Fifty Years’ Recollections, Literary and Personal
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FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS,
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CHAPTER III.
An incident occurred on seeing the sudden death of a lady in the
newspapers, to which it may not be amiss to make allusion. Just three years before, I had
been on the sea-coast, and walking out one morning, a beautiful child, a boy four or five
years old, ran up to where I was cogitating on a steep bank. A few yards further led down
to the water, into which he would have speedily plunged had I not caught him in my arms.
While I held him, a well-dressed servant girl came up, and in breathless haste took the
child, thanking me for what I had done; the little fellow having strayed away from her,
while she thought he was close at hand. I mentioned that I had caught him at a critical
moment. She again thanked me, and they went their way. Soon after, during my walk, I met
them accompanied by a lady of considerable personal attractions. The girl had evidently
told her mistress of my having saved the child from a ducking, at least, if not drowning.
The mother, still somewhat excited, thanked me with emotion, evidently arising from
maternal affection, the tears standing in her eyes.
There was an air
of deep melancholy over her very handsome features, and an expression of sweet womanly
softness. That lady left the coast in a day or two afterwards, and I thought no more of the
incident. Spending a week there in the following season, I saw the same lady pass the
strand in front of my lodgings. I met her again and bowed. Her child and a different
servant were with her. She looked thinner, as if she had been ill, and there was a deeper
cast of sadness over her features. I should have thought no more about her and her child,
had I not mentioned the incident to the landlady where I was staying, a kind motherly
woman. She at once replied, “Yes, poor soul, she once lodged here, and did nothing
but cry. Her story is a sad one. She has been a lovely creature, and is yet in her
prime, but she is broken-hearted. I do not know, for my part, of what some men are
made. I had her story not from herself, but her servant, for she never spoke of herself
to anybody, but only of her child. She had twelve hundred a-year in land, and a good
deal of ready money. Her mother persuaded her to marry a sporting, fox-hunting
gentleman, who had no affection for her, only her money. The child you saw is her son,
born in the first year of their marriage. Even before the child was born, her husband
began to treat her with great coldness. Horses and grooms occupied all his time. She
dined alone five days out of six, three months after her marriage, and after she lay in
of her son, her husband never returned to her bed, and that is between four and five
years ago. ‘Yes,’ or ‘no,’ is all the conversation they have
together, as husband and wife; or, perhaps, some trifling question after he has 56 | FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS, | |
taken wine. She has never given him cause of offence. She grieves
so, that I know it will kill her in the end. She wanted to know if she could not live
separate, but the lawyers told her she must apply for a restitution of conjugal rights,
and she said she would die before do such a thing, and from one too who hated her. Then
her child would be taken from her, and barbarity added to injustice, the thought of
losing her child alone reconciled her to her miserable state—to bear in silence
her wounded pride, and resign herself to the contempt with which she is treated, it is
breaking her heart. She had the command of servants and of her son, and wanted nothing,
but these were the fruit of her own money. That which, before all, a woman had a right
to expect, the attention of him to whom she had given her liberty, property, all that
was dear to her in the world, that was not hers. She used to sit here for hours
together, her eyes full of tears, looking at her child, and then she would sigh till
her heart, I thought, would give way. Was it not a cruel state to be in?”
“Was there no reason for her husband’s
conduct?”
“He never made any complaint of her. Marriage was a novelty
over in a month or two, and his mind on pleasure never ran above his stable, where it
had always been before, I believe that is the sense of it. As to his wife, or any other
woman, he cares nothing about them. Her servant said that one day she told her she
would fly beyond the seas were it not for her child, that she should covet death before
all things if her child could die too. In such a mood at times,” the good
landlady said, “she feared her brain might urge her to
self-destruction.”
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LITERARY AND PERSONAL.
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A few weeks afterwards the decease of this poor lady was announced, with
the “suddenly” attached to it, in the papers, a mode often adopted where there
is a little influence, to conceal a voluntary death!
The husband may yet live, I believe he does live, his conscience
unwounded, his debasing pleasures still pursued, taking his glass, or mounting his hunter
upon the fortune attained by such a living sacrifice. There must be retributive justice
somewhere. What mental torture could be more keen than that innocent, plundered lady
sustained, dying by inches, a mind, worse than the grave-worm, preying on the living body,
wasting into death in such a manner. Then the low, vulgar, mean, spirit that could
unscathed, continue to riot on the property obtained by making a lovely woman miserable!
When I see some cases reported in the papers, I think of Mrs.
E——, sacrificed as I have related.
There was never an instance within my recollection, that a man who
ill-treated a female was otherwise than a bully or poltroon. The habit of speaking
slightingly of any woman too, if not of the most virtuous, provided she do not wear a bold
front and place herself in the way of the public, which has, in such notorious cases, a
perfect right to animadvert upon what is so unbecoming, is mean and cowardly, perhaps more
so in proportion to the defenceless state of the abused. How disgraceful it is to hear men
boast of the favours of women untruly, and as a French writer remarks of a countryman,
valuing his boastings higher than the smiles of the lady themselves if he had ever obtained
them. But the slander of virtuous women out of malice is a most detestable vice, when we
reflect on the difficulty of healing the
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purest reputation in the
face of an ill-natured world. There are some men who make their wives distasteful by
indifference, and then cannot speak too ill of them. I remember a man named
Stephens, who behaved in this way. He gave himself up to the
grossest vices, and was drowned crossing King Harry passage. He wrote on his deceased wife,
just before his own death, the following lines:
“Woman thou worst of all church plagues—farewell!
Bad at the best, and at the worst a hell—
Thou apple-eating traitor that began
The wrath of heaven, the misery of man—
Thou truss of wormwood, bitter leaf of strife,
Farewell! church juggler that enslaved my life,
Bless’d be the hour that rid me of a wife:
If e’er a woman is again my guest,
All hell shall say amen, and Satan be the priest!”
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The poor wife knew not of the insult. He thought he had written her
epitaph, little foreseeing his own fate so soon afterwards; but he did live to receive from
the hands of one of her female friends, the following rejoinder:
“Go to thy prince, thou vilest son of earth,
And ask what demon claim’d thee at thy birth,
Supplied thy cravings, nursed thee through his power,
And acts thy guardian to the present hour,
Taught thee to hate the sex thou should’st adore,
And blast the fame of her who is no more—
Whose life how good, how virtuous all can tell,
Though fortune link’d her to an imp of hell!”
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Women haters always appear to me among castaway souls. I do not remember
whereabout Quevedo places them in the lower regions,
perhaps with the class
he makes one of the devils tell Pluto are so
worthless, even in his infernal domains, that they do not pay for the trouble of burning
them.
It is an error, as far as I have observed, to suppose woman fond of
rakes and blusterers because they are such. She has a liking for suavity and softness,
alternating with some violence of spirit, or rather fervency of feeling with sincerity.
When rakes and swaggerers succeed, it is because women are deceived, mistaking falsified
passion for that which is true. She loves an extreme sometimes, because she supposes an
extreme will be returned in the one case as the other, and she expects it in affection, and
that she shall have no difficulty in retaining it. Attention and undeviating politeness in
company, and these more pointedly shown when alone, will succeed better than fervency
before others, because not one man in a thousand knows how to treat a sensible woman with
delicate warmth. When she is grossly flattered before others, the gaucherie attracts a ridicule seldom pardoned.
The Reform Act had emancipated Bath, a city of nearly forty thousand
inhabitants; the members had been returned by thirty persons. There were in the city
several newspapers, one high Tory in politics, another old Whig, a third anythingarian, and
a fourth indescribable. It was sought to have one in the free trade or reform or radical
interest, whichever people chose to call it; to be edited by a hand not having local
predilections, and thus more likely to be independent. Messrs. Palmer and Roebuck were the members
first returned, and they were still the choice of the electors. The people of all political
opinions were courteous to each other, however
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small their real stock
of mutual affection. This amenity of manners was pleasant, as there was no coarseness on
any side. I was prevailed upon to go and fight the battle, and throughout the city, much
curiosity prevailed. I had scarcely sounded the tocsin before some of my opponents were
curious to have a personal knowledge of me. In Bath, as in London, even resident
inhabitants generally did not seem to know each other. “You will have a card to
the mayor’s dinner,” whispered a friend; “and there are a
number of our opponents who contemplate looking out for you there, perhaps to quiz, and
I know not what.” I did not mind being alone amid the hosts of Phillistia,
though the dinner card was personal, and not to an “editor.” I determined to go
and to foil those who were so curious about knowing me. I dressed, and then drove so early
to the Guildhall, that I knew the mayor and a few aldermen only would be waiting in the
reception-room; and, my name being duly announced, a dozen officials, and no more, would
hear it. I could then fall into the ranks among the company, during the other receptions,
and be unnoticed. It happened, accordingly, only that, when I was not far from the Hall, I
saw the bishop’s carriage coming; I, therefore, bade the driver set me down before
the bishop. I entered—was announced; but had scarcely bowed to the mayor, before the
bishop came and took up the attention of all the corporation, few persons having arrived;
and thus my stratagem succeeded. The next day the curious people said they could not find
me out among the two or three hundred who dined.
The war I waged was warm. On the day of publication, our opponents, who
had no idea how independent
I should be of their notions, used to ask
at libraries and news-rooms whether “the Reading sauce was
yet to be had?” I found this beautiful city, so truly English in character,
as to be divided into classes. Even tradesmen had their grades. A grocer sold
aristocratical tea, there his brother, set at his ban, rejoiced in radical coffee, while a
third proffered to his friends prime Tory treacle and sugar-candy. My diatribes were
naturally stark heresies. I believe there were some thought me extremely presumptive when I
wrote dialogues between the “Parsons and the jackdaws in the Abbey Tower,” and
that I was bringing the church into contempt. It is true, people did expect something more
from me than the milk and water in which the other papers had been baptized; but then some
of my squibs were voted too bad, for they could not see that time will ring its changes.
Then the clergy were by far the larger part of them of Dr.
Copplestone’s notion, that “received opinions” are not to
be questioned. “Why could I not leave well alone?”
I found some officers and others here whom I had known at Plymouth
during the last war, and we were happy to recognize each other. In the election, after the
dissolution in 1834, the city was contested; but Palmer and Roebuck were returned. I
was on the hustings in Sidney Gardens, talking to General Palmer, when
their opponent appeared. Roebuck gave him the most flattering praise,
as a man, that he could bestow, in order to make the dressing he gave him, as a politician,
more effective. During his speech, General Palmer nudged me
repeatedly. “I could not say that for the world; how hard he is upon the Colonel
(Daubeny). That is a blow—I could not
strike him so
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hard for anything.” But the General had
neither the eloquence nor boldness of Roebuck, though no favour from
the court ever made Palmer give a vote against the popular side. The
mistake of the Tory party was, that it applied the old practices of the former state of
things to the new. It had no idea any thing should rule out of the mongrel state, called in
England, “respectability,” which meant their own class, but, in sense,
signified nothing. Captain Sabretash, on half pay,
Dr. Mc’Squirt, and Mr. Latitat, were respectable props of the constitution, before the Reform
Act, and must, therefore, remain so after. Colonel Daubeny and his
friends came to the hustings in a long procession, two and two. He was an amiable man, and,
as Lady Wallace once described a gentleman, “gilt, but not
lettered.” Pretension was put in place of fact, and an ignorance of all political
duties supplanted a development of principles. There was no bribery on any side. I remarked
to General Palmer, who spoke of it in praise of the voters, that all
was yet new to them, they were in a state of paradisaical innocence. The serpent had not
yet given them a taste of the tree of knowledge. From what I have heard since, they are
expelled their paradise, and are become “no better than the wicked;” they have
had a taste of the forbidden fruit; and election “expences” follow there as
well as elsewhere. Here then I stood where, nearly thirty years before I had entered in the
heyday of youth, where I had seen Pitt, Melville, and Sir John
Moore, now historical shadows.
Mr. Roebuck had two pre-eminent virtues. I have a
right to form some opinion on the subject, after twenty years observation of his character.
These virtues
are sincerity and an inflexibility of temper, which
last seems sometimes not to yield sufficiently to changes of circumstance. I do not believe
a more sincere man breathes. His views were not, perhaps, in the time to which I allude, so
much the deductions of experience, as at present. He had then, perhaps, too high an opinion
of all the world. Time has imparted to him a degree of experience, which chastens his
ideas, and tempers his asperities, without diminishing their effect. His ardour, unabated,
is directed with more judgment—a natural effect, but one not always observable in
strong-minded politicians. His undeviating integrity secures him that attention in the
House of Commons which belongs to a union of that virtue with great moral power, and
somewhat of impracticability. If he supported or opposed a ministerial measure, it was
always conscientiously, and not from party or factious motives. He represented the
nation—the whole people—not a section of agriculturists, or railway-jobbers, or
city usurers. His vision ever looked over the whole field of action—over what he
thought—for the advantage of all. The time was not long that I was among a
constituency, that has since treated him with neglect; nor is it among the least pleasing
of my reflections, that, in redeeming my promise, to combat obsolete prejudices, and
support principles, I had more than once the grateful acknowledgments of the honorable
gentleman.
The Rev. Mr. Liddiard, who had
been chaplain to the Duke of Richmond, in Ireland, I
met here, an old acquaintance, who has ceased to be of the living—a most liberal and
excellent man. He introduced me to Mr. Oakley, of Tan-y-Bwlch and
Festiniog, but my ac-
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quaintance was short, for Mr.
Oakley was cut off by cholera within a week afterwards. The Rev.
Mr. Mangles, a clergyman of an excellent literary taste, who died recently
at a very advanced age, was another acquaintance. I never knew his political
creed—down upon him who makes his estimate of the man by his creed. He confined
himself to the peaceful and heart-filling enjoyment which literature seldom fails to bring
to independence of circumstances—would it were so to all those who meddle with it!
The rest of the clergy were neutral, or in violent opposition—the case with the large
majority, who, it might be imagined, would, as men of education, cling to reason and
principle, in place of mental narrowness and doctrines adverse to civil freedom. There was
a dissenting clergyman, whose conduct I cannot forget, being truly Christian and worthy of
himself. The Rev. Mr. Jay, a well-known name, had, for
the first time in his life, introduced politics into a sermon. I did not hesitate to notice
and reprove it—I hope not too violently. On the following Sunday, he apologized to
his congregation for the remarks he had made, and cast blame upon himself in a mode so
honest and truly Christian, that I almost felt sorry I had not let his comments pass; but
then I should not have had his virtuous recantation. His discourses were marked by
earnestness, simplicity, and perspicuity of style. He had nothing lofty; none of the
scholastic finish of Robert Hall; but he was,
perhaps, on that account more extensively useful in his day.
In a cathedral town we never expect to find the best preachers of the
established clergy. There is always an atmosphere of ease hovering over the pinnacles of
the
venerable towers, which speak of holy idleness in the temple,
where oblations are offered more immediately under the ken of the high priest of the
diocese. The most effective sermons must be sought in the clergy who sustain the credit of
the church among the people, rather in the churches and chapels distant from the cathedral
“altars.” The beautiful church of Bath, so light, so airy, such a contrast to
the miserable modern Gothic, which, in many cases, deforms the streets of the metropolis,
it used to be my delight to contemplate in the early mornings of summer. Often have I stood
and looked upon it when the sun’s early rays illumined the interior through those
lightly-traced windows, contrasted with the deep shadows near the angles, and throwing out
the finer portions of the architecture; the air fresh and balmy, and the city silent in
slumber as the Egyptians in the catacombs of Karnac. One morning in the week, I used to
rise and go to see that all was right at the office, as early as four in the morning. The
men worked all the night before publication. Even where there was not a necessity for
watchfulness, there was anxiety. At such times, when all was breathing of new-born day, I
have stood, like the last in a city of the dead, and looked upon the silly angels, who,
with a pair of excellent wings each, were ascending and descending the ladder of
Jacob—the descending with their heads downwards. Our fathers
read their bibles too much for the duty of reading alone, not attending to anything more
than the traditionary construction put upon their contents, else they would have
remembered, that, in the days of Jacob, angels wore no wings, being no more than
messengers. We are told this in Genesis; and 66 | FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS, | |
that they bore the
aspect of young men. The Jews seem to have applied these appendages to messengers, after
the captivity, or, at least, long after Jacob’s days. The
corporation of the city had been clearing away in good taste most of the crowded buildings
around the church. I noticed that, in some places, the pavement stones were laid with
mortar, on a stratum of human bones—all that remained of the stranger, and the
citizen that for ages had peopled the place. The church is of the style of Henry VII.—the most beautiful of all the Gothic
styles—the most airy, improved, and luxuriant, in the tracery. The reverence that
fills the mind, before such a building in this more improved state, as to style, differs
from the impression of the early Norman, and other heavy and gloomy erections. It is a
proof of the bad taste of the present age, that the cheerful, light, pure taste of the
times of Henry VII. is not more copied. Perhaps the modern tendency to
the gloomiest things of the Roman faith, has some influence in the choice; and yet the
modern Roman buildings are of a better kind. Oftentimes I reflected on the gay crowds that
had thronged there to worship, and on the dissipated scenes that had occurred beneath those
venerable towers, which I had read of in memoirs of fashionable individuals.
My avocation was but a weekly repetition of the same duty, diversified
with trifles of local interest alone. There was a desire expressed by the printer to bring
out a local almanac. If he waited to copy the calculations from one published in London, it
would compete with the design in the local market. I told him I would do all I could for
him. I made up from the nautical almanac all that related to the phenomena of the heavenly
bodies,
except the times of the sun’s rising and setting, in
hours, minutes, and seconds. I knew only one way of working these out. The task seemed
formidable. I actually worked out the results, with the logarithms for every day in the
year. It cost me more than twenty days of my leisure time, and, in the working, about seven
hundred sums. I knew no shorter way of computation. I made the people a present of my
labour, of the extent or value of which, I imagine, they had no idea. This almanac was the
first that appeared in England, for 1835. I was pleased that I had acquired a practical
knowledge of something new to myself in these calculations, although I might never turn
them to account. I received a letter, while at Bath, from one Ashe, who called himself ‘late a captain in the York Rangers.’
He had suddenly made his appearance there, an unprincipled forger of books, such as
“Travels in America,”
where he was charged with running away and carrying off a collection of mammoth bones,
belonging to Dr. Goforth, a laborious collector.
This book was no more than a compilation from different local guides. He had formerly
published a fictitious work, regarding Queen
Caroline, called “The Spirit of
the Book,” affecting to be the substance of that book which Spencer Percival drew up, in behalf of the Queen, and
afterwards sacrificed, with his client, to court interests. He wrote false memoirs of
living people, to get paid for their suppression. One of these, I remember, was
“Memoirs of the Countess of Berkeley;” another
was called “The Claustral Palace.” It was unlucky for
him that I knew his history, and that he was a notorious scoundrel, who had attempted, not
long before, to victimise the Duke 68 | FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS, | |
of Cumberland, and to extort money from him. He abused the Mayor of Bath, who
was a kind, gentlemanly man, and then wrote a most pathetic letter, wanting to have
inserted in the paper an appeal to the public on his behalf. I refused, letting him know I
was too well acquainted with his career. Two days after, I heard of his sudden decease.
Among a mass of editorial papers, relating to the “New Monthly,” I discovered a similar letter to that thus
subsequently sent to me at Bath, dated from the Isle of Man, ten years before! I have these
letters yet by me.
Thelwall, so long known to the public, from having
been tried with Horne Tooke and Hardy, for high treason, came to Bath to lecture, while I
was there, and was found dead in his bed. He was a consequential man, but had the merit of
being politically consistent. He took pupils for the purpose of instructing them in
elocution, with a view to qualify them for the senate, soon after I first came to London.
Coleridge died at this period, the chief of the
Lake school of verse, to my seeming, who sacrificed his eminent abilities to his love of
conversation. His powers have not been overrated. He loved subtleties—a passion for
which he seemed to have caught from the Germans, whose lives are spent in this kind of
trifling. He found an analogy for everything started that was new to him, and into that
speedily drew the novel topic, which then disappeared. What was clear to himself he could
paint when he pleased, with great vividness. He was a dreamer, who found as much pleasure
in the unsubstantial as in the real, but he wasted his powers. Of all the Lake School he
was the least of an egotist; or not a hundredth part so magnificent
a
professor as Southey, or, above all, Wordsworth, who approached self-deification in that
respect. His conversation was rich with ideas—soap-bubbles, brilliant with colour,
and sparkling with light, which flashed upon the vision a moment and vanished. I remember
his play of “Remorse”
acted. It had fine passages; but its author was too descriptive for the drama, not
identifying himself with his characters. He was master of the tender and profound; and in
criticism was more given to censure than praise everything out of the line of his own
notion of the fitness of things. He jilted his own fame. He suffered severely during his
last illness, which he sustained with equanimity and resignation. He displayed more of the
warmth of passion, as a poet, than all the rest of the school, in which and in energy, they
were ever exceedingly deficient. In person he was a heavy and full.
A singular circumstance occurred while I was at Bath, which terminated
oddly. I had, in former days, been fond of the vicinity of Claverdon, and asking if the
owner, a fellow countryman, resided there, I was told that he did not, that the house was
let furnished, keeping the game and land in the hands of an agent. The house was then
inhabited by a gentleman of high respectability and property, from the north of England, or
somewhere in Scotland, Mr. Borthwick, of Borthwick
Castle, who was a great friend of old Sir Bethel
Codrington. The rent was four hundred a year, for which Sir
Bethel was security. The gentleman had been recently elected M.P. for
Evesham, where he had been supported by Sir Bethel. I had been
intimate with some of the anti-slavery society in London, and knew
70 | FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS, | |
from them, as well as others, the history of one Peter Borthwick. It
never crossed my mind that the M.P., for Evesham, could be the same adventurer at Bath, for
the time seemed short to be the history of the man. Of him I knew, the father was the
porter at the Dalkeith paper mills; his elder brother, then living, a private soldier, had
been the waggoner, and his sister the servant girl, two or three years before. The
Benjamin, of the porter’s family, had received a tolerable
education for his class; so that he knew a little Latin, and lived by travelling to
farm-houses, instructing children at their homes. Nor was he without the feeling of
life’s springtime, for he had made love to a domestic, considered his superior in
life, and then forsaken her. All this time he and his family were humble members of the
secession church, and it was said he aspired to be a minister at some future day, studying
polemics for the purpose. At once, to the astonishment of the Dalkeith people, he opened a
stationer’s shop in the town—took the waggoner from the mills—made him
head of the firm of J. and P. Borthwick, and elevated the sister to the rank of his
housekeeper. Nobody could tell where the capital for such a purpose came
from—manifold were the conjectures. In no great while after—about a year or so,
I believe, the bubble burst—the creditors seized what remained of the goods, for the
firm was not worth sequestration, or what is called bankruptcy here. The head of the house
of J. and P. Borthwick entered as a private soldier; and the brother betook himself to
Edinburgh, pennyless. It was reported that the view of Borthwick, in
this headlong scheme, was, that he might be deemed of consequence enough to marry a
farmer’s daughter, who had two hundred pounds to her fortune.
His next hegira towards greatness was a journey to Cambridge, having determined to embrace
Church of England doctrines. Somehow he contrived to reach the University, and it was
presumed, went to take Church of England orders, in due course. He brought a letter to a
solicitor there, who complimented him with an invitation to his house—of which he did
not fail to make good use. He kept the first term at college, and contrived to run up a
large account, which, on being presented, he met with an acceptance. This, as it appeared
to have but a few days to run, was taken, and the money difference given him; but the bill
was not paid. He next got into prison; he had put on the character of a holy man, and wrote
a lecture or treatise on the millenium. His gift of speech on matters of faith was
peculiarly glib; and he moved the feelings of some low church persons so, that he was
assisted out of prison, and imagined to be full of gratitude and piety. He then set off for
town. Peter, not long after, was followed by a clergyman, who had
interested himself about him in Cambridge, but who, on going to his own accustomed
lodgings, found Peter comfortably occupied in them, though he had no
introduction. On asking what he was doing, he replied he was writing a play. The reverend
gentlemen was astounded. “He must do something for his family.” The excuse did
not avail. He was discarded by those who had so essentially served him. He then went to the
managers of the Tottenham-court Theatre, and offered himself to “hold forth “on
the boards. He was tried at a rehearsal; and was at once dismissed. Self-determined, he
went next to the 72 | FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS, | |
manager of the Surrey Theatre, and offered his cheap
acceptance for fifty pounds to be permitted to play “Othello.” As some gentlemen had whims of this kind, the manager
consented. He blackened his face, and made the spectators delighted by one of the most
taking tragi-comedies ever performed. The audience was convulsed with laughter; never was
Othello so put to death before. A number of his
interludes were related besides; but how he came to think of raising the wind by taking up
the championship of the West India planters, did not appear. He became an itinerant orator
on this subject, and there I first heard of him. He was remarkable principally for his
pertinacity in meeting obvious facts, whenever it suited his purpose, by a plump denial of
them. Some gentleman, on the side he advocated, stated that he had received, once or twice,
a little assistance from the West India interest, but that it had ceased for some time. The
last thing heard of him in town, about a year and a half before, as I remember, was, that
he had left Liverpool—his letters, papers, trunk, and baby-clothes remaining for his
lodgings. It was not likely I could imagine the Borthwick, thus a year
or so before spoken of, was the M.P. for Evesham, paying four hundred a year for his
residence. At the York-House Hotel his swagger, his “hasten horses for Mr.
Borthwick,” whenever he moved a few miles from his sojourn, could be
the Dalkeith stationer. A service of plate too was presented to Mr.
Borthwick, of Borthwick Castle, with his arms emblazoned upon it, and
engraved copies circulated. The plate was presented for orations on the high church and
anti-reform side.
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LITERARY AND PERSONAL.
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73 |
I had with me, among some newspapers out of date, a “Tyne Mercury,” in which the following paragraph met my eyes
by accident: “Many people are asking who the member for Evesham is. There was a
man named Borthwick, who was a secessionist
minister, and who came out in Othello at the Victoria, though he was damned the first night—we
wonder if it is the same person?” Thus the surprise was great in the north.
The secession and low church, Cambridge, the theatre, the pro-slavery champion, and now
high churchman, came into my mind, and led me to enquiries; I found
Borthwick’s supposed patron, Sir
Bethel Codrington before mentioned, not a very bright man, but long
connected with the West Indies, and most respectable in family. I reasoned, that though
Sir Bethel was continually seen with the inhabitant of Claverdon,
he would hardly supply his extravagant expences. His election costs, alone, were eight
hundred pounds. I found that the former member, a liberal, had retired, because he would
not pit his private fortune against the resources of the Carlton Club the year before. The
mystery was now in my mind unravelled. My eyes were open to the whole affair.
Borthwick was making use of honourable men, seeing their weak
side; for his supporters were gentlemen of integrity, honourable if undiscriminating
conservatives endeavouring to strengthen their party. They could not, did not think so ill
of human nature as to presume upon the truth of what was ascribed to their champion by
political opponents. Their own singleness of purpose and private integrity thus aided the
deception. In their view, the orations of Peter were marvellously
clever, and they would show that their party could
74 | FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS, | |
exhibit a new
Demosthenes, and make the reformers own a master
spirit in the House of Commons. I was at a loss about the individuality of the man, because
the jump from penury to this affluence of expenditure was so extraordinary. He had told the
electors at Evesham, that his exertions in the slavery affair had been made at his own
cost, and that to a large amount. I was now convinced “this Mr. Jones must be that Mr.
Jones.” I obtained information, that the intelligence from Evesham
reaching the north, had drawn up a creditor who got his money. I was presented with a list
of the debts of the house of I. and P. Borthwick in Dalkeith, the aggregate about five
hundred pounds.
Not long afterwards a report was spread that Mr. Borthwick of Borthwick Castle intended to propose
himself for Bath, in case of a new election. He had just before, as reported in a Worcester
paper, denied to the assembled constituency at Evesham, that he had ever been in trade. It
was true he had once helped some friends, persons nearly connected with him. If Sir Walter Scott was involved in difficulties, it was no
disgrace if other “honourable men “were to be in the same situation. If, in
such a case, he gave his money to pay the debts of persons in distress—was he to be
blamed? He had paid all their debts, although not liable at all! He never was a bookseller,
paperseller, or any seller at all. He gave his name to persons with whom he was connected.
He and his wife had spent much of their property in an act of kindness. He then denied he
had ever anything to do with the secession church, and pledged his “honour, as a
gentleman,” that his statement was true.
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LITERARY AND PERSONAL.
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75 |
On hearing that he was to contest Bath, were the rumour false or true,
knowing what I did, I should have been blameable to remain silent. A paragraph I inserted,
with two or three questions, drew some little attention. Suspicion seemed to be aroused
among the party which had before supported him. He was forced to do something to justify
himself, and he took an opportunity at a public meeting to boast that he would make the
calumniator of his fair fame cry peccavi. His supporters insisted on his
bringing an action to clear himself of the charge of false statements. He was now in a
cleft stick. It required impudence ten times refined, to go on undauntedly to the last.
“He treated with scorn,” he said, “all the offscouring of
the press said against him.” The object of the “wretched creatures
“was, “if possible, to be noticed in decent society,” with much
more that met with rapturous and loud cheers, and thumpings of the tables on the occasion
by his friends. Zealous party men had not so low an opinion of human nature as the specimen
of it before them warranted them in entertaining. He mistook his man. I did little more
than reiterate my former queries, very harmless they were in themselves.
Peter’s friends now declared that he must purge his fair
fame.
Mr. E——, a solicitor, called upon me to say that Borthwick would bring an action, and test the truth of
what I had advanced, but hinted that an apology would be accepted as long as it vindicated
his honour.
I happened to be already acquainted with the legal gentleman, and after
telling him, I acted for others as well, whom I must consult, I said:
76 |
FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS,
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|
“In a week I will give you a decided answer, if that will not
injure your case.”
“Not at all”
“I am going to run up to town where I can quickly learn all I
want as a guide to my reply, and you shall hear instanter. I would make the most humble
apology possible, if I had done your client the slightest wrong. I have only asked two
or three simple questions. I know the use of the press, and also its abuse. No one can
say I have written an ungentlemanly word about any political opponent here—I mean
in relation to private character. There is a great public question involved in the
present case. A representative in parliament ought to be known to his
constituency.”
“So then let the matter rest for a week,” said
Mr. E——, fully agreeing.
“Now let us have a word together without prejudice,”
I added. “Remember, without prejudice.”
“Most assuredly.”
“Do you believe honestly, Mr.
E——, that your client is a gentleman, I mean in the common
acceptation of the term? That is, do you believe he is what he represents
himself?”
“I do, I assure you most solemnly. He has again and again
affirmed to me that he is the individual he has publicly stated, a man of fortune, and
was never a shopkeeper, or read for the secession church. I am convinced he is a man of
high respectability. He will bring an action.”
“He has no other choice, Mr.
E——, if he is the character I mean—his supporters here
are gentlemen,
differing in politics only. They must have the
matter sifted.”
“So you think, Mr.
Redding.”
“I am not without sources of information of which you are not
aware. He has stated untruths openly before the country—it is a public duty on
the part of his friends, for their own sakes, to discover whether they have been
imposed upon or not.”
We wished each other courteously good morning. I believe Mr.
E—— was as much imposed upon as anybody else. I went up to town,
made the enquiries I desired, returned and told Mr. E—— no
apology could be made. The action proceeded. The plaintiff got the trial put off when the
next assizes opened, paying the expences of the adverse witnesses, many of whom came all
the way from Scotland. This was six months more breathing time, and, no doubt, a fresh pull
upon the Carlton Club purse. Yet he had the audacity to tell his constituents that the
postponement was with the defendants.
He omitted no opportunity of pushing himself into the houses of
conservative gentlemen in Somersetshire, and one day called on a very opulent and
respectable M.P. near Bristol. He was shown into the library, and there met unexpectedly,
in a state of domestic service, the sister of the girl he had treated so ill in the north.
It was no more than a recognition on both sides. The visitor moved away, and never made a
second call at the same mansion. This I heard sub
rosa. The persistance of the man in denying his shopkeeping connection,
and that with the secession church, and in
78 | FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS, | |
affirming he had injured
his fortune in advocating for the West India planters, made his identification necessary.
His Evesham supporters believed he was a man of fortune and character. Lord Western, whom I knew, happened to be at Bath for his
health. I met him, and told him of the infidelity of the Evesham electors, their disbelief
even in letters from Scotland regarding him. His lordship drew up a form of petition to the
House of Commons on the part of the electors of Evesham, adverse to the return, stating
“that a trick had been practised upon them in the return of an individual who
denied he was the person they took him to be, and praying the House to enquire into
that fact, for which the courts of law could give them no redress. If the party so
returned was not the person he represented himself, they humbly submitted that not a
vote had been given to Mr. Borthwick, and that
he was not elected by the free burgesses of Evesham.”
The electors in opposition to Borthwick were afraid of the expense, and the measure was not adopted in
consequence. It happened, however, that a young man who knew him in Dalkeith, was in Bath,
a book and pamphlet Scotch agent. A dinner took place at Evesham on the election. We sent
that man over to dine and recognize the member. He was suspected, or the emissary had let
out his purpose, and was in consequence refused a ticket to the dinner. He then stationed
himself near the door of the dining place, with true Scotch pertinacity. It grew late. A
vehicle in waiting had long exceeded the time the hero of the day announced, for his
departure. The messenger kept to
his post. At length, his hat
slouched down over his eyes, Borthwick came forth, turning his head
aside—a friend on each side of him.
“That,” said the messenger, “is Peter Borthwick, late stationer of Dalkeith, I came
here to identify him.”
The next morning, he went before the mayor of Evesham and made oath of
the fact, and brought the affidavit to Bath.
I was not in Somersetshire, having left the county, when the trial came
on at Wells. Witnesses, bankers and tradesmen from Scotland, professors from Cauir bridge,
the jailer from the same place appeared, and Borthwick was shown in his true colours. There was a count given in his
favour, all the rest were against him. It was one of importance, very easily proved by the
reporter for any of the Worcester papers, namely, that of his denial of his identity
“before” the libel charged. The proof of denial being tendered as
“afterwards” an evident oversight The moral effect was the same, for that count
they gave him damages. The other counts were sufficiently against him. Thus fell an orb of
the first magnitude, whom the venerable baronet, it would appear, thought a second
Cicero for the House of Commons. The “Morning Post,” I remember, gave a very
amusing account of his debut. Even stolid Evesham left him to new adventures at its next
election. He was a man of many words upon polemical topics, with a front of brass, he knew
nothing else, but spoke fluently on the subject of religion. I have given this affair at
greater length than the subject is worth, but I was censured by some for the part I took in
it, whereas both conservatives and liberals ought to have felt obliged
80 | FIFTY YEARS’ RECOLLECTIONS, | |
to me. In so large a city as Bath, it is wonderful the man’s history was not
detected before; his unscrupulousness and boasting sooner comprehended. It is true we are
all credulous enough in serving the purposes of our own party. In the present case, it
seemed like infatuation, that gentlemen in position, belonging to any party, should suffer
themselves to be so deceived. Sir Bethel Codrington,
it is true, was not a strong minded man, and it is possible his party relied upon his
representations. Evesham, too, should be an example to constituencies in selecting their
candidates according to the sense of the constitution, by learning something about those
whom they aid in representing the interests and protecting the fortunes of the people of
England, even if they disregard themselves.
Thomas Ashe (1770-1835)
Irish literary adventurer who published
Memoirs of Mammoth and other
Bones found in the Vicinity of the Ohio (1806)
Travels in
America in 1806 (1808), and
The Spirit of the Book (1811)
purporting to contain memoirs of Queen Caroline; he died impoverished at Bath.
Sir Christopher Bethell Codrington (1764-1843)
Of Dodington Park, Gloucestershire, the son of Edward Codrington; he was educated at
Harrow and was MP for Tewkesbury (1797-1812).
Peter Borthwick (1804-1852)
After coming to attention as a defender of the slave trade he was a Conservative MP for
Evesham (1835-37, 1841-47) and editor of the
Morning Post
(1850).
Queen Caroline of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel (1768-1821)
Married the Prince of Wales in 1795 and separated in 1796; her husband instituted
unsuccessful divorce proceedings in 1820 when she refused to surrender her rights as
queen.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772-1834)
English poet and philosopher who projected
Lyrical Ballads (1798)
with William Wordsworth; author of
Biographia Literaria (1817),
On the Constitution of the Church and State (1829) and other
works.
Edward Copleston, bishop of Llandaff (1776-1849)
Educated at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, he was a fellow of Oriel, Oxford Professor of
Poetry (1802-12), dean of St. Paul's (1827-1849), and bishop of Llandaff (1827-49); he
published
Three Replies to the Calumnies of the Edinburgh Review
(1810-11).
Henry Daubeny (1779-1853)
The son of John Daubeny; he was Colonel of the 80th Regiment and in 1835 an unsuccessful
Tory candidate for Bath.
Demosthenes (384 BC-322 BC)
Athenian orator, author of the
Philippics.
Henry Dundas, first viscount Melville (1742-1811)
Scottish politician, president of the board of control (1793-1801), secretary of war
(1794-1801); first lord of the Admiralty (1804-05).
King Ernest Augustus, of Hanover (1771-1851)
The fifth and last surviving son of George III; he was king of Hanover 1837-1851. Though
acquitted, he was thought to have murdered his valet, Joseph Sellis.
William Goforth (1766-1817)
American physician of Cincinnati, Ohio; he assembled a collection of mammoth bones for
Thomas Jefferson that was appropriated by the literary forger Thomas Ashe.
Robert Hall (1764-1831)
Baptist divine educated at King's College, Aberdeen; a celebrated preacher, he was
minister at Harvey Lane in Leicester, and Broadmead in Bristol.
Thomas Hardy (1752-1832)
English shoemaker and radical who was tried for treason and acquitted in the 1794
trials.
William Jay (1769-1853)
Congregational minister of the Argyle Chapel at Bath (1791-1853); he published
The Mutual Duties of Husbands and Wives (1801).
Charles Lennox, fourth duke of Richmond (1764-1819)
He was a military officer who fought at Waterloo; after succeeding his uncle in the title
in 1806 he was lord-lieutenant of Ireland (1807-13) and governor-general of Canada
(1818).
William Liddiard (1773-1841)
Clergyman and poet educated at University College, Oxford and Trinity College, Dublin;
after military service he was chaplain to the Duke of Richmond, who gave him a church
living in Ireland.
Sir John Moore (1761-1809)
A hero of the Peninsular Campaign, killed at the Battle of Corunna; he was the son of Dr.
John Moore, the author of
Zeluco.
Charles Palmer (1777-1851)
The son of postal-reformer John Palmer, he was educated at Eton College and at Oriel
College, Oxford; afterwards he was aide-de-camp to the prince regent (1811), major-general
(1825), and Whig MP for Bath (1808-26, 1830-37).
Spencer Perceval (1762-1812)
English statesman; chancellor of the exchequer (1807), succeeded the Duke of Portland as
prime minister (1809); he was assassinated in the House of Commons.
William Pitt the younger (1759-1806)
The second son of William Pitt, earl of Chatham (1708-1778); he was Tory prime minister
1783-1801.
Cyrus Redding (1785-1870)
English journalist; he was a founding member of the Plymouth Institute, edited
Galignani's Messenger from 1815-18, and was the effective editor of
the
New Monthly Magazine (1821-30) and
The
Metropolitan (1831-33).
John Arthur Roebuck (1801-1879)
English MP for Bath (1832) born at Madras and educated in Canada; he was a member of the
Reform Club (1836-64) who published in
Westminster Review and
Edinburgh Review.
Robert Southey (1774-1843)
Poet laureate and man of letters whose contemporary reputation depended upon his prose
works, among them the
Life of Nelson, 2 vols (1813),
History of the Peninsular War, 3 vols (1823-32) and
The Doctor, 7 vols (1834-47).
John Thelwall (1764-1834)
English poet and radical acquitted of treason in the famous trial of 1794; he was
afterwards a lecturer on elocution.
John Horne Tooke (1736-1812)
Philologist and political radical; member of the Society for Constitutional Information
(1780); tried for high treason and acquitted (1794).
Charles Callis Western, baron Western (1767-1844)
Of Rivenhall in Essex, politician and agricultural reformer; he was educated at Eton and
Queens' College, Cambridge and was MP for Maldon (1790-1812) and Essex (1812-32). He was a
school friend of Thomas Creevey.
William Wordsworth (1770-1850)
With Coleridge, author of
Lyrical Ballads (1798), Wordsworth
survived his early unpopularity to succeed Robert Southey as poet laureate in 1843.
Morning Post. (1772-1937). A large-circulation London daily that published verse by many of the prominent poets of
the romantic era. John Taylor (1750–1826), Daniel Stuart (1766-1846), and Nicholas Byrne
(d. 1833) were among its editors.
New Monthly Magazine. (1814-1884). Founded in reaction to the radically-inclined
Monthly Magazine,
the
New Monthly was managed under the proprietorship of Henry
Colburn from 1814 to 1845. It was edited by Thomas Campbell and Cyrus Redding from
1821-1830.