Passages of a Working Life during Half a Century
Prelude 1
EARLY REMINISCENCES.
A Prelude.
PASSAGES, &c.
EARLY REMINISCENCES: A PRELUDE.
Section I.
ON the night of the thirty-first of December, 1800, I had gone
to bed with a vague fear that I should be awakened by a terrific noise which would shake
the house more than the loudest thunder-clap, and would produce such a concussion of the
air as would break every window-pane in Windsor town. The house in which my father lived,
and in which I was born, was close to the great entrance to the lower ward of Windsor
Castle, called, after its builder, Henry the
Eighth’s gateway. I crept down in the dawning of that first day of the
year to a sitting room which commanded a view of the Round Tower. The aspect of that room
was eastern. I watched the gradual reddening of the sky; and I momently expected to see a
flash from one of the many cannon mounted on the Tower, and to hear that roar from those
mighty pieces of ordnance which was to produce such alarming consequences. I knew not then
that these guns were only four-pounders, and that if all the seventeen had been fired at
once the windows would most probably have been safe. I watched and watched till the sun was
high. It was
18 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
then reported that the King had ordered there should be no
discharge of the cannon of the keep, for the new painted window by Mr. West, at the east end of St. George’s Chapel,
might be broken by the concussion. There was no boom of artillery; but the bells of the
belfry of St. George’s Chapel and the bells of the parish church rang out a merry
peal—not so much to welcome the coming of the new year and beginning of the new century
(for the learned had settled, after a vast deal of popular controversy, that the century
had its beginning on the 1st of January, 1801, and not on the 1st of January, 1800), but to
hail the legal commencement of the Union with Ireland. The sun shone brilliantly on a new
standard on the Round Tower. I had often looked admiringly upon the old standard, tattered
and dingy as it sometimes was; but I now beheld that this new standard was not only perfect
in its shape and bright in its colours, but was wholly of an unaccustomed pattern. There
were the arms of England in the first and fourth quarterings; the arms of Scotland in the
second quartering; and the arms of Ireland in the third. But where had vanished the fleur-de-lys? Was his gracious majesty no longer King of Great
Britain, France, and Ireland, as his style had run in all legal instruments in the memory
of man, and a good deal beyond? The newspapers said he was now to be styled
“George the Third, by the grace of God, of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith.” The good
folks of Windsor argued that the change was ominous of the departing glory of Old England.
It is not to be supposed that I knew much of such matters in this tenth
year of my life; but,
nevertheless, I knew something of what was going
on in my little world of Windsor, in connexion with the doings of the great world beyond
the favoured home of the king. I was the only child of a widowed father; his companion in his few leisure hours; the object
of his incessant solicitude. I cannot remember myself as I was painted at two years old, in
a white frock with a black sash—the indication that I had lost my mother. She was, as I was
told by those who knew her and loved her, a most amiable woman, whose society my father had
enjoyed only for a few years—the daughter of a wealthy yeoman, of Iver, in Buckinghamshire.
The “yeoman” of those days, although a landed proprietor, did not aspire to be
called “esquire.” He would now be recognised as “gentleman-farmer.”
My white frock and black sash had given place to jacket and trowsers. But still I can call
to remembrance the unjoyous head of the desolate household; his passionate caresses of his
boy; his long fits of gloom and silence. We had little talk of childish things. Of his own
childhood he never spake to me. I came to know, in after years, that he had been brought up
by his relative, the Rev. James Hampton, who
subsequently earned an honourable fame as the translator of Polybius. This learned man died in 1778. In 1780, my father was settled at
Windsor; for I have heard him relate with some complacency how he had asserted his
political independence, by voting for Admiral Keppel in
that year; “though,” according to Horace
Walpole, “all the royal bakers, and brewers, and butchers voted
against him.” My father had qualified himself for his trade of a bookseller,
by his experience in the house of —— Hors-20 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
field, the successor of the
Knaptons, both of which publishers were very eminent in their day.
He had moreover a taste for literary composition, which he professionally indulged in the
useful labour of compiling a little work which held its place in many editions for half a
century as “The Windsor
Guide.” I find copper-plate views accompanying this handbook which bear the
inscription: “Published as the Act directs by Charles Knight,
Windsor, March 31st, 1785.” In 1786 and 1787 he published the first
celebrated periodical written by Etonians. I possess an interesting document, being the
receipt to Charles Knight for fifty guineas “in full for the
copyright of ‘The Microcosm,’a
periodical work carried on by us, the undermentioned persons, under the name and title of
Gregory Griffin. Received for John Smith, Robert Smith, John
Frere, and self, George
Canning.” Of this school-boys’ production, remarkable for its
intrinsic merits, but more so for the subsequent eminence of its writers,
Canning was the working Editor. He was thus brought into friendly
communication with my father. It was not only when the brilliant supporter of Pitt was rising into political importance, but when he had
taken his place among the foremost men of his time, that he had a kindly feeling towards
his first publisher, often calling upon him with a cordial greeting when he visited
Windsor.
As I recollect my father when I was
a child of seven or eight years, he was much occupied by his business, for he had become a
printer in addition to his trade of stationer and bookseller. A considerable portion of his
time was also spent on public affairs, first of the Parish, and then of the Corporation. I
was left much to myself, except when I listened to the old-world
stories of the faithful servant to whose charge I was committed by my dying mother—how like
she was to the Peggotty of Dickens! It was fortunate, therefore, that I acquired very early a taste
for reading. I had access to a large collection of books, and I quickly found abundant
consolation for my solitary hours in that reading which, somewhat unwisely I think, has now
been supplanted by what is held to be directly instructive. To the child, Robinson Crusoe is, happily, not a sealed
book in an educational age; but the “Seven Champions of Christendom,” the “Arabian Nights,” the “Arabian Tales,” with their wonders of the
“Dom Daniel” (which, looking back upon, seem to me to have as much poetry in
them as “Thalaba”), the
“Tales of the Genii,”
“Gullivers Travels,” “Philip
Quarll,” “Peter
Wilkins,” and a dozen others, now vanished, were not then superseded,
either in their original seductions or in safer abridgments, by the tamer fictions in which
moral and religious truths are inculcated. My avidity for reading, and, perhaps, the
dangerous locality in which I lived—an open sewer from the Castle creeping at the back of
my fathers house—made my constitution feeble; and the feebleness ended in typhoid fever. I
recovered slowly, and was taken for the establishment of my health to a farm which was
tenanted by the father of my good nurse. I have described what was the life of a small
farmer when I was playing at “Farmer’s Boy” at Warfield—one of the
parishes comprised in Windsor Forest.* My host was a
22 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
shrewd Yorkshireman, from whom I learnt more than I could have obtained
from many books. He was a tenant on the Walsh estate, having been
placed in this farm as a reward for his faithful service with the Governor of Pennsylvania,
Sir John Walsh, before the War of Independence.
He would discourse to me of the wonderful man who drew lightning from the skies—the friend
of his own scientific master (whose papers about the Torpedo and other curious matters may
be read in the Philosophical Transactions), and he told how Benjamin Franklin became a great instrument in accomplishing that change
which had separated the American States from their parent country. He would relate to me
incidents of the war about taxing the colonists, speaking rather from the revolutionist
than the loyal point of view. Altogether, a plain good man of simple habits and large
intelligence. He and his bustling wife lived in the usual style of the southern farmer of
the days of Arthur Young, before he was pampered by
war-prices into luxury and display. The greater war-time of the French Revolution had in
twenty years extinguished much of the immediate interest of the half-forgotten era of the
American war. My experienced friend would make the stirring passing events of the week
known to his household, in reading aloud the “Reading Mercury” which was duly delivered at his door by an old newsman
on a shambling pony. How eagerly we looked for this messenger, whose budget would provide
occupation for many a dull evening! Pitt and
Fox, Nelson and
Bonaparte, were familiar names. Dibdin’s songs had found their way to this solitary
inland place. Invasion was a threat we despised; for within a couple of
miles of our farm was a summer-camp of regular soldiers. I have walked wonderingly through
the lines of tents which stretched across the sandy plain near Swinley, and have lingered
among the pickets till the evening gun warned us to move homeward. But our country had
other protectors from our great enemy. It was satisfactory to learn, from a popular song
which our ploughmen trolled out, that— “Should their flat-bottoms in darkness come o’er, Our brave Volunteers would receive them on shore.” |
There were, indeed, Volunteers before the close of the eighteenth century, and though
they were somewhat disparagingly called “Loyal Associations,” as though they
were not soldiers, I can bear my testimony that at Windsor in their blue coats, black
belts, and round hats with a bear-skin over the crown, they looked very formidable,
although perhaps not quite equal to suppress a riot for cheap bread.
My pleasant months at Brock Hill Farm came to an end; and I went home to
begin the dreary life of a day-school. Dreary, indeed, it was; for the education was
altogether rote-work; without the slightest attempt to smooth over the difficulties that
presented themselves in geographical names held together by no thread of description, and
in rules of arithmetic, to be regularly worked through without the slightest endeavour to
explain their rationale. The beginning of the century found me at
this school. I was one of the few who learnt Latin and French. The same emigré of the Revolutionary times taught both tongues. I have no doubt his French
accent was perfect; but his Latin, if I may judge from the way
24 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
in which
he read the first line of the Æneid, was not
the Latin of Eton “I do trow.” “Arma veeroomque cano, Trojæ quee preemus ab orees.” |
My language-master was a pleasant gentlemanly person who hated England
thoroughly. I have looked with him upon our illuminations of tallow candles for some naval
victory, and have been dashed in my confident belief that our town guns, and our bells, and
the “Reading Mercury” told the
truth, when he assured me that this rejoicing was only a false pretence; that it was vain
to expect that a trumpery island would ever be able to contend against France; and that
assuredly George III. would soon resign Windsor Castle
to the First Consul. Nevertheless, he prayed that he
might not see the downfall of another monarchy.
The misery of the poor in my native town at the beginning of the century
was sufficiently visible even to my childish apprehension. On an evening of the previous
autumn, when I was returning homeward from a game in the Park, I heard the distant shouts
of a multitude, and saw a furious mob gathering at the junction of the streets near the
market-place. I got into the safety of my home not too soon, for the mob was coming towards
the baker’s shop that was next door. They had smashed the windows of several bakers
in the lower part of the town. They believed, as the greater number of people everywhere
believed, that the high price of corn was wholly occasioned by combinations of
corn-factors, meal-men, millers, and bakers; and that if these oppressors of the nation
could be compelled to bring their stores to market, there would be abundance and cheapness,
and no
possible chance of the supply falling short. Our neighbour the
baker hid himself. He cared little if his door were forced, and his loaves stolen, provided
the heavy box under his bed were safe. That box, as he more than once showed me, was full
of crowns and half crowns, with some bright guineas, which he had long hoarded. The reputed
money-hoarders were many in our town—men and women who had no faith in the Funds or the
Bank of England. The baker hid himself in the back bed-room where his treasure was. My
father from his window exhorted the people to go home. I stood trembling behind him, and
was somewhat astonished to see how powerful was the influence of firmness and kindness in
turning aside the wild but unpremeditated excitement of unhappy and ignorant men, who were
not without a sense of justice even in their anger. There were a few more outbreaks as the
winter drew on; for the price of bread continued to rise. In January the price of the
quartern loaf of 4 lbs. 5½ ozs. was 1s. 9d.
Windsor was always famous for its charities, which, no doubt, were often improvidently
bestowed; but this, at any rate, was not a time in which the rich could shrink from helping
the poor, even if they had known that the gratuitous distribution of provisions had really
a tendency to raise the price of food. And so I looked upon crowds bringing daily their
tickets to a great empty house, which had been fitted up with coppers, wherein unlimited
shins of beef became reduced into savoury soup, and bushels of rice were boiled into a
palatable mess. The work of distribution was performed under the inspection of a committee,
who laboured with zeal, if not always with judgment. One benefit they effected in addition
26 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
to that of saving the humbler population from the pains of hunger.
They gave time for them to ask themselves whether any good would be accomplished by
threatening millers and bakers with summary vengeance if they did not lower the price of
meal and bread. It was a hard lesson to learn, when there were few sound teachers. Not many
of the working people could then read the newspapers; but some who did read them might tell
their neighbours that it was argued that the excessive price of meal and bread was a hard
thing to bear, but that it was less terrible than the famine which would ensue, if farmers
and millers and bakers could be compelled to sell from their small stores at a price at
which every mouth could be fed as in years of plenty. Nevertheless, the educated and the
ignorant would equally learn from the newspapers, that great peers and wise judges did not
altogether disapprove of the principles that led to mill-burning and window-breaking. They
would learn how a corn-factor named Rusby had been found guilty of the
crime of having purchased by sample in the corn-market at Mark Lane 90 quarters of wheat at
41s. per quarter, and sold 30 of them in the same market, on the
same day, at 44s.; and how the Lord Chief
Justice Kenyon had said to the jury, “You have conferred, by your
verdict, almost the greatest benefit on your country that ever was conferred by any
jury.” They would learn how this wicked corn-factor met with his deserts,
even before his sentence for the crime of regrating had been passed upon him; for that his
house in Blackfriars Road had been gutted by an enraged populace. They would learn how the
earl of Warwick in the House of Lords had
recommended the adoption of a maximum, by which
no wheat should be sold at a higher price than ten shillings the bushel; and how his
lordship had rejoiced that no less than four hundred convictions had taken place throughout
the country for forestalling, regrating, and monopolising. And why did he rejoice? When the
man Rusby, he said, was convicted, the price of oats was fifty
shillings per quarter; but such was the effect of his conviction, that the price of oats
fell from day to day till it came as low as seventeen shillings and sixpence. Such were the
economic doctrines proclaimed sixty years ago in high places! Can we wonder that the
ignorance of the people was in perfect concord?
It was a gloomy season, but nevertheless we went on with our usual course
of social observances. Valentine’s Day was well kept amongst us. It was a serious
affair then for a bachelor to send a letter embellished with hearts and darts to a lady;
for it was held to have a solemn meaning. But children innocently played at Valentines. I
have been led blindfolded to the mistress of my affections in the early morn, that no
meaner divinity might meet my eyes: no vulgar chance should interfere with our deliberate
choice. On St. Valentine’s eve some would draw lots, to determine which pair should
be registered in “Cupid’s Kalendar.” Old customs linger about my early
memories, like patches of sunlight in a sombre wood. On the Saturday before mid-lent
Sunday, the farmers’ wives who kept their stalls in our market would exhibit their
well-known preparation of boiled wheat, which few old housewives would neglect to purchase.
On that fourth Sunday in Lent, I regularly feasted on Furmety, with a lady who was
carefully observant of ancient usages. Does
28 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
any one in the southern
counties now know the taste of this once famous dish, made of boiled wheat prepared in the
farmer’s household, and having been a second time boiled in milk with plums, was
served sugared and spiced in a tureen? In the West, the custom is still as duly regarded as
the rite of the pancake on Shrove Tuesday. The first of May was scarcely saluted
“with our early song.” But in this May of 1801, there was a great ceremony at
Windsor, in which I bore a humble part. On the 10th of May the custom of perambulating the
parish, which had been in disuse since 1783, was revived, with wondrous feastings. The
printed record of these doings for three days takes me back into the scenes of my
childhood. There, still, my “little footsteps lightly print the ground.” The
population of Windsor gave themselves up for three days to singing psalms at boundary oaks,
and carousing at boundary houses. A good deal of the winter’s gloom was passing away.
The spring was fine. The price of the quartern loaf had been rapidly falling from the 1s. 10½d. of the 5th of March (the highest
price it ever attained), to the 1s. 6¼d. of
the 7th of May. The king,—who had been shut up in the queen’s lodge from the 14th of
February to the 16th of March, with what the physicians called “cold and
fever,” but which we now know to have been insanity,—was again trudging early to the
dairy at Frogmore; or riding at a very gentle pace after his harriers; or travelling once a
week to London to meet his Council, where Mr. Pitt
was no longer the presiding genius. Our loyal people said that the minister had justly
forfeited the favour of “the best of kings,” by trying to make him violate his
coro-nation oath. To me, as to much older persons, the removal of a
great statesman from the government of the kingdom was less important than the things which
concerned our borough and parish; and of such was our Perambulation.
Great were the preparations for our “Rogation days of
Procession.” Mindful of the order of Queen
Elizabeth, that the curate on such occasions “shall admonish the
people to give thanks to God in the beholding of God’s benefits,” our
vicar and churchwardens were solicitous that there should be unusual store of benefits to
behold. And so it is recorded in the churchwardens’ “Book of Benefactions and
Charities,”* how sundry letters were written to the owners and occupiers of boundary
houses, to remind them that, in former times, entertainment, whether of a barrel of ale and
bread and cheese, or a “genteel” dinner, with wine to correspond, was provided
for the wayfarers, rich and poor, who thus laboured to preserve their parish rights and
liberties. Generous were the answers from all, except from the treasurer to the College of
Windsor, “who cast a damp upon the business, observing that it was a waste of
victuals and viands when everything was dear.” The chronicle of the
perambulation was duly printed for the edification of those who were partakers of the
solemnity, and for the bewilderment of all future topographers. It was a glorious tenth of
May, when, after morning service at our old church, we marched from the Town Hall—mayor,
vicar, curate, charity children, inhabitants—two and two; boys like myself clinging to
their fathers’ skirts.
30 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
We came to the first boundary house, at the bottom of Peascod Street.
The psalm was sung; the wine was drunk “by the respectable parts of the
company,” according to the record. Then comes an entry, which, even at this
distance of time, produces a qualm in my stomach: “We proceeded northward, along
the west side of the ditch; crossed the road in Goswell Lane and the ditch at the
bottom of George Street on planks, and kept the drain that runs from the houses in
Thames Street.” All the lower parts of Windsor were then drain or ditch. The
ditch—the black ditch—predominated. Never was there such a sink of impurity as my native
town. Those pleasant fields, the Goswells, which in winter were flooded, were in spring,
summer, and autumn, pestilent with black ditches. The railroad has there swept away these
horrors. The authorities have also found out that the smaller black ditches of every alley
have a tendency to increase the poors rate. But in my early days these things were
unheeded. In the Bachelor’s Acre the “little victims” played by
the side of a great open cesspool, kept brimming and overflowing by drains disgorging from
every street. The Court sniffed this filthy reek. In the fields around Frogmore it tainted
the cowslip and the hawthorn blossom. Municipal or royal dignitaries never interfered to
abate or remove the nuisance. In truth, the word nuisance had scarcely then found a place
in our language in a sanitary sense. Foul ditches, crossed on planks, scarcely disturbed
the usual complacency of the perambulators, for there was a dinner in prospect, at her
majesty’s house at Frogmore. I was with my father, as one of the fa-voured guests in the “state parlour,” where Major
Price presided. The churchwardens’ book records that “a
gentleman who accompanied us sung a song or two, by permission.” How well I
remember that facetious song of the “learned pig;” how often has it been
brought to my mind in recent years, in the acquaintance of the very gentleman who sang a
song or two—the indefatigable, good-tempered, self-satisfied, pushing and puffing John Britton, who, then in his thirtieth year, was at
Windsor, occupied in a topographical work which was commencing to be published,
“The Beauties of England and
Wales.” He is gone, having done good service in his day by wedding
archaeology to a high style of illustrative art. The Frogmore dinner was over. I was tired;
but perambulating was too pleasant to be readily relinquished. The next day I was tramping
by the side of a “bosky bourn” to Cranbourn, then a lodge, which I had been
told had as many windows as there are days in the year. How changed is all this forest
scene! The lodge has been demolished. Many of the grand old sapless oaks have been hewn
down. New plantations cover the plain which was sixty years ago a wilderness of fern. The
beauty of the district is more ornate than of old. But nothing can destroy the noble
features of the site of Cranbourn, whether called Great Park or Forest. Another royal
dinner solaced our second day’s march. The third day’s perambulation took us to
Surly Hall and The Willows—familiar scenes to every Etonian. The Church was not as
bountiful as the Crown when we had returned to the boundary house at the foot of the
Hundred Steps. The dean and canons had provided, it is chronicled, “a dinner and a
dozen of wine.” 32 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
Our way to the Town Hall was up the
narrow Thames-street, the whole castle side of the road from the Hundred Steps to Henry the
Eighth’s gateway being then, and long after, crowded with houses. Some of the meanest
character, and with the most disreputable occupiers, were the property of no one, but were
tenanted under what was termed “key-hold.” They have all been swept away. The
rubbish that grew up under the castle walls has been cleared, even as the social rubbish
has been cleared which hid a good deal of the grandeur of our Constitutional Monarchy.
About this period my father took me to London. The journey from our town
to the White Horse Cellar in Piccadilly was satisfactorily performed in the usual time of
five hours, and a little more. As the night had closed in, I stood at the door of the
well-accustomed hotel, and looked with unspeakable wonder upon the long line of brilliancy
to the east and to the west. Our lamps, few and far between, were as farthing rushlights
compared to this blaze from patent reflectors. I knew not that even this radiance would,
like the glowworm in the matin light, “pale its uneffectual fire,” by
the side of the illumination without oil or wick. I saw the sights which most boys were
then taken to see, such as the jewels in the Tower, and the wax-work in the Abbey. But for
one sight I was unprepared. I was led along a somewhat dark passage up a narrow stair; and
there—(oh! that my mind could ever again feel, at the contemplation of the most sublime or
the most beautiful object of nature, as it felt at that moment)—there lay my beloved
Windsor, stretched at my feet. I screamed with an agony of pleasure. I
knew that I was in London; but there were spread before me the park, where I was wont to
play; the terraces, where I had used to gaze upon the distant hills; the river, whose osier
bowers were as familiar to me as my own little garden; the steep and narrow streets, which
I then thought the perfection of architecture; the very house in which I was born. I rubbed
my eyes; I was awake; the scene was still there. I strained my ears, and I fancied I could
hear the cawing of the rooks in those old towers. It was with difficulty that I could be
dragged away; and when I came out into the garish sunshine of Leicester Square, and saw the
bustling crowds, and heard the din of the anxious city, I was reluctantly convinced that I
had looked upon a picture, called a panorama. The bird’s-eye representation, in one
compact grouping, of objects which I had previously looked upon singly, has left an
impression upon my memory which will assist me in tracing one of my own boyish
perambulations about Windsor Castle.
It is the Saturday half-holiday at my day-school. The afternoon is bright
and frosty. The rains which have flooded the low lands of the Thames have ceased. I can
again ramble in the upper park. Castle Street, in which I live, has a continuation of
houses up to the Queen’s Lodge, in which the King dwells at his Castle foot. There is
nothing to separate the Castle Hill from the town but a small gateway, which bears the
inscription, “Elizabethæ Reginæ, xiii., 1572.” Beyond the gate are
substantial houses, inhabited by good families. In one of those near the Lodge once dwelt
Mrs. Delany, at whose door the King would
unceremoniously enter, as he entered in a December twilight and caught Fanny
34 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
Burney playing at puss-in-the-corner. This house is
shut up in these my early school days. It is haunted, and the fact is proved by a broken
window-pane, through which the sentry had thrust his bayonet when he saw the apparition. I
pass the railings which enclose the lawn before the Lodge, and I reach the iron gates which
terminate the road. No gate-keeper is there to bar the entrance even of beggars and
vagrants. There is an old half-crazy woman in an oil-skin coat, who opens the gate in the
hope of a halfpenny. Such is the “state and ancientry” upon which the inmates
of the royal Lodge look out. School boys, with their kites and hoops and cricket-bats, have
free admission through these gates. It is the common footpath to Datchet. There is another
footpath which leads to the dairy at Frogmore, of which I may hereafter speak. I walk by
the well-trodden Datchet path to the edge of the table-land forming the north side of the
upper park, and I reach the descent, winding amidst old thorns and oaks, called Dod’s
Hill. My onward walk is stopped, for the lower park is flooded. I turn back and mount the
broad flight of steps which lead to the south terrace. This is no privileged region for
maids of honour and lords of the bedchamber alone to enjoy. The entire terrace is free to
the commonalty. The town boys here play at follow my leader, and fearlessly run along the
parapet, whether on the south, the east, or the north sides. No one looks out of windows
draperied or undraperied, for no one dwells there, except, on the north side, Mr. James Wyatt, the Surveyor-General. He has been busy
about the Castle for a year or two. A few of the mean circular-headed windows—by which the
upper court was deformed, when Wren, at the command of Charles II.,
tried to obliterate the old fortress character of the buildings—are being gothicised. The
Star building on the north terrace is undergoing the same process. The patchwork system of
improvements which is going forward, a window at a time, appears very unlike the exercise
of a royal will. The war absorbs the revenues of the State, leaving little or nothing for
art. I come up the paltry wooden stairs that lead from the north terrace. I look into the
Quadrangle, which is solitary and silent, except where a stonemason or two are at work. I
pass through the Norman gateway, by the brick wall of the Round Tower garden, to a pile of
ugly buildings—the guard-house, and its canteen, the Royal Standard. Adjoining the Deanery
is a ruinous building called Wolsey’s Tomb-house. St. George’s Chapel has been
restored and beautified; but this building has been neglected since the days of James the Second, when it was a Roman Catholic Chapel. I come
home through Henry the Eighth’s gateway, the rooms of which, then, or a little
before, were used as a Court of Record, whose jurisdiction extended over the forest of
Windsor comprising many parishes. Here, under the arch, was the prison of this
“Castle Court,” which in 1790 was described as a disgrace to the sight and to
the feelings. I have seen the grated windows of this prison, which was called “the
Colehouse.” At the beginning of the century it was converted into a guard-room.
From the circumstance that there was no carriage-road from the Castle or
the Queen’s Lodge, except through the town, it resulted that the King and his family
were for ever in the public eye. There was a
36 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
lawn behind the Lodge in
which their privacy would be undisturbed; but there was no other place in which strangers
or neighbours might not gaze upon them or jostle them. The propinquity of the town, and the
constant passage of the royal carriages through the town, made every movement of the Court
familiar to the lieges. Royalty lived in a glass house. There was no restraint in these
movements. What the gossiping and inquiring gentleman who dwelt up the hill said and did;
how his daughters were dressed, and how they nodded to their friend, the linen-draper, as
he bowed at his shop-door; how the good man’s lady was somewhat more reserved, but
always gracious—these matters mixed themselves up as familiarly with the town talk as if
the personages were the squire of the village and his family, who sat in the great pew
every Sunday. Out of the observation of this antiquated publicity was Peter Pindar made.
“The works of the sublime bard are sold publicly at
Windsor.” Thus writes this once-famous Dr.
Wolcott of his own ribald lyrics, which he says “are now in the
library at the Queen’s palace;” adding, “his Majesty has
written notes on the odes.” As I remember, there was no secresy observed in
the sale of these popular satires, although they might, perchance, come under the notice of
the illustrious objects of their ridicule,
“Who down at Windsor daily go a-shopping, Their heads, right royal, into houses popping.” |
In my boyish experience I never saw the King accompanying the Queen and Princesses in
their frequent visits to the shops of Windsor. The prints in which the royal pair are
represented as haggling with their tradesmen, and cheapening their
merchandise, were the productions of fifteen years before the opening of the nineteenth
century. But I have often bowed to George III. in the
upper park, as he walked to his dairy at Frogmore, and passed me as I was hunting for
mushrooms in the short grass on some dewy morning. He had an extraordinary faculty of
recognizing everybody, young or old; and he knew something of the character and affairs of
most persons who lived under the shadow of his castle. There was ever a successor to the
famous court barber, “Ramus, called Billy “by
the best of kings,” |
who could retail the current scandal of our “Little Pedlington,” as he
presided over the royal toilet, The scandal was forgotten with the laugh which it excited.
My early familiarity with the person of George
III. might have abated something in my mind of the divinity which doth hedge
a king; but it has left an impression of the homely kindness of his nature, which no
subsequent knowledge of his despotic tendencies, his cherished political hatreds, and his
obstinate prejudices as a sovereign, can make me lay aside. There was a magnanimity about
the man in his forgetfulness of the petty offences of very humble people, who did not come
across his will, although they might appear indiscreet or even dangerous in their supposed
principles. Sir Richard Phillips, with somewhat of a
violation of confidence, printed in his “Monthly
Magazine” an anecdote of George III. which was told
him by my father. Soon after the publication of
Paine’s “Rights of Man,” in 1791,—before the work was
declared libellous,—the King
38 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
was wandering about Windsor early on a
summer morning, and was heard calling out “Knight,
Knight!” in the shop whose shutters were just opened. My
father made his appearance as quickly as possible, at the sound of the well-known voice,
and he beheld his Majesty quietly seated, reading with marked attention. Late on the
preceding evening a parcel from Paternoster Row had been opened, and its miscellaneous
contents were exposed on the counter. Horror! the King has taken up the dreadful
“Rights of Man,” which advocated the French
Revolution in reply to Burke. Absorbed Majesty
continued reading for half an hour. The King went away without a remark; but he never
afterwards expressed his displeasure, or withdrew his countenance. Peter Pindar’s incessant endeavours to represent the
King as a garrulous simpleton were more likely to provoke the laughter of his family, than
to suggest any desire to stifle the poor jests by those terrors of the law which might have
been easily commanded. It was the same with the people. The amusements which the satirist
ridiculed, when he told of a monarch “Who rams, and ewes, and lambs, and bullocks fed,” |
were pursuits congenial to the English taste, and not incompatible with the most
diligent performance of public duty. The daubs of the caricaturist provoked no contempt for
“Farmer George and his Wife.” The sneers of
the rhymester at “sharp and prudent economic kings,”—at the parsimony
which prescribed that at the breaking up of a royal card party “the candles should
be immediately blown out,”—fell harmless upon Windsor ears. Blowing out of
wax candles, leaving the guests or congre-gation in the dark, was the
invariable practice of royal and ecclesiastical officials. At St. George’s Chapel,
the instant the benediction was pronounced, vergers and choristers blew out the lights.
Perquisites were the law of all service. The good-natured King respected the law as one of
our institutions. He dined early. The Queen dined at
an hour then deemed late. He wrote or read in his own uncarpeted room, till the time when
he joined his family in the drawing-room. One evening, on a sudden recollection, he went
back to his library. The wax-candles were still burning. When he returned, the page, whose
especial duty was about the King’s person, followed his Majesty in, and was thus
addressed, “Clarke, Clarke, you should mind your perquisites. I blew out the candles.” The King’s savings were no savings
to the nation. In 1812 it was stated in the House of Commons that the wax lights for
Windsor Castle cost ten thousand a year.
There were abundant opportunities for every stranger to gaze upon the
King and his family. The opportunities were so
abundant that his Majesty’s neighbours of Windsor did not manifest any great
solicitude to look upon the royal person. Duly every Wednesday his travelling carriage
passed down the Castle Hill, preceded and followed by some twenty light horse. A council or
a levée at St. James’s demanded the royal presence. I remember that his
Majesty’s saddler stood at his door in a cocked hat and bowed most reverentially, on
these weekly journeyings. Once a month the King went to receive the recorder’s
report,—that awful duty of which great statesmen and lawyers then thought so lightly.
40 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
Seldom were there fewer than four or six convicts, male and female,
left for execution. That all should be respited is chronicled as a rare occurrence. The
severe administration of the law produced no diminution of crime. In those days we lived in
fear of highwaymen and footpads. Three gentlemen from the City—bearing the well-known names
of Mellish, Bosanquet, and
Pole, potentates in the money market—were flattered by his
Majesty’s attention to them in commanding that a deer of much speed and bottom should
be turned out for their diversion at Langley Broom. The party hilariously dined at Salt
Hill, after a glorious run. On their return, when near the Magpies on Hounslow Heath they
were robbed by three footpads. Not content with their plunder, one of the robbers fired a
pistol into the carriage. The ball entered the forehead of Mr.
Mellish, and he died at the Magpies. Hounslow Heath, Maidenhead Thicket,
Langley Broom, were the resorts of desperadoes, who clustered round Windsor as brigands
still cluster round Rome. At the root of the evil in England was the inefficient and
corrupt administration of the lesser functionaries. In the Papal States brigandage is only
a part of the general misrule. Robbers, with us, escaped till the police-officer could
obtain his “blood-money,” the measure of the marauder’s iniquity being
full. Terror had no permanent influence. In the “Annual Register” for 1799 is this record:
“Haines has been hung in chains on Hounslow Heath between
the two roads.” In 1804, as I was riding home from school, the man who accompanied me
proposed to show me something curious. Between the two roads, near a clump of firs, was a
gibbet, on which two bodies hung in chains. The chains rattled; the
iron plates scarcely held the gibbet together; the rags of the highwaymen displayed their
horrible skeletons. That was a holiday sight for a schoolboy, sixty years ago!
The most attractive of all the gatherings of crowds to gaze on royalty
was the Terrace. Before the Castle was inhabited by the King and his family, the music-room
on the eastern side had been fitted up, and here the Court repaired on Sunday evenings.
Dr. Burney, writing to his daughter Fanny (then Madame D’Arblay) in
July, 1799, has a most enthusiastic appreciation of the joys of Windsor Terrace.
“I never saw it more crowded or gay. The Park was almost full of happy
people—farmers, servants, tradespeople, all in Elysium.” On the Terrace he
walked amidst a crowd of “the first people in the kingdom for rank and office. . . .
. All was cheerfulness, gaiety, and good humour, such as the subjects of no other monarch,
I believe, on earth enjoy at present.” Thus “voir
tout couleur de rose” makes life move pleasantly even to such
as Dr. Burney, who had been doomed “in suing long to
bide.” He was perhaps seeking no advancement in 1799; but in 1786 he had been
sagaciously advised to walk upon the Terrace. “The King will
understand.” The crowd of “the first people in the kingdom”
had many of them the same belief in the sagacity of the King. The dean was there, looking
for a bishopric; the rich incumbent was there, looking for a deanery; the pluralist was
there, looking for a richer benefice than his smaller one of poor five hundred a year. It
was a time when the Crown had more to say in the choice of church dignitaries, and in the
mode of disposing of rich livings, than in the present degenerate times,
42 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
when the chancellor and the prime minister have advisers to regulate their patronage
upon parliamentary principles. The Terrace, at the beginning of the present century, was
not strictly an institution that was in accordance with the ordinary religious habits of
the King’s life. As carriage after carriage rolled up the Castle Hill, until a file
of carriages, having discharged their aristocratic occupants, filled the space from the
Terrace steps to the centre of the town, there were unquestionably such violations of
Sunday observances as Bishop Porteus remonstrated
against and Wilberforce groaned over. There were
many anomalies in those days, and this was one of them. I thought little then of such
matters. I sat upon the low Terrace wall; listened to the two bands—the Queen’s and
that of the Staffordshire Militia; wondered at garters upon gouty legs, and at great lords
looking like valets in the Windsor uniform; saw the sun go down as the gay company
dispersed, and was gratified, if not altogether “in Elysium.”
On one of these occasions—it was in 1804—I saw Mr. Pitt. He was waiting among the crowd till the time when the King and
Queen should come forth from a small side-door, and descend the steps which led to the
level of the Eastern Terrace. A queer position this for the man who was at that moment the
arbiter of European affairs; who was to decide whether continental kings were to draw their
swords at the magical word “Subsidy;” upon whom a few were looking with sorrow
in the belief that he had forfeited the pledge he had given when England and Ireland became
an United Kingdom, and whom the many regarded as the pilot who had come to his senses, and
who could now be trusted with the vessel
of the state in the becalmed
waters of intolerance. Soon was the minister walking side by side with the sovereign, who,
courageous as he was, had a dread of his great servant till he had manacled him. It was
something to me, even this once, to have seen Mr. Pitt. The face and
figure and deportment of the man gave a precision to my subsequent conception of him as one
of the realities of history. The immobility of those features, the erectness of that form,
told of one born to command. The loftiness and breadth of the forehead spoke of sagacity
and firmness—the quick eye, of eloquent promptitude—the nose (I cannot pass over that
remarkable feature, though painters and sculptors failed to reproduce it), the nose,
somewhat twisted out of the perpendicular, made his enemies say his face was as crooked as
his policy. I saw these characteristics, or had them pointed out to me afterwards. But the
smile, revealing the charm of his inner nature—that was to win the love of his intimates,
but it was not for vulgar observation.
Loudly and rapidly did his Majesty always talk as the royal cortége moved up and down, amidst the double line of his subjects
duteously bowing or curtseying, and graciously rewarded with nods and smiles from Queen and
Princesses when any familiar face was recognised. “How do you do, Dr. Burney?” said the King, “Why,
you are grown fat and young! Why, you used to be as thin as Dr. Lind.” What mattered it to Dr. Lind,
who was close at hand, that crowds, noble or plebeian, should then direct their eyes to the
tall gentleman, who is described by Dr. Burney as “a mere
lath”? From my early years was the person well known to me of that good
physician. He inter-
44 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
ested me, as I learnt that he had been round the
world with Captain Cook. He had stood at my bedside
with another friend, Mr. Battiscomb, the royal
apothecary, as I hovered between life and death; when, as my good nurse afterwards told me,
she thought it was all over, for they shook their heads and talked Latin. Miss
Burney writes of Dr. Lind, in 1785, “He is
married and settled here, and follows, as much as he can get practice, his profession;
but his taste for tricks, conundrums, and queer things, makes people fearful of his
trying experiments upon their constitutions, and think him a better conjuror than
physician.” He has often charmed me with a sight of his “queer
things.” Mr. Hogg has, within the last few
years, given currency to a somewhat incredible story that Shelley imputed to Dr. Lind his initiation, when an
Eton boy, into the reasons for hating kings and priests, even as the Windsor physician
hated them. Perhaps Shelley, who was credulous in worldly matters, as
are most sceptics in religion, believed that the mysterious little books which
Dr. Lind printed from characters which he called “Lindian
Ogham,” cut by himself into strange fashions from battered printing types which my
father gave him, were the secret modes by which the illuminati corresponded, even under the
very eye of the Court. I doubt whether he were conjuror enough to make the shrewd
George III. mistake covert Jacobinism for ostentatious loyalty.
There were eminent men living at Windsor and in the neighbourhood, from
whom I occasionally obtained glimpses of knowledge beyond my ordinary routine of imperfect
school instruction. My father took me to see the great telescope of Dr. Herschel at
Slough. The clear
explanations of the celebrated astronomer filled me with wonder, if they went beyond my
comprehension. The venerable philosopher, Jean André de
Luc (I believe it was somewhat later), showed me a galvanic pile which he
had constructed, and astonished me by causing the mysterious agency to ring a little bell.
M. Porny, who had been French master at Eton,
and whose grammar and exercises my father printed for the London publishers, would
occasionally come to see us, and would talk with a kindly interest about my small
acquirements. I have an earlier remembrance of another amiable foreigner, the Rev. Charles de Guiffardiere, for whom my father was
printing a French work on Ancient History for the private use of the Royal Family—a
gentleman whom Miss Burney held up to ridicule in
her Diary, as Mr. Turbulent. But—must I confess it?—I am inclined to believe that the stage
did for the enlargement of my mind something more than school lessons—something more than
these rare opportunities of listening to the conversation of men of learning and ability.
From my eighth year upwards, I could always obtain a free admission to that smallest of
playhouses, the Theatre Royal of Windsor, where Majesty oft was delighted to recreate
itself with hearty laughs at the comic stars of sixty years since. Tragedy was not to the
King’s taste. Miss Burney has recorded how he appreciated the
dramatist whose Hamlet and Benedick were sometimes here personated by Elliston; and whose Richard
III. Cooke coarsely but
powerfully enacted on this stage: “Was there ever such stuff as great part of
Shakspere? only one must not say so! But
what think you? What? Is there not sad stuff? What? What?” George III. has had 46 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
supporters in this
opinion where we might scarcely look for them. I have heard one such heretic, whose
intellectual dimensions would appear gigantic in comparison with those of the King, say of
the writer of the sad stuff, “D—— and I always call him Silly
Billy.” The publicity of which I have spoken was, in the
Windsor Theatre, carried to its extremest limit. That honoured playhouse no longer exists.
The High Street exhibits a dissenting chapel on its site, whose frontage may give some
notion of the dimensions of that cosy apartment, with its two tier of boxes, its gallery,
and its slips. It was not an exclusive theatre. Three shillings gave the entrance to the
boxes, two shillings to the pit, and one shilling to the gallery. One side of the lower
tier of boxes was occupied by the Court. The King and Queen sat in capacious arm-chairs,
with satin playbills spread before them. The orchestra, which would hold half a dozen
fiddlers, and the pit, where some dozen persons might be closely packed on each bench,
separated the royal circle from the genteel parties in the opposite tier of boxes. With the
plebeians in the pit the Royal Family might have shaken hands; and when they left, there
was always a scramble for their satin bills, which would be afterwards duly framed and
glazed as spoils of peace. As the King laughed and cried, “Bravo, Quick!” or “Bravo, Suett!”—for he had rejoiced in their
well-known mirth-provoking faces many a time before,—the pit and gallery clapped and roared
in loyal sympathy: the boxes were too genteel for such emotional feelings. As the King,
Queen, and Princesses retired at the end of the third act, to sip their coffee, the pot of
Windsor ale, called Queen’s ale, circulated in the gallery. At eleven o’clock
the curtain dropped. The fiddles struck up “God save the King;” their Majesties bowed around as the house clapped;
and the gouty manager, Mr. Thornton, leading the way
to the entrance (carrying wax-lights and walking backward with the well-practised steps of
a Lord Chamberlain), the flambeaux of three or four carriages gleamed through the dimly
lighted streets, and Royalty was quickly at rest.
Our theatre was only open at the Eton vacations. But there, whether the
King and Queen were present or not, I obtained something like a peep into the outer
world—the world beyond the little orb of my country town. For the Royal Windsor was
essentially a country town of the narrowest range of observation, and the tiniest circle of
knowledge. The people vegetated, although living amidst a continual din of Royalty going to
and fro—of bell-ringing for birthdays—of gun-firing for victories—of reviews in the Park—of
the relief of the guard, with all pomp of military music—of the chapel bell tolling twice a
day, unheeded by few besides official worshippers—of crowding to the Terrace on Sunday
evenings—of periodical holidays, such as Ascot races and Egham races—of rare festivities,
such as a fête at Frogmore. The “loyal,” or the “independent”
voters of Windsor, as they were styled in election bills by rival candidates, were fierce
in their partisanship, but there was no real principle at the root of their differences.
Through 1801 they were preparing, by rounds of treating, for an expected election, which
occurred in 1802; when the Court candidate was returned by a large majority, and the one
who bribed highest of two “independent” candidates was also returned, but was
finally unseated by a parliamentary com-
48 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
mittee. Those who did not
receive bribes were never scrupulous about administering them. Corruption was an open and
almost a legitimate trade, as I occasionally learnt from the talk of those around me. The
Court was an indirect party to the corruption, by installing two of the most influential of
the plebeian partisans into the snug retirement of the ancient foundation of the Poor
Knights of Windsor. The institution had lost its character of “Milites
Pauperes;” and tailors and victuallers were not held to desecrate it.
In spite of all this laxity of political morals, the people amongst whom I was thrown were,
for the most part, of honourable private character. It was a period when there was less
competition amongst tradesmen than in the present day. There were, consequently, fewer of
what we now regard as the common tricks of trade. They sold the article which they
professed to sell; and were offended if they were asked to abate their price. The few
gentry were patronising, with a certain friendliness. The many clergy of the two colleges
had somewhat haughty brows under their shovel hats, but were charitable and not very
intolerant. The distinction between the trading and the professional classes was not so
nicely preserved as it is now. Respectability was the quality more aimed at by the attorney
and the doctor than what we call gentility; and respectability did not mean the pretension
of keeping a gig or a footman—display for the world, and meanness for the household.
One of the most vivid of my recollections of this period, and indeed of
some years after, is that of the extremely easy mode in which the majority of the trading
classes struggled with the cares of obtain-
ing a livelihood. It is not
within my remembrance that anybody worked hard. The absence of extreme competition appeared
to give the old settlers in the borough a sort of vested interest in their occupations; and
if sometimes a stranger came amongst them, with lower prices and lower bows, he would be
regarded as an intruder on the fertile close, who would soon come to the end of his tether.
It was the same with the attorneys and the apothecaries. Those who had to preserve a
genteel appearance spent an hour each day under the hands of the hair-dresser. Every
morning the hair was powdered, the queue was unrolled and rolled up again, the gossip was
talked, the evening paper was glanced at, and by eleven the good man was behind his
counter. There were a few of the oldest school who closed their hatch when they went to
their noonday dinner, and no importunity would induce them to open it. When the baker had
drawn his afternoon batch, he took off his red cap and washed his bald head, put on his
flaxen wig, and sallied forth to spend his long evening in his accustomed chair at the
alehouse, which had become his second home. Some had a notion that they secured custom to
the shop by a constant round among the numerous hostelries. I knew a most worthy man,
occupying a large house which his forefathers had occupied from the time of Queen Anne, who, when he gave up the business to his son, who,
recently married, preferred his own fireside, told the innovator that he would infallibly
be ruined if he did not go out to make friends over his evening glass. The secret of these
worthy people keeping their heads above water, in this laissez
faire sort of existence, was, that their ordinary habits were
frugal, that 50 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
they rarely drank wine; never occupied the best room
except on Sunday, and on that day alone had the “added pudding” of time
immemorial. The frugal habits of all of the middle classes, and the want of education of
many, did not abate anything of their importance when they were chosen to fill public
offices. Under the guidance of the Town Clerk, corporate magistrates generally got through
their business decently. Sometimes they made little slips. Late in the evening an offender
was brought before one of our mayors, having been detected in stealing a smock-frock from a
pawnbroker’s door. “Look in ‘Burn’s Justice,’” said his
worship to his son; “look in the index for smock-frock.”
“Can’t find it, father. Not there.” “What! no law
against stealing smock-frocks? D—— my heart, young fellow, but you’ve had a lucky
escape.” (Even justices in those times might incur the penalties against
profane oaths.) The constable demurred at the discharge of the prisoner. “Well,
well! Lock him up, and we’ll see the Town Clerk in the morning.”
Peter Pindar wrote an ode on “Frogmore Fête,” in which he
describes the “Pair of England” with “The family of Orange by
their side.” This would take us to 1796 or 1797. It was about the beginning
of the century that I was present at one of these fêtes, at which, as on previous
occasions, however sneered at, there was a real desire to promote the pleasures of their
neighbours and dependents on the part of the Royal Family. Amongst other delights of that
occasion, there was a play, or rather scenes of a play, acted before the mansion, in the
colonnade of which the Court stood, whilst the common spectators were grouped on the lawn
below. The
scenes were from the “Merry Wives of Windsor.” The critical faculty had
not then been developed to stand in the way of my perfect enjoyment. I believed then in the
real existence of Slender and Anne Page; of the French doctor and the Welsh parson; of mine host of the
Garter, who was undoubtedly the host of the White Hart. I then knew an old house at the
corner of Sheet Street (alas! it is pulled down) where Mr. and Mrs. Ford once dwelt, and whence Falstaff was carried in the buck-basket to Datchet Mead. I could then tell
the precise spot where the epicurean knight went hissing hot into the Thames. Herne’s
Oak was then to me an undeniable memorial of centuries past. Forty years afterwards, I went
over the footsteps of my childhood with Mr.
Creswick, and we tried to verify the sites of these immortal scenes. The pencil
of my eminent friend has shadowed forth some aids to the imagination of the readers of the
“Merry Wives of Windsor,” in my “pictorial” edition. But to my
mind there were no realities such as I had pictured when, after the Fête at Frogmore, I
wandered about, book in hand, to the fields where Sir Hugh
Evans sang “To shallow rivers,” and looked for the
“oak with great ragg’d horns,” near the pit where the fairies
danced. Diligent antiquarianism has pointed out a mistake or two in my conjectural sites.
It is of little moment. It was with a pang that I gave up my boyish conviction that I had
gathered acorns beneath “Herne’s Oak,” and yielded to the evidence that
it had been cut down. The “undoubting mind” is a youthful possession beyond all
price; and though the Winter of scepticism may have come, it is still pleasant to look back
upon the Spring of belief.
52 |
EARLY REMINISCENCES: |
[§
I. |
There are some things that are prominent among the recollections of my
nonage, in which the faith of my inexperience and the doubts of my small knowledge, were
curiously blended. I was a frequent visitor to the State Apartments and the Round Tower. I
sometimes accompanied friends who came to see Windsor; sometimes was permitted by the kind
and intelligent keeper of the pictures in the Castle to linger about and look my fill. The
State Rooms now are very different from the State Rooms as I remember them. There had been
little change, I apprehend, in the architectural character of the rooms since the period of
Anne and George
I., when Sir James Thornhill painted new
allegories to supplement the old flatteries of Charles
II. by Verrio. We entered by a
staircase under a dome gaudily decorated with the story of Phaeton and with lady-like representatives of the four elements, Fire, Air,
Earth, and Water. The pictures in the apartments had received a large addition to their
number after George III. came to reside at Windsor.
Amongst these additions were the Cartoons. At the period of which I speak, and during
several succeeding years, an artist was employed in making the most elaborate
pencil-drawings of these bold designs for tapestry, which, perpetuated in the most
exquisitely finished engravings, gave a very adequate notion of the skill of Mr. Holloway, but very little of the grandeur of Raffaelle. That grandeur I could even then comprehend in
the Ananias, and Paul Preaching at
Athens; I could feel the exquisite tenderness of the charge
to Peter; but I could not quite understand the large men in the little boat in
the Miraculous Draught of Fishes. The most interesting
room, at the beginning of the century, was that known as
Queen Elizabeth’s, or the Picture Gallery. In a few years it
was dismantled of its somewhat choice collection, and became a lumber-room, into which no
one looked. There I once gazed upon the Misers of Quintin Matsys—well-fed misers, gloating over their
money-heaps, with a joyous expression quite incompatible with the ordinary notion of the
self-denying misery of avarice. At the end of this long and narrow room, looking out on the
North Terrace, hung a wonderful Boy and Puppies, by Murillo. In this gallery were the three grand ancient
paintings of the Battle of Spurs, the Embarkation of Henry the Eighth, and the Field of the Cloth
of Gold. They first went away to the Society of Antiquaries, who were forced to
acknowledge that they were only a loan; and they are now among the heir-looms of the people
at Hampton Court. I hope that I had not faith enough in the ideal of Lely and Wissing to
believe that the profuse display of their charms by most of King
Charles’s “beauties” was an adequate representation of
female loveliness. In the same spirit of incredulity I was not quite content to believe
that the Roman Triumph which Verrio had painted in St. George’s
Hall—in which Edward the Black Prince and his royal
prisoner of France were the principal personages—was a faithful representation of the
costume and manners of the fourteenth century. The Round Tower, whose rooms, now private,
were then open to the public gaze at the price of a shilling, was a miserably-furnished,
dreary place, which had little charm for me, except in the noble view from its leads. One
of these dingy rooms was hung with faded tapestry, delineating the piteous 54 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
story of Hero and Leander. Long ago I related the discourse of the fair guide,
who aroused my critical scepticism in my boyhood, and who was a perpetual source of
enjoyment to me when I could beguile some unsuspecting stranger into a patient attention to
her learned volubility. “Here, ladies and gentlemen, is the whole lamentable
history of Hero and Leander. Hero was a nun. She lived
in that old ancient nunnery which you see,” &c., &c. We have gained
many great and good things through the Education of the People; but what have we not lost,
in losing the humorous contrasts of society which were presented in the days of the
Horn-Book.
At the age of twelve a new life opened upon me. I was sent to a somewhat
famous classical school—that of the Rev. Dr.
Nicholas, at Ealing. Here, for the first time, I was stimulated into the
ambition to excel. I had read a good deal for my own pleasure; but I had read little for
solid improvement. My command of books had given me advantages over other boys; for,
although it might have been deemed a waste of time that I had been devouring plays and
novels without stint, I had thus acquired some command of my own language, and could write
it with ease and correctness. But I soon found that my desultory knowledge would stand me
in little stead when I had to construe Cæsar or
Horace. There was a kind friend at hand in one of
the masters—Joseph Heath, a Fellow of St.
John’s, Oxford—whose memory I shall ever cherish. He helped me over the first
difficulties of my advance in the routine of my class. I soon did my exercises quickly, and
did them well; but the system of the school was not favourable to
steady and continuous exertion in climbing heights by other than beaten tracks. My memory
enabled me readily to accomplish tasks which to others were severe labours. But I was very
young and very small, so that I was kept too long amidst slow class-fellows. Whilst I
should have been learning Greek, I was construing easy Latin authors, writing a weekly
theme, and making verses which required little talent besides the careful use of the
“Gradus ad Parnassum.” Nevertheless my
school-life was a real happiness. My nature bourgeoned under kindness, and I received
unusual favours from the friend I have mentioned. He treated me in some degree as his
companion. At his house on a Saturday afternoon I have been admitted to the privilege of
taking a glass of wine with scholars from London, who came to renew the associations of
their Oxford undergraduate days. One of these was Mr.
Ellis, of the British Museum—the Sir Henry Ellis of the present time—whose
genial courtesy still reminds me of the sixty years ago when, as a boy, I first made an
acquaintance which I have never ceased to appreciate as a man. I was happy at Ealing
school, and if I had been permitted to stay there long enough, I might have fought my way
to some sound scholarship. After little more than two years I was uprooted from this
congenial soil, to be planted once more in the arid sands of Windsor, my father’s
apprentice; to become my own instructor; and, like too many self-teachers, to dream away
the precious years of youth in desultory reading—purposeless, almost hopeless: “Sublimest danger, over which none weeps, When any young wayfaring soul goes forth Alone, unconscious of the perilous road, |
56 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
The day-sun dazzling in his limpid eyes, To thrust his own way, he an alien, through The world of books!” |
When I left my home for the first time, I suddenly passed out of the
excitements of my Windsor life into the school-boy’s ordinary abstraction from the
outer world. I heard nothing of the stir of the great Babel, though I was within seven
miles of Hyde Park Corner. The newspaper I now very rarely saw, instead of regularly
reading our “Globe” aloud; for of
that evening journal my father was then a shareholder. In April, 1802, I had gazed upon our
town illuminations for the Peace of Amiens. They were resplendent. A wonderful opaque
transparency of a hideous female with a cornucopia adorned the larger house in Castle
Street to which we had moved a short time before. The classical horn of plenty could not,
in those times of paper-currency and protection, have been superseded by a better emblem of
peace, a big loaf labelled 8d., such as some lived to see. The
people were, however, in raptures at the peace, for it freed them from the income-tax; but
they soon began to doubt whether it would be an enduring peace; for they saw Bonaparte advancing towards a crown with “ravishing
strides,” when in the autumn he was appointed First Consul for life. In
March, 1803, a month before I went to my boarding-school, there was a general burst of
indignation against the bravado of the French ruler that England alone could not encounter
France. I had not been at Ealing a month when the two countries were at war. From the
isolation of my school life I was truly glad to go home for my midsummer holidays,
to behold something of the patriotic enthusiasm of which Windsor, as I
heard, gave an example which was rousing the whole land.
One of the first objects which met my eye was a caricature, by Gillray, of “The King of
Brobdingnag and Gulliver;” but it was a caricature which our King would
not be displeased at. In the palm of his right hand George held Napoleon, intently viewing
him through an opera-glass. The diminutive Corsican stood boldly on that broad palm, with
cocked hat and sword drawn. The burly Englishman regarded the vapouring little man with
something like the contempt which we felt, or affected to feel, for him who was threatening
to exterminate us. He was a mere insect—a pigmy—a frog aping the ox. So went the loyal
songs which were heard in every street. Others denounced him as the slaughterer in cold
blood of thousands of prisoners of war, and the poisoner of his own soldiers. The old
hatred towards the Jacobins of France had given place to a more concentrated hatred of the
one man who was fighting his way to a throne by the force of his genius and the laxity of
his principles, and whose restless ambition was now tending to universal empire. But the
country did something more than ridicule and abuse their great enemy as “the butcher
Bonaparte”—something more effective than joining in the
chorus of “Huzza for the King of the Island.” In the three months from
the beginning of May to the beginning of August, 300,000 volunteers had been enrolled. What
mattered it, with such a spirit in the land, that 120,000 Frenchmen were encamped at
Boulogne, ready for our invasion?
When my holidays were over, the echo came to our
58 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
quiet village that the invaders were quickly coming. M.
Thiers says that the threatened approach of 150,000 men, led by the
victorious Bonaparte, produced a shiver of terror in
every class of the English nation. Well do I remember how we school-boys shivered. Our
games assumed a semi-military character. We had sham fights of French and English. We sang
“Rule, Britannia” in our playground. In the same
bedroom with me slept a son of Charles Incledon. He
had inherited the glorious voice of his father, and nightly he kept us awake with some of
Dibdin’s most stirring songs. One day the
rumour came to us that the French had landed. The whole school was astir. Surely it was no
time for lessons when all England was going forth to fight; so we boldly petitioned for a
half-holiday. We obtained our request, upon the assurance of our good Doctor that he would
go to London and ascertain the truth of the rumour. That plea would not serve us again; for
those who said that Bonaparte had landed, or who believed that he
could land, “Now all the youth of England are on fire,” |
were held to be little better than cowards, if not traitors.
Another year came. There had been deep depression at Windsor; for in
February the King’s mind had been again affected, and it was not till the end of
April that he was capable of transacting business in public. But when I came home for my
midsummer holidays, he again appeared, as if with renewed vigour. Pitt had returned to office, under a pledge that he would
not agitate for Catholic Emancipation. He had accepted power upon a system
of exclusion which George III.
required, but which left the great Minister weak in Parliament, though strong in the
general belief of the people that his talent and energy were alone capable of resisting the
ambition of the now Emperor of the French. The national hatred of Bonaparte had grown more intense after the murder of the Duc d’Enghien. The volunteer organization was
complete. At Windsor, the chief business of life appeared to be volunteer drills and
reviews. My father was a lieutenant in our local corps, and I was ever at his side in those
midsummer marchings and counter-marchings. This volunteering was not altogether playing at
soldiers. Our Volunteer had some work to perform wholly unknown to the Volunteer of the
time of Queen Victoria. He had to pipe-clay his white
breeches and gaiters. He had to polish the bright barrel of his musket till he could see
his face in it—Brown Bess was a later invention. He had to grease
and flour his hair, like a modern footman; and then to wash the grease and flour out, till
he was fit to stand at the counter or sit at the desk, like an honest tradesman. He had no
rail-road to carry him to a review; but marched through the night to Bulmarsh Heath, near
Reading, to take his place amongst the other bold warriors of Berkshire. The discipline was
not very exact. I have laughed, although I was scandalized, to see an impudent corporal
play tricks with his lieutenant’s queue. Ramrods were sometimes left in the barrel
when a volley was fired, to the no small danger of the colonel in front. We had a yeomanry
corps composed of the choicest spirits of our town. It was commanded by a pursy
wine-merchant, who was not so well mounted as his men. 60 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
On more than one
occasion, when he headed a charge, they would open right and left, and leave him behind,
whilst he roared, “Unparalleled in the annals of war, gentlemen.” Full
of fun as they were, our Volunteers would have fought to the death if the necessity had
come. The Volunteer of my boyhood was not altogether unprepared for war; for there was ball
practice at a target fixed in a chalk-pit. But, as far as I recollect, the hits were as few
as the ordinary calculation as to the musket-firing in a field of battle—that not one shot
in a hundred told. But what of that? There was the same emulation as I have rejoiced to
look upon in the noble rivalry of the Wimbledon meeting of 1863. Though sixty years have
made all the difference between the musket and the rifle, and more difference in the skill
of the Volunteer, the emulation both of one period and the other is derived from our
ancestry. There is a brass plate in the parish church of Clewer, which was found in 1821,
during some alterations of the old edifice. It bears the following inscription:— “He that liethe under this stone Shott with a hundred men himselfe alone This is trew that I doe saye The matche was shott in ould felde at Bray I will tell you before you go hence That his name was Martine Expence.” |
We cannot tell the age in which Martin lived; we know not whether
he excelled in the use of the long bow or the cross-bow, or challenged his hundred men with
the harquebus or the musket. But he was one who has transmitted from the times of eld the
conviction that the Englishman’s right arm is the best defence of his country.
The King, in this summer of
excitement, was constantly to be seen in the cocked hat and jackboots of the Blues, in
which regiment he had a troop of his own. He inspected this fine body of soldiers, and his
equally favoured Stafford Militia (they were almost naturalized at Windsor), in the
quadrangle of the Upper Ward, as he walked to church. He and his family had now quitted the
Queen’s Lodge, and were established in far less comfortable apartments in the old
Castle. He inspected the Volunteers, who were drawn up under the wall of the Round Tower.
He invited their officers to be present at the Sunday evening performances of sacred music.
He walked upon the Terrace—“every inch a king”—and would call, with a
stentorian voice, for the band to play “Britons, strike
home.” There was real grandeur in this patriotic excitement, which spread
through the nation. Its effects sustained us during many subsequent years of doubtful
fortune. Beneath this bold front of the Sovereign there was a little real alarm. I have an
old manuscript purporting to be a copy of the King’s letter to the Bishop of Worcester: “My dear good Bishop,—It has
been thought by some of my friends that it will be necessary to remove my family.
Should I be under so painful a necessity, I do not know where I could place them with
so much satisfaction to myself, and under Providence with so much security, as with
yourself and my friends at Worcester. It does not appear to me probable that there will
be any occasion for it; for I do not think the unhappy man who threatens us will dare
to venture himself among us. Neither do I wish you to make any preparation for us, but
I thought it right to give you this intimation.”
62 |
EARLY REMINISCENCES: |
[§
I. |
My holidays are over. My father writes to me, at the end of August, that
he is busy; for the Royal Family are going to Weymouth. Every year did the King thus visit
his favourite watering-place. This journey, actually exceeding a hundred miles, was the
most arduous exploration of his dominions which George
III. ever attempted. Wonderful to relate, this annual excursion was
accomplished in one long summer’s day. At an early hour the royal carnages, and their
escort of light dragoons, are clattering through the streets of Windsor. Away they dash,
along turnpike roads, and sometimes through rough lanes. The people of the towns are out to
gaze and shout. Villagers hear the rumour that the King, so rarely seen, is coming; and the
thrasher ever and anon looks forth from his barn-door, whilst his wife sits at the cottage
porch spinning in the sun. Majesty has the rapid question and the ready joke for the host
of the roadside inn, as he bows to the ground whilst the horses are changing. Half a
century almost would slip away before privileged directors, and smart ladies waving their
handkerchiefs, would stand upon the railway platform, even for a passing look at the
highest and the most beloved in the land. No corporations then thought it essential to
their own dignity—if not to the comfort of the illustrious travellers—to weary them with
tedious addresses. The huzza of a loyal crowd was quite as welcome as the bows of a mayor
and aldermen. In these excursions to the coast, “Farmer
George” would see many rural sights with which he was familiar. He might
see five horses dragging a heavy plough over light land. The liquid muck would be
ancle-deep in the yard of the untidy homestead. The bullocks would
be
lean and lanky; and the half-starved pigs would be grubbing in the stubble of the field
which was to lie fallow for a year, to recruit its strength without being troubled with
turnip or mangel-wurzel. The King would shake his head, and think upon his own improvements
at his Windsor farm. But would he dream of a time when the five plough-horses should be
superseded by a steam-plough; when the thump of the flail in the barn should be exchanged
for the hum of the thrashing-machine by the side of the rick; when the cultivator should be
a great manufacturer, using every appliance of tool and machine with which science could
furnish him, grumbling no longer at low prices, and fearless of foreign competition?
But I am wandering. Weymouth is reached without any fuss. The next
morning the King is on the Esplanade, before breakfast has been thought of at the genteel
hotels and boarding-houses; and the fishermen, who have just come in with the produce of
their night’s labour, are rather puzzled to believe that the tall gentleman can be
the King, who asks the price of a turbot and does not wait for an answer.
In the April of 1805 I went home for a week, that I might behold the
grand ceremony of the installation of Knights of the Garter. I rather think I should have
preferred going to London to witness the wonderful performance of Norval by the young
Roscius, of whose acting my schoolfellows were the enthusiastic chroniclers
when they returned from their Christmas holidays. London had forgotten that in the December
of 1804 Bonaparte had been crowned by the Pope in
Notre Dame, as a necessary preliminary to his conquest of England. What cared the
Londoners? There
64 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
was a boy of fourteen on the boards of Drury; and at
any cost, even at that of being crushed to death at the pit-door, they would look upon this
prodigy of nature. The mania made Sheridan rich for
a while. The installation at Windsor a little diverted the attention of the denizens of the
capital. At Windsor there was a procession to be looked upon, in which a real King, and a
real Prince of Wales, with dukes and marquises and earls, wearing gorgeous mantles of blue
velvet, would do their best to bring back the days of King Edward and
his Knights of the Round Table, and thus hurl a chivalric defiance to the mushroom Court of
the Tuileries. St. George’s Day was on a Tuesday. On the Monday, Windsor was in a
tumult of excitement far greater than in the experience of the oldest inhabitant. The road
from London presented the view of an almost endless succession of carriages. Hounslow could
not meet the demand for change of horses. The inns of our town could not find standing for
the carriages, so they blocked up the streets. Ladies in coal-scuttle bonnets, and
gentlemen in monstrous Hessian boots, filled our narrow pavements. The bells rang; the foot
Guards were inspected in the park; beds were occupied by the wealthy at extravagant prices,
whilst the curious pedestrian paid half-a-guinea to stretch his limbs on a tap-room settle.
At eight o’clock on the morning of the 23rd of April, the King presented, at the
grand entrance to the Castle, a pair of silver kettle-drums to his favourite regiment, now
called the Royal Horse Guards Blue. The drums were lifted upon a grey horse bestrid by a
black man; the old walls resounded with “God save the
King,” and “Britons, strike home.” I
quickly took a seat that had been purchased for me upon the broad
parapet that looked down upon the road that led to St. George’s Chapel from the
Norman Gateway. The procession was to pass beneath. I will not attempt a detailed
description of impressions I have already briefly recorded. The old King marched erect; and the Prince of
Wales bore himself proudly (he did not look so magnificent as Kemble in Coriolanus); but my Lord of Salisbury, and
my Lord of Chesterfield, and my Lord of Winchilsea, and half a dozen other lords,—what a
frightful spectacle of fat, limping, leaden supporters of chivalry did they exhibit to my
astonished eyes! The vision of “throngs of knights and barons bold” fled
for ever. Were these the very “salt of the earth,” who were especially
prayed for in St. George’s Chapel twice a day, as “the Knights Companions of
the most honourable and noble Order of the Garter”?*
At this period my father was printing and publishing “The Miniature,”—a successor, after the
lapse of sixteen years, to the “Microcosm.” One evening in my holidays—for I had read “The Miniature” in the weekly numbers, and had sent home my
critical opinions upon its merits—my father took me to call upon the managing editor,
Mr. Stratford Canning. How well I remember his tall
figure and handsome face, with the down upon his chin. Some forty years afterwards, at an
entertainment given upon a trial-trip of a frigate that had been built for the Sultan, I
was introduced to Sir Stratford Canning. I had much talk with the
great diplomatist about the progress of education and of popular literature, in the
efficacy of which he did not appear to have any confident
66 | EARLY REMINISCENCES: | [§
I. |
belief. He talked, too, of that literary production of his boyhood with
which he associated my name. Of course he spoke slightingly of it, as men who have made
their mark in the world generally do of their juvenilia. There were, however, some literary
matters of more importance arising out of the forgotten Eton periodical. “Your
father,” said Mr. Murray to me once
after dinner, “helped to make my fortune. When I kept a little trumpery shop in
Fleet Street, Dr. Rennell, the Master of the
Temple, told me one day that his son and young
Canning owed an account, for printing ‘the Miniature,’ to their publisher, who held a good many
unsold copies. I took the stock; paid the account; made waste paper of the numbers;
brought out a smart edition which had few buyers; got the reputation of being a clever
publisher; was introduced to George Canning, in
consequence of the service I had rendered to his cousin; and in a few years set up the
‘Quarterly
Review.’”
Robert Battiscombe (1754 c.-1839)
Apothecary at Windsor; the royal family were among his patients.
John Britton (1771-1857)
English autodidact, antiquary, and topographer; he published
Beauties
of Wiltshire (1801) and
Autobiography, 2 vols (1850,
1857).
Elizabeth Browning [née Barrett] (1806-1861)
English poet, author of
Sonnets from the Portuguese (1850) and
Aurora Leigh (1856); she married Robert Browning in 1846.
Edmund Burke (1729-1797)
Irish politician and opposition leader in Parliament, author of
On the
Sublime and Beautiful (1757) and
Reflections on the Revolution
in France (1790).
Charles Burney (1726-1814)
English musicologist and father of the novelist Frances Burney; he published a
History of Music (1776-89).
Frances D'Arblay [née Burney] (1752-1840)
English novelist, the daughter of the musicologist Dr. Charles Burney; author of
Evelina; or, The History of a Young Lady's Entrance into the World
(1778),
Cecilia, or Memoirs of an Heiress (1782), and
Camilla (1796).
George Canning (1770-1827)
Tory statesman; he was foreign minister (1807-1809) and prime minister (1827); a
supporter of Greek independence and Catholic emancipation.
James Cook (1728-1779)
English explorer; he circumnavigated the globe, 1768-71, but failed to locate a northwest
passage.
George Frederick Cooke (1756-1812)
Shakespearean actor in London and the United States; his journals became the basis for
the biography by the American playwright William Dunlop (1766-1839).
Thomas Creswick (1811-1869)
English landscape painter and illustrator who exhibited at the Royal Academy from 1828
and was elected a member in 1851.
James Edward Davis (1817-1887)
Of the Middle Temple; he published books on law and was an acquaintance of Leigh
Hunt.
Mary Delany [née Granville] (1700-1788)
Courtier, letter-writer, and friend of Jonathan Swift; she introduced Fanny Burney to the
royal family.
John André Deluc (1727-1817)
Born in Geneva, in 1773 he was appointed Reader to Queen Charlotte. He was a F.R.S. and
published scientific works, including
Geological Letters, Addressed to
Professor Blumenbach (1793-4).
Charles Dibdin (1745-1814)
Popular dramatist and song-writer (his nautical songs were particularly admired); author
of
History of the Stage (1795).
Charles Dickens (1812-1870)
English novelist, author of
David Copperfield and
Great Expectations.
Sir Henry Ellis (1788-1855)
English diplomat, the illegitimate son of Robert Hobart, fourth earl of Buckinghamshire;
he published
A Journal of the Proceedings of the Late Embassy to
China (1817).
Charles James Fox (1749-1806)
Whig statesman and the leader of the Whig opposition in Parliament after his falling-out
with Edmund Burke.
Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790)
American printer, scientist, writer, and statesman; author of
Poor
Richard's Almanack (1732-57).
John Hookham Frere (1769-1846)
English diplomat and poet; educated at Eton and Cambridge, he was envoy to Lisbon
(1800-02) and Madrid (1802-04, 1808-09); with Canning conducted the
The
Anti-Jacobin (1797-98); author of
Prospectus and Specimen of an
intended National Work, by William and Robert Whistlecraft (1817, 1818).
James Gillray (1756-1815)
The most notable English caricaturist of his day, whose prints were sold at the shop of
Miss Hannah Humphrey.
George Greville, second earl of Warwick (1746-1816)
Educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford, he was MP for Warwick (1768-73) before
inheriting his grandfather's title in 1773 and being appointed Lord Lieutenant of
Warwickshire (1795).
Charles de Guiffardiere (1740-1810)
He was prebendary of Salisbury, rector of St. Mary, Newington, and the Queen's reader in
French.
James Hampton (1721-1778)
Educated at Winchester and Corpus Christi College, Oxford, he was a classical scholar,
translator of Polybius, and rector of Moor Monkton, Yorkshire. He is remembered for
overturning William Collins' tea-table at Oxford.
Joseph Heath (1783 c.-1830)
The son of Joseph Heath of Warwickshire; educated at St. John's College, Oxford, he was
master of Lucton School (1816) and vicar of Wigmore in Herefordshire (1830).
William Herschel (1738-1822)
English astronomer and maker of reflecting telescopes; he was the discoverer of the
planet Uranus.
Thomas Jefferson Hogg (1792-1862)
English barrister and man of letters; after befriending Shelley at Oxford and being
expelled with him he pursued a legal career in London, publishing his
Life of Shelley in 1858.
Thomas Holloway (1748-1827)
English engraver who did work for Boydell's Shakspeare Gallery and produced a folio
edition of the cartoons of Raphael at Windsor.
Horace (65 BC-8 BC)
Roman lyric poet; author of
Odes,
Epistles, Satires, and the
Ars Poetica.
Richard Hurd, bishop of Worcester (1720-1808)
Bishop of Worcester (1781) and highly-regarded scholar-critic; editor of Horace's
Ars Poetica (1749), author of
Moral and Political
Dialogues (1759), and
Letters on Chivalry and Romance
(1762). He was the friend and editor of Bishop William Warburton.
Charles Incledon (1763-1826)
English actor and singer; made his London stage debut at Covent Garden in 1790; performed
in the first performance of Haydn's
Creation (1800).
King James VII and II (1633-1701)
Son of Charles I; he was king of England and Scotland 1685-88, forced from office during
the Glorious Revolution.
John Philip Kemble (1757-1823)
English actor renowned for his Shakespearean roles; he was manager of Drury Lane
(1783-1802) and Covent Garden (1803-1808).
Lloyd Kenyon, first baron Kenyon (1732-1802)
Educated at St John's College, Cambridge and Gray's Inn, he was lord chief justice
(1788-1802) and friend of Thomas Erskine.
Augustus Keppel, viscount Keppel (1725-1786)
Naval officer in the Seven Years' War and the American War of Independence, when he was
first lord of the Admiralty.
Charles Knight the elder (1750-1824)
Windsor bookseller and printer; he was the father of the publisher and writer of the same
name.
Sir Peter Lely (1618-1680)
Dutch portrait painter who settled in London about 1643 where he painted members of the
court.
James Lind (1736-1812)
Scottish physician educated at Edinburgh University; at Windsor he was
physician-in-ordinary to the royal household; there he befriended Percy Bysshe Shelley,
then a student at Eton College.
John Mellish (d. 1798)
The son of William Mellish of Blyth (d. 1791), he was a City financier murdered on by
highwaymen Hounslow Heath.
Quentin Metsys (1466-1530)
Flemish painter influenced by Italian renaissance artists.
Bartolomé Estéban Murillo (1617-1682)
Spanish painter admired for the naturalism displayed in his portraits of street
urchins.
John Murray II (1778-1843)
The second John Murray began the
Quarterly Review in 1809 and
published works by Scott, Byron, Austen, Crabbe, and other literary notables.
Emperor Napoleon I (1769-1821)
Military leader, First Consul (1799), and Emperor of the French (1804), after his
abdication he was exiled to Elba (1814); after his defeat at Waterloo he was exiled to St.
Helena (1815).
Horatio Nelson, viscount Nelson (1758-1805)
Britain's naval hero who destroyed the French fleet in the Battle of the Nile (1798) and
defeated the combined French and Spanish fleets at Trafalgar (1805) in which action he was
killed.
George Nicholas (1764 c.-1829)
The son of George Nicholas; educated at Wadham College, Oxford, he published a Latin
Grammar in 1793 and was headmaster of Great Ealing School. Thomas Huxley and Cardinal
Newman were among his pupils.
Thomas Paine (1737-1809)
English-born political radical; author of
Common Sense (1776),
The Rights of Man (1791), and
The Age of
Reason (1794).
Sir Richard Phillips (1767-1840)
London bookseller, vegetarian, and political reformer; he published
The
Monthly Magazine, originally edited by John Aikin (1747-1822). John Wolcot was a
friend and neighbor.
William Pitt the younger (1759-1806)
The second son of William Pitt, earl of Chatham (1708-1778); he was Tory prime minister
1783-1801.
Polybius (200 BC c.-118 BC c.)
Greek historian of the Punic Wars; his writings survive in a fragmentary state.
Mark Anthony Porny (1731-1802)
Originally Antoine Pyron Du Martre; he was a French master at Eton College who published
a book on heraldry. He left £4,000 to found a school for boys and girls.
Beilby Porteus, bishop of London (1731-1809)
English divine; his Cambridge prize-poem
Death: a Poetical Essay
(1759) was frequently reprinted. He was bishop of Chester (1776-87) and bishop of London
(1787-1809).
William Price (1749-1817)
The younger brother of Uvedale Price; he was equerry to George III and vice-chamberlain
to the queen.
John Quick (1748-1831)
English comic actor who performed at Covent Garden; he retired in 1813.
Raphael (1483-1520)
Of Urbino; Italian painter patronized by Leo X.
Thomas Rennell (1754-1840)
Patronized by William Pitt, he was master of the Temple (1798-1826) and dean of
Winchester (1805).
Thomas Rennell the younger (1786-1824)
Son of the dean of Winchester; he was clergyman, poet, and editor of the
British Critic (1811).
Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792-1822)
English poet, with Byron in Switzerland in 1816; author of
Queen
Mab (1813),
The Revolt of Islam (1817),
The Cenci and
Prometheus Unbound (1820), and
Adonais (1821).
Richard Brinsley Sheridan (1751-1816)
Anglo-Irish playwright, author of
The School for Scandal (1777),
Whig MP and ally of Charles James Fox (1780-1812).
John Spencer Smith (1767-1827)
Of Seagrove, Isle of Wight; educated at Eton, King's College, Cambridge, and the Middle
Temple, he was a writer for the
Microcosm, Paymaster in the Navy,
and briefly M.P. for East Looe (1799).
Robert Percy Smith [Bobus Smith] (1770-1845)
The elder brother of Sydney Smith; John Hookham Frere, George Canning, and Henry Fox he
wrote for the
Microcosm at Eton; he was afterwards a judge in India
and MP.
Richard Suett (1755-1805)
English comic actor and singer who made his Drury Lane début in 1780; Charles Lamb was
fond of him.
Adolphe Thiers (1797-1877)
French statesman, journalist, and historian; he was minister of the interior under Louis
Philippe (1832-34).
Sir James Thornhill (1675 c.-1734)
English decorative painter whose commissions included the dome of St. Paul's Cathedral;
he was a fellow of the Royal Society (1723).
Henry Thornton (1750-1818)
Provincial theater manager who in 1791 built the Windsor theater attended by George
III.
Robert Richard Tighe (1858 fl)
Not identified; he was author of
A Letter to the Right Honourable the
Earl of Lincoln (1845) and joint author of
Annals of
Windsor (1858).
Antonio Verrio (1636 c.-1707)
Italian decorative painter who emigrated to England in 1671 and worked at Whitehall
Palace, Windsor Castle, and Hampton Court.
Sir John Walsh, first baronet (1759-1825)
Originally Benn; an East India Company Nabob, he acquired Warfield Park from his wife's
family and was MP for Bletchingley, Surrey (1802-04), created baronet in 1805.
Benjamin West (1738-1820)
American-born historical painter who traveled to Europe in 1760 and was one of the
founders of the Royal Academy in London.
William Wilberforce (1759-1833)
British statesman, evangelical Christian, and humanitarian who worked for the abolition
of slavery. He was an MP for Yorkshire aligned with Fox and Sheridan.
Willem Wissing (1656-1687)
Dutch-born portrait painter who emigrated to England where he was a pupil and associate
of Sir Peter Lely.
John Wolcot [Peter Pindar] (1738-1819)
English satirist who made his reputation by ridiculing the Royal Academicians and the
royal family.
Sir Christopher Wren (1632-1723)
He was Professor of Astronomy at Oxford (1660), the architect of St. Paul's Cathedral,
and Surveyor General (1669-1718).
James Wyatt (1746-1813)
English architect; he designed the Pantheon in Oxford Street in the classical mode and
Beckford's Fonthill Abbey in the gothic.
Arthur Young (1741-1820)
Writer on agriculture; he wrote
Travels during the years 1787, 1788 and
1789 (1790) and many other books.
The Globe. (1803-1922). London evening newspaper; the original proprietor was Sir Richard Phillips; George Lane
was among its later editors.
The Miniature, a Periodical Paper. (1804-1805). Containing pieces by Eton students George Canning, Henry Gally Knight, and Thomas
Rennell; 34 numbers were published. It was conceived as a successor to the more successful
Microcosm (1786).
The Monthly Magazine. (1796-1843). The original editor of this liberal-leaning periodical was John Aikin (1747-1822); later
editors included Sir Richard Phillips (1767-1840), the poet John Abraham Heraud
(1779-1887), and Benson Earle Hill (1795-45).
The Quarterly Review. (1809-1967). Published by John Murray, the
Quarterly was instigated by Walter
Scott as a Tory rival to the
Edinburgh Review. It was edited by
William Gifford to 1824, and by John Gibson Lockhart from 1826 to 1853.
The Reading Mercury. (1723-?). A provincial newspaper continued into the nineteenth century under various titles.
The Arabian Nights. (1705-08 English trans.). Also known as
The Thousand and One Nights. Antoine Galland's
French translation was published 1704-17, from which the original English versions were
taken.
Virgil (70 BC-19 BC)
Aeneid. (1st cent. BC). Latin epic in twelve books relating the conquest of Italy by the Trojan Aeneas; it was
usually read in the English translation by John Dryden (1697).