Mr. Roscoe, when his resolution to retire from public life
became known. How highly his services were valued, and how much the loss of them was felt,
will appear from the following extract from a letter addressed to him on this occasion by
Lord Holland:—“Among the many
mortifications to which an interest in political events exposes one, there is none
greater than the success which a senseless cry sometimes insures over tried worth and a
steady attachment
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Of the line of conduct pursued by him on this occasion Mr. Roscoe never repented, firmly persuaded that it had
prevented the occurrence of evils which his return to parliament could never have
counterbalanced. In a letter to the Duke of Gloucester,
written immediately after the publication of his address, he says, “At a time like
the present, it was not without great reluctance that I withdrew myself as a candidate;
but the more I reflect upon it, the more reason I have to be satisfied with my
determination; for the violence of my opponents and their friends, and the prejudices
of the town, are such, that I
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 407 |
How joyfully his mind reverted, from the cares and tumults of public life,
to the calm pleasures of a private station, may be best learned from his own words. In a
letter to Dr. J. E. Smith, written in the summer of
1807, he says, “I have for some time past rejoiced in the thought that I am likely
to see you in Lancashire in the course of the present summer. I already anticipate the
happiness I shall have in your society at Allerton, where I must at least claim some
portion of your time, and where I shall be delighted to stroll and saunter with you
through the fields in an evening, instead of being locked up, balloting for committees,
in St. Stephen’s. In truth, my dear friend, it requires but little of the efforts
of others to drive me from public life. The only wonder is, that I was ever brought
into it; and I sink back with such a rapidity of gravitation into my natural
inclination for quiet and retirement, that I totally despair of ever being roused again
to a similar exertion. Add to this, that the one great object which was continually
before my eyes is now attained, and I shall have the perpetual gratification of
thinking that I gave my vote in the assembly of the nation for abolishing the slave
trade to Africa. Though not insensible to the state of the country, yet I see no
question of equal magnitude; and am fully aware how
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“After all the agitation and anxiety of mind,” says Dr. J. E. Smith in reply, “which I have felt for some weeks past on your account, how delightful it is to find, by your most welcome and interesting letter of the 25th of June, that you still possess yourself in undisturbed tranquillity; not like a reed that has bent before the storm, but like a palm-tree, around whose polished and upright stem the winds have whistled, without ruffling the lofty honours of its head! Such a plant can no more be nursed in St. Stephen’s chapel; than the Norfolk Island pine, 250 feet high, in any of our stoves. You are now in your proper element; and very long may you continue so! The world is not worthy of you, ‘nor the world’s law.’
“The line of conduct you have pursued secures you from regret;
and I trust you will soon look back on all that is past, with no less satisfaction, on
every account, than self-approbation. I wished it rather for your triumph than your
happiness; and really triumphs of any kind are
| LIFE OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. | 409 |
Soon after his retirement from Parliament, Mr. Roscoe was gratified by receiving, in the following letter from the Earl of Derby, the Lord Lieutenant of the county of Lancaster, an expression of his Lordship’s wish that he would suffer himself to be appointed one of the Deputy Lieutenants of the county:—
“I have lately been applied to and desired to appoint some gentlemen in the neighbourhood of Liverpool to be Deputy Lieutenants of this county. I think I cannot in a better manner comply with this request than by applying to you, and desiring your permission to propose you to his Majesty to fill this office. If I obtain it, I assure you I shall have great pride and pleasure in laying such a name before his Majesty, with the recommendation of,
To this communication Mr. Roscoe returned the following answer:—
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“I should have esteemed it a very great honour to have been recommended by your Lordship to his Majesty as a Deputy Lieutenant of the county, had I not been one of those, whom the operation of the test laws excludes from all offices of trust under government. I well know that if others thought with the same liberality as your Lordship, these disabilities would be removed; but whilst they remain, I think it better that those affected by them should implicitly submit to them, rather than by an occasional conformity to, or an open disregard of them, invalidate the reasons for their repeal.
“With the deepest sense of this mark of your Lordship’s confidence, I remain,
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