Literary Reminiscences and Memoirs of Thomas Campbell
Chapter 9
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CHAPTER IX.
“Theodoric.”—Remarks on that
poem.—Singular and unexpected visit from a Mohawk Chief.—The poet’s
feelings respecting hostile criticism.—Bearing towards
Hazlitt.—Letter from Sydenham thanking a friend in a reply to
the “Critic.”—Byron’s remark on
Campbell’s
sensitiveness.—Coleridge.—Poem of “The Last Man.”—Mistake of the poet about the origin of
the idea.—Campbell’s attachment to political economy.
“THEODORIC,” unintentionally perhaps, on the part of the
author, inclined much more in style to the modern taste in poetry than the “Pleasures of Hope.” The romantic
school succeeded in tempering the formality of the classic, but by this term must not be
understood that prevailing flood of diluted rhyme which has been since misnamed poetry,
seeming in its admirers’ view more excellent in proportion to the meanness of the
subject and the
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facility with which its torrent of words can be poured
forth with little regard to the sense. The merit of a fine picture by Raphael or Titian
does not consist in the flimsiness with which it is executed, nor in the trivial character
of the subject. Campbell, from inclining in his last
productions towards the later taste, gained nothing, and lost much of the effect his
previous style secured for him. A portion of the inferiority of “Theodoric” arises from this cause, independently of its feebleness as a
story.
After all, it must be admitted that about those works of genius which are
of a lasting character, there hangs an impenetrable mystery as to the composition. They
must be taken as they appear at long intervals, and as they present themselves. The
mechanical utilitarians of the hour must continue to feel astonished that literary works
like the “Pleasures of
Hope,” or “Childe
Harold,” cannot be produced with the rapidity of manufactures; that one such
work is tantamount to the history of a life; that a deathless name shall continue to be
allied with humble circumstances; that literary “manufactures” cannot give a
lease of remembrance beyond the class of the material to which they belong; that the
mechanical mark upon such works stamps a deterioration upon their character, not to be
changed by the caprice
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of fashion, or the predisposition of the
ignorant, for what sympathizes better with their comprehension; that the age favoured of
wealth, and the advance of the bulk of society in knowledge should find genius still
contumacious to the rule of the all-worshipped Mammon,
and that no fresh graces are added to the productions of the past; in short, that genius
retrogades in place of advancing, as if conscious of something in its nature which cannot
intermingle with the predominant earthiness of the hour.
Allusions in “Theodoric” are many of them borrowed from the author himself. Thus for
the line in the “Pleasures of
Hope”—
“The wolf’s long howl on Oonalaska’s shore—” |
“Theodoric” has “The wolf’s long howl in dismal discord join’d.” |
Many like instances might be cited. The story might have been made more of, but
sentiment was the poet’s forte, and richness of imagery his great excellence. Full of
tenderness, his sentiment goes deep into the soul. The ambition of departed years is
visible throughout, but it is only worked out in a dim sketch.
The concluding portion of “Theodoric” is not worthy of the commencement.
It is always
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politic to wind up well, that the reader may leave off
with a favourable impression from what he has perused. The “Pleasures of Hope” comes nobly to its
conclusion, and the gentle “Gertrude” terminates her song in a manner equally effective and
appropriate; but “Theodoric” is brought to its
termination faintly and wearily, without a line that leaves upon the mind of the reader the
reflection that he has been perusing a work to which he may return with renewed pleasure.
It is singular that so perfect a master of his art should have overlooked this point, for
he could hardly have intended to try how far his verse might be led to please by extreme
gentleness and even tameness in contrast to the vigour and strength it had before
displayed. He composed much of “Theodoric” in his
study in Seymour Street. I once wrote letters there, while he worked at his task. He
corrected several of the proofs at another time while I was present, during which I
employed myself in reading; for then there was not a word of conversation. Although he
spoke of what he had in hand, I never saw the entire manuscript until just before he had
copied it out for the printer. When he mentioned the title, I said, “What, the
king of the Ostrogoths?”
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“No, no,” he replied; “a love-story. I have
only borrowed the name.”
Theodoric was, of course, reviewed in the “Quarterly,” then under the editorship of
Mr. Coleridge. The diatribe was marked by all
the virulence that an obscure individual, suddenly elevated to an office he had not the
capacity to fill, could pour out. His incompetence for his post, his displacement in due
time fully proved. The splenetic feeling of the party the review advocated, was fully
displayed on the occasion. The Whig was denounced in the “Quarterly,” and the Tory in the “Edinburgh Review scandal and falsehood being unsparingly used
by both; but in “flinging dirt,” the “Quarterly” had the advantage. Gifford
was no more, but Wilson Croker still continued to
violate in its pages the maxim of Jonathan Wild,
under a new editor, that mischief should be husbanded, being too precious a commodity to be
wasted. The uncle of Mr.
Coleridge had lectured against the “Pleasures of Hope” in times gone past. This,
perhaps, moved the editor upon the occasion. Even the unfortunate hero of the poem was
christened Macbeth in the review. I remarked to
Campbell, that Croker and
the editor had no doubt held a consultation on the subject. The poet smiled, but it was
easy to see, that while trying to bear it heroically, he
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felt it
keenly. His “Specimens of the
Poets,” were not reviewed at all in the “Quarterly,” because they were the property of Murray, to whom the “Quarterly”
belonged, and to damn them in its pages being the law if they appeared at all, they were
spared.
“Here,” said Campbell, “are a dozen copies of a ‘Letter to the Editor of the Quarterly,’ sent me from Edinburgh; I
know not by whom written; it is pleasant to have unknown defenders.”
The poet gave me a copy. Time has exhibited the vanity of the mock thunder
of the review, and the allusions to it would not have been made but as it may operate as a
lesson to literary men, whose works are abused from party motives, and to the public of the
value of anonymous criticism. The following is an extract from the close of the pamphlet on
a review marked by singular dishonesty and virulence. After remarking on Mr.
Coleridge’s disqualification for his office, the writer proceeds,
referring to Campbell’s popularity.
“Let us measure the altitude of your own. Who are you? A
nephew of Coleridge the poet,—not his
son, who is said to be a genius; but high
talents are not hereditary, either collaterally or directly. To say that this or that
person could swear to your being clever, is saying nothing, for
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brigades of what are called clever men could be raised all over the country, and every
third man could scarcely fail to find a couple of housekeepers any day ready to be bail
for his being a man of genius. But does your public reputation entitle you to speak as
a man having authority? If it be not so, you have been audaciously wrong to mount the
tribune. As a lawyer, the newspapers wrong you, if a single sentence of eloquence ever
came from your lips; and common report describes you as a man of most central
mediocrity, both in your conversation and profession. If it be otherwise, tell us by
what token we are to judge of you; produce your proofs of ability. It is notorious,
that the political reviews of the ‘Quarterly’ have for a considerable time past been one of its weakest
props. In those which have been imputed to you, I should appeal to any man acquainted
with criticism, whether there be the symptom of spirited originality, or of laborious
common-place; and whether the mind that indited them is more to be compared to a fine
time-piece, impelled by its own high-wound springs, or to a Dutch clock, with its
see-saw pendulum and varnished cuckoo, that is moved by leads. Verily, if the hours of
a poet’s popularity are to be measured by clock-work, it is hard that they should
be reckoned by your wooden wheels.”
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About that time, Campbell was
surprised by a call from a friend of Brant, or
Brandt, the Indian chief whom he had charged with such atrocities
in his “Gertrude.” Some
travellers, and among them Lieutenant Hall, of the
dragoons, had, in visiting America, made mention in their published tours of an Indian
chief having held the rank of colonel in the British service in America. Brant was the only son of the chief whom
Campbell denounced as the destroyer of the village of Wyoming,
upon the banks of the Susquehanna, where now stands the town of Wilksbarre. It appeared
that Brandt had settled in Canada under the protection of his British
allies: that he had accustomed his people, the Mohawks, to farming; had built a church, and
translated one of the Gospels into the Mohawk language. His grave was found by
Lieutenant Hall (so his travels stated) under the walls of the church he had
erected. He left behind him a son and daughter. The British government had erected a large
house for the chief, near Burlington, on Lake Erie. His son was a fine young man, of
gentlemanly manners and appearance, who spoke and wrote English well, dressed in the
English fashion, and was a lieutenant in the English service. His sister would not have
disgraced the circles of fashion in Europe; her face and person were fine and
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graceful. She spoke English elegantly, and comported herself both in
address and manner with almost Oriental softness.
This much had been known in Europe, though until this unexpected event
relative to young Brant (as the Indian name should
be spelled) Campbell had not any other knowledge of
the chief than he might have gleaned from the “History of the
Destruction of Wyoming by the English and Indians in 1778,” and that
history, in some points, appears to have been exceedingly erroneous. The inhabitants were
nearly all massacred, of three hundred men only four escaping. The commanders on both sides
are said to have been named Butler. Brant, the Mohawk chief, was many miles from the spot when the battle took
place. Campbell, with a poet’s licence and haste, had taken the
current account of this battle, in which Brant was represented as a
monster, whereas he was an Indian of singularly civilised habits. All this became known to
him for a fact by young Brant coming to England. A friend first
announced such an event, and that the young Indian chief had documents which would
incontestably prove his father’s innocence. Campbell stated that
he had, as poets had done from time immemorial, drawn upon imagination for the larger part
of the incidents in the poem, taking the name of
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Brant from history. He added that he could not have dreamed at the
time he did so, that an Indian chief would ever be affected by it, much less peruse its
contents. It must be admitted, that with the state of information in England, even in 1808,
it might as well have been imagined that the St. Lawrence should flow to London as that the
people represented, and believed in England to be horrible savages, putting prisoners to
unheard-of tortures, and scarcely attaining beyond animal existence, should find an
individual in their number who could be as sensitive as Brant was
about his father’s fair fame. Time and the march of information had in twenty years
done wonders in England as well as in America, and the son of the redoubted chief whom
Campbell represented as heading the slaughter at Wyoming, soon
after entered the poet’s dwelling in London, to ask that redress for his
father’s memory which the poet could not but be gratified in conceding. I think
Campbell informed me afterwards, that young
Brant had become Lieutenant-colonel Brant.*
* He has paid the debt of nature as well as the poet. The
following is from an American paper, the date of which I have unfortunately
missed:— “At the Mohawk village, near Brantford, John Brant, Esq., chief of the Mohawk tribe of
Indians, and son of the gallant chieftain who distinguished himself so nobly in the
revolutionary and late wars. Mr. Brant was an ac- |
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This incident was, upon the whole, a singular and touching event in
the poet’s life.
In the letter
which he wrote to Brant, and published, he says that
he “took the liberty of a versifier to run away from fact into fancy, like a
schoolboy who never dreams that he is a truant when he rambles on a holiday from
school. It seems, however, that I falsely represented Wyoming”—(Campbell alludes here to the Canadian
newspapers)—“as a terrestrial paradise. It was not so, say the Canadian
papers, because it contained a great number of Tories; and, undoubtedly, that cause
goes far to account for the fact. Earthly paradises, however, are not lasting things,
and Tempe and Arcadia may have their drawbacks on happiness as well as Wyoming. I must,
nevertheless, still believe, that it was a flourishing colony, and that its destruction
furnished a just warning to human beings against war and revenge. But the whole
catastrophe is affirmed in a Canadian newspaper to have been nothing more than a fair
battle. If this be the fact, let accredited signatures come forward to attest it, and
vindicate the innocence and honourableness of the whole transaction, as your
father’s character has
complished gentleman, and died sincerely
regretted by a numerous circle of acquaintances of the first
respectability.” |
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been vindicated. An error about him by no means proves the whole
account of the business to be a fiction. Who would not wish its atrocity to be
disproved! But who can think it disproved by a single defender, who writes anonymously
and without definable weight or authority?”
There was a note subjoined to the letter thus addressed to Brant, which slightly noticed his own feelings about
hostile criticism, and the submission of his work to the censorship of friends. I
believe,—from something like the best part of thirty years’ closer intimacy
with Campbell, for the best part of that time, than
any other man,—I believe that what he states is strictly correct. Except in early
life, when he submitted to the kind advice and critical judgment of Dr. Anderson the manuscript copy of the “Pleasures of Hope,” he consulted
nobody in the composition of his poems. In solitude and silence he conceived and composed
them. He was a proud man in this sense; he would have thought it an insult to his own
understanding to consult this individual or that, who might be among his friends, and to
take their judgment in preference to his own, after his former efforts had been crowned
with great success. He might have read the manuscript to a friend or two before he put it
into the printer’s
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hand, but only when it was perfected. The
world has a notion, that a different is a wise course, because in these matters the world
is as foolish as its own idea. Who are the critics of the hour, but men nine times out of
ten utterly incapable of themselves exhibiting a tithe of the merit upon which they assume
to sit in judgment? If Racine read his verses to an
old woman, it was only that he might avail himself of obvious objections that would strike
plain minds before a theatrical audience, and afford him the means of considering those
meriting alteration. Such is the corruption of what is miscalled criticism in modern times,
that interest, party feeling, private dislike, or the reverse, govern notices of new works,
since criticisms they cannot be called, where no analysation of such works takes
place—where the critic, self-styled, rarely gives the work he treats upon even a
decent perusal.
Campbell says, I have no doubt with the most perfect
truth,—“Nor did I ever lean on the taste of others with that miserable
distrust of my own judgment which the anecdote conveys,” referring to a
statement from which Washington Irving, in a
biographical notice prefixed to an American edition of “Gertrude of Wyoming,” infers that he did. In
regard to criticism, he was too proud to exhibit what he felt, though “as far as
authors
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generally are from bowing to the justice of hostile
criticism,” to use his own words.
Still Campbell could not forgive
any who made a blow at him, where the result would not admit of being interpreted but to
his disadvantage. He felt, then, that he had the worst of the matter at issue, the
criticism being no party or personal matter, and that he was, in consequence, so far
injured. This it must be confessed he never forgot. He did not care what spleen or party
feeling or malevolence might do; these unjust attacks his own position and consciousness of
merit might repel, but real justice in an attack struck home, and he never got over his
antipathy to its author.
Hazlitt had justice on his side, when he said of
Campbell, that though he loved popularity,
self-respect was the primary law—the condition on which it was to be obtained. He
never tolerated the remarks made by this writer, although it cannot be denied that
Hazlitt has commended his poetry in the highest terms; he has given the poet all but
boundless praise. “Campbell,” he says
“excels chiefly in sentiment and imagery. The story moves slow, and is
mechanically conducted, and rather resembles a Scotch canal carried over lengthened
aqueducts, and with a number of locks in it, than one of those rivers
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that sweep in their majestic course broad and full over
Transatlantic plains, and lose themselves in rolling gulfs, or thunder down lofty
precipices. But in the centre, the inmost recesses of the poet’s heart, the
pearly dew of sensibility is distilled and collects, like the diamond in the mine, and
the structure of his fame rests on the crystal columns of a polished imagination. We
prefer the ‘Gertrude’
to the ‘Pleasures of
Hope,’ because, with perhaps less brilliancy, there is more of tenderness
and of natural imagery in the former.” Again, “in the ‘Gertrude of Wyoming’ we perceive a softness coming over
the heart of the author, and the sides and crust of formality that fence in his
couplets, and give them a somewhat glittering and rigid appearance, fall off, and he
has succeeded in engrafting the wild and more expansive interest of the romantic school
of poetry on classic elegance and precision.” But all
Hazlitt’s remarks were neutralised in
Campbell’s estimation by the discovery that one of the lines
in the “Pleasures of Hope,” was a borrowed line,
unintentionally there is no doubt; Campbell’s pride would have
at once prevented the accident had he been aware of it. Perhaps it was passed over even in
his young years through one of those abstractions already alluded to, as so unaccountable
in his after-life; haply he had | MEMOIRS OF THOMAS CAMPBELL. | 295 |
forgotten that he had read Blair, and the line remained confounded with his own
verses in his mind. No matter, Hazlitt, amid the highest encomiums on
his poetry, mentioned the circumstance, and added, that the best line in the poem— “Like angel visits, few and far between,” |
was borrowed from Blair’s “Grave”— “Like angel visits, short and far between.” |
This feeling exhibited itself in numberless instances; even while
speaking in terms of praise of the essays of that writer, Campbell vented his ire upon the man. He declared that Hazlitt had been a means of irritating John Scott to such a degree, that it was one cause of his
going out in the duel where he fell: that Hazlitt; was a dangerous
man.
Before the “Spirits of
the Age” appeared in a volume, Hazlitt had made known
the incident respecting the line from Blair.
Campbell never referred to that circumstance in
our conversation about Hazlitt’s contributions, as
might’be judged he would not, since it would thus induce a suspicion of the cause of
his antipathy, at least, so I imagined—but I was wrong. A paper on Milton’s “Comus,” which I had written, and in
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which, without
thinking about it, I had commented upon Pope’s
borrowing from Milton, word for word, in the epistle of “Eloise and Abelard,” and had further
remarked that Pope had diminished the grace of
Milton’s language by his interpolations, I showed to the
poet at the time we had been talking of Hazlitt. This was ill-timed,
but Campbell, so far from applying it, as he might have done, to a
parallel between himself and Blair, and imagining, as I had fought
strenuously for the admission of Hazlitt’s articles, that I had
something personal in view in such a paper, whereas the coincidence was perfectly
accidental, said it was curious he had not remarked Pope’s
plagiarisms himself, and seemed rather pleased with the observation. I had wished the
article in the fire when it was too late; yet it went into the Magazine. How very different
would a suspicious mind have acted under the circumstances. The simplicity and integrity of
Campbell’s heart prevented that construction, which, without
much blame, anyone might have been induced to construe into design. His habitual
forgetfulness could not have interposed in this instance. I believe a more guileless man,
one less capable of imagining evil towards another, never breathed.
Still his prejudices were insurmountable even
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where
the error detected was founded on justice and could not be set aside. The “Spirits of the Age” was not
published until 1825, but the remarks of the critic, it has been said, had a long prior
existence, indeed as far back as 1816 or 1817, when they were first broached by Hazlitt in his lectures. It was difficult to imagine how
Campbell at that time writhed under a few
remarks that could not do him the slightest injury. No writer is faultless, and
Campbell’s lofty elevation and established reputation as a
poet it was impossible could be affected by observations which it was natural enough for
any critic to entertain, and in the present case, were made by one almost unknown at the
time. He would not, from indolence or self-love, correct palpable mistakes in his works
acknowledged to be such by himself, and it was too much to suppose they would not be matter
of comment to critics. Hazlitt was splenetic, and dealt unsparingly
with some writers, but he by no means used Campbell so as his
character of the poet’s verse in the “Spirits of the
Age,” abundantly testifies.
To show where this distasteful feeling had its origin, it happened that
in some of Hazlitt’s lectures, his remarks had
excited the notice and called forth the comment of a countryman, Thomas Pringle. This was as early as 1818.
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Pringle gave the poet an intimation of this advocacy and a copy of the
article. It was grateful to the poet, and his written reply to Pringle
on the occasion, dated from Sydenham, showed how deeply any remarks that he did not
conceive friendly really wounded him, notwithstanding his effort to appear regardless of
them. After thanking Pringle cordially for his statement about
Hazlitt, he continued as follows:—“I will not
pretend to be an utterly impartial judge, but neither will I submit to say, but that I
think his bold style a torrent which will possibly brawl itself away a little sooner
than you imagine. Of the bitterness of his heart and of the causes of his hostility to
me, I know more than to attach importance to his opinion. My insensibility to his
attack may arise from self-respect or from self-conceit, just as charity or severity
may choose to explain it. But no feelings which I have had upon the subject interfere
with the gratitude which I owe to you and to your friend. It is a kind, friendly,
timely act of goodness. The spirit of your interference is generous. I will let any man
read the preface, and say impartially if it be not ably and elegantly written. I feel
myself honoured by your friend’s vindication, by the matter and by the manner of
it. As to the spirit which pervades it, I am absolutely un- | MEMOIRS OF THOMAS CAMPBELL. | 299 |
able to
thank you completely. No man could ask his dearest friend to write such an article. It
comes spontaneously from a stranger. It is pure, gratuitous, unprompted zeal. Kingdoms
could not purchase such a favourable spirit in the breast of one man for the fair fame
of another. Kings and autocrats have no friends who cannot be suspected, but here is a
poor poet who has a man of zeal and abilities to be a champion in the cause of his
reputation. It matters not what I am, or with what egotism I may feel the obligation,
but if I were not sensible to it I should be a miserable icicle of insensibility.
Lastly, it comes from my native country, and the writer is my countryman. If he should
be partial to me, the partiality is the more touching from the ties of native
attachment with which it binds me to the name of Scotland.” Such was the
reply of the poet to Pringle, which bears out the remarks above made.
It is thus seen how much the poet really felt while affecting not to feel
about what was in itself of trivial importance. If Hazlitt really pointed out critical errors, the statement of that fact was
surely not blameable in one who owed the poet nothing; if the criticism were erroneous, it
could do no mischief to a reputation so firmly fixed upon an elevated basis as that of
Campbell.
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Now as with Hazlitt, so with
Coleridge, though in a less degree, for
Coleridge spoke of the style of poetry, and did not criticise the
individual. He attacked all works of a peculiar class. Campbell ever showed a great distaste afterwards towards
Coleridge. Indeed, speaking of his better days, he was no lover of
the Lake School of poets generally. He was no believer in their theories, theories
delivered with no small mixture of conceit and self-assumption.
Campbell thought that while doing good in untrammelling writers
from superfluous and custom-ridden rules, they, on the other hand, went too far, and
substituted licentiousness in place of wholesome freedom, when they scorned to discipline
their verse, and advocated its running wild without curb or rein. He contended that
painstaking in composition and careful finish were necessary to ensure endurance in poetry,
and that poetical composition requires pruning and judicious management to bear good fruit
fully as much as the espalier of the garden. Coleridge, for paradox,
and talking’s sake perhaps, denied the existence of Homer. What did Coleridge know about
Homer more than other people, when he thus flatly asserted this,
of which he could have no competent knowledge? He would have entered upon a denial of his
own identity if he had nothing else to talk about, that people would
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listen to, for his talk he must have had, or ceased to exist.
The poem of “The Last
Man” was written in 1824, and first published in the “New Monthly Magazine.” He imagined that
Byron had taken the idea from him in the poem entitled
“Darkness,”
beginning—
“I had a dream, it was not all a dream.” |
He said that he had once mentioned the subject to Byron, in St. James’s Street, and that Byron had
carried away the idea. I happened to know, from a friend whom I met in Paris, in 1817, and
who had seen Byron and Shelley
in the south the year before, that with Byron the poem of “Darkness” originated in a conversation with
Shelley, as they were standing together, in a day of brilliant
sunshine, looking upon the Lake of Geneva. Shelley said,
“What a change it would be if the sun were to be extinguished at this moment;
how the race of man would perish, until perhaps only one remained—suppose one of
us! How terrible would be his fate!” or words to the same effect. Campbell would not admit this, but tenaciously adhered to
the idea that Byron had committed the larceny. I observed to him that
the idea of one man, the last of his race, remaining when all besides were destroyed, was a
very obvious one. 302 | LITERARY REMINISCENCES AND | |
That Byron’s poem had
nothing more. The image of a sun quenched suddenly in eternal night, and its consequences,
might have been original with both, though I was very sure I had seen it years before
either had written upon it. He then began to wax warm at the very supposition, so much so
that I did not like to prolong the argument. He claimed the idea of a man existing when all
his race beside was no more, wholly and solely as his own idea. He did not claim the
concomitant darkness which Byron introduced. I told him I would
endeavour to find the passage to which I alluded, and show it to him.
No one will regret that both Campbell and Byron wrote upon the same
subject: their poems are both exquisitely beautiful, and yet bear little resemblance to
each other. They speak how various are the phases of genius, and yet how perfect each may
be in itself.
I found the image in an obscure printed poem, the date of which was 1811; the lines were as follow, and
I took them to Campbell, who had clung to the
opinion that the idea was primitive with himself; he could not gainsay a work with the date
affixed:
“Thus when creation’s destined course is run,
And shrinking nature views the expiring sun,
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MEMOIRS OF THOMAS CAMPBELL. |
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Some awful sage, the last of human race,
Faith in his soul and courage in his face,
Unmoved shall brave the moment of affright
When chaos reassumes the crown of night.”
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“You are right,” said Campbell, “the idea is not original with me. I thought it had
been, for I never met with it before. Foscolo
has said rightly enough, that original ideas are few, the modes of putting them are
countless, and there I suppose lies the novelty.”
Not only does the above show that the idea was not original, and most
probably spontaneously produced in each case, but a further confirmation of this
probability is furnished in a note which I received since the poet’s decease, from
Dr. Dickson, of Hertford Street, Mayfair, who on
seeing the foregoing remarks previously published, wrote me that he always imagined
Campbell had borrowed the idea from Bishop Horne; a circumstance no way likely, as he was no
sermon reader, save in an extraordinary case, and had not got Home in his library. The
extract thus transmitted, runs as follows; it is from Horne’s
sermon, “The Death of the Old
Year.”
“For not only friends die and years expire, and we ourselves
shall do the same, but the world itself approaches to its end. It likewise must die.
Once already has it suffered a watery death; it is
304 | LITERARY REMINISCENCES AND | |
to be destroyed
a second time by fire. A celebrated author, having in his writings followed it through
all its changes from the creation to the consummation, describes the eruption of this
fire, and the progress it is to make, with the final and utter devastation to be
effected by it, when all sublunary nature shall be overwhelmed and sunk into a molten
deluge. In this situation of things, he stands over the world as if
he had been the only survivor, and pronounces
its funeral oration in a strain of sublimity, scarcely ever equalled by mere man.
“Let us reflect upon this occasion on the vanity and transient
glory of the habitable world, &c.”
The quotation is here continued, the passage being taken from Dr. T. Burnett’s “Sacred Theory of the Earth,” Book III. Chap.
xii.
Campbell had addressed to Jeffrey of the “Edinburgh Review,” the following letter upon the
subject:—
“My Dear Friend,
“The criticisms in your review of my last volume of poems can form no proper
subject for any printed animadversions of mine; but I hope the readers of this
letter will excuse me for answering one of your observations, which relates
rather to a matter of fact than to a matter of opinion.
“You say that my poem, the ‘Last Man,’ seems to have been
suggested by Lord Byron’s poem,
‘Darkness.’—Now the truth is, that fifteen, or it may be
more, years ago, I called on Lord Byron, who at that time
had lodgings near St. James’s Street; and we had a long and, to me, a
very memorable conversation, from which, I have not a doubt that his Lordship
imbibed those few ideas in the poem, ‘Darkness,’ which have any resemblance to mine in the ‘Last Man.’—I remember my saying to him,
that I thought the idea of a being witnessing the extinction of his species and
of the creation, and of his looking, under the fading eye of nature, at
desolate cities, ships floating at sea with the dead, would make a striking
subject for a poem.—I met those very ideas, many years afterwards, when I
read Lord Byron’s poem, ‘Darkness.’—It may be asked, why I did not then appeal
to Lord Byron about the originality of those few ideas? As
circumstances have turned out, I now wish that I had done so. Lord
Byron’s most attached friend has given me his opinion,
that if his Lordship had not forgotten the conversation, and was conscious of
using an idea which I had suggested to him, he did so, prepared to give me
credit for the suggestion whenever I should claim that credit. Had I taken this
view of the case, and had I also then
306 | LITERARY REMINISCENCES AND | |
finished my little
poem, I should in all probability have written to Lord B.
But I had not written the piece, and at that time thought I never should write
it. Unimportant as the leading idea was, I was discouraged by its being taken
from me. There seemed to me to be no use in setting on foot a correspondence
with Lord Byron, merely to dun him for an acknowledgment
of my right to a stray idea. He might, or he might not, have recollected our
conversation; but if he had forgotten it, his telling me so would have only
increased a petty mortification.—Then as for ascertaining the matter by
proofs, after years had past, how was I to rake up the recollections of those
persons, to whom I might have, long ago, mentioned the design of my poem? One
might be dead; a second might be uncertain as to dates; and a third certainly
had so domestic a relation to me, that the evidence was no better than my own.
In reality, I abandoned, for a great many years, the idea of fulfilling my
sketch. But I was provoked to change my mind, when my friend
Barry Cornwall informed me that an
acquaintance of his intended to write a long poem, entitled the ‘Last Man.’—I thought this hard! The
conception of the Last Man had been mine fifteen years ago; even Lord
Byron had spared the title to me: I therefore wrote my poem so
called,
| MEMOIRS OF THOMAS CAMPBELL. | 307 |
and sent it to the press; for not one idea in
which was I indebted to Lord Byron, or to any other
person.
“Had I foreseen events, I should have communicated
with Lord Byron, during his lifetime, on
this subject: but I could, no more than any one else, foreknow the loss of his
mighty genius to the world.
“If it should be alleged that this declaration of mine
implies a reflection on Lord Byron’s
memory, I have to answer, that it by no means necessarily does so. His glory
goes against the supposition that he was a conscious plagiary from me; and I am
only affirming, what I feel to be true, that I could not be either consciously
or unconsciously a plagiary from him. There are really not many ideas in the
two pieces which are similar. But supposing my statement to be true, do I
depreciate Lord Byron?—No!—He either thought
my suggestions “fair game,” or forgot that
it was not himself who had started them. A poor man easily remembers from what
quarter he has received each of his few pieces of money or banknotes; but a
rich man easily forgets where he got this or that coin or bank-note amidst his
accumulated thousands!—In like manner, Lord Byron
was the most likely person in the world to forget the sources of his ideas.
308 |
LITERARY REMINISCENCES AND |
|
“For the acceptance of what I have declared, I have
nothing more to rely upon, than my own character and credibility. It would be
attaching a ludicrous importance to this matter, for me to offer any stronger
affirmation than my word of honour. How few or how many will believe that word,
must depend on the common notions of my veracity; but supposing me conscious
that this is truth, I ask if I have not a right to state it?
I am,
Yours, very truly,
It has been stated how much Campbell was taken with political economy and doctrines that, however clear
in themselves, and beneficial in their results to the nation, had not at that time the
smallest chance of being adopted by the government. These principles became subjects of
discussion at the poet’s almost daily. They were matured in minds hopeless of seeing
any other benefit from them than that arising from the discussion of fifty other great and
beneficial truths of a public character opposed to dominant interests. Not but that there
were a few in parliament who, fully assenting to those doctrines, never expected to see
them become the guides of our legislation. When, so long afterwards, Mr. Charles Pelham Villiers, to whom the merit primarily
belongs of bringing forward in parliament, year after year, the repeal of the corn-laws,
one of those great principles nobody expected to see carried out, until, like the
slave-trade repeal, thirty or more sessions had been occupied in convincing unrighteous
interests that the principle of justice was not extinct among mankind. For a time there
were animated conversations about these doctrines pro and con.
“You are obstinate,” he would say. “You are
blind at noonday.”
“But consider, Campbell,
we cannot cultivate the ground under so much per quarter for wheat; how shall men with
landed estates live? It is all very well for you poets. How shall we keep our
incomes?”
“You must lower your rents,” he would reply.
“We who have no landed estates, and are twenty to one in the community to
you—we have a right to live also; our incomes may fall fifty per cent., and you
won’t concern yourselves about us. We deny your assumptive superiority. What is
your claim to exemption from the rest of the community?”
“But land is everything; all the nation has is based upon
land.”
“Not upon landholders,” the poet would archly
310 | LITERARY REMINISCENCES AND | |
reply. “The Dutch have no permanent landed interest, and for
that reason they never have a famine. Come, my friend, it is all self-interest under a
mask. There was an old woman in my country who for many long years sold the best
‘bannocks’ in her neighbourhood; everybody bought them of the old crone.
She fancied nobody had a right to sell ‘bannocks’ but herself. A good many
people were of her opinion. A rival came and settled in the neighbourhood, selling as
good bannocks—capital bannocks, and a small ‘stoup of brose’ into the
bargain, at the same price. The auld wifie complained and whined about her
‘vested interest,’ and how, but for her ‘bannocks,’ people must
have gone without. Now,” said Campbell, “you landowners are old wifies, and want an exclusive right
to ‘bannockselling;’ that is the whole matter.”
In this way Campbell would argue
the point pleasantly with Mr. C—— and Lord Dillon, and two or three others, who took the
anti-popular side of the question. In conversation he was lively at such times. The Scotch
accent was not discoverable, unless when he chose to adopt it for humour’s sake, and
this he would frequently do on such occasions as the above. I have often thought since upon
these discussions, and those times when “the wisdom of Parliament,” in
the
| MEMOIRS OF THOMAS CAMPBELL. | 311 |
large majority, was not wisdom with the multitude of counsellors.
The poet was cold in death when Peel, more far-seeing
than his old friends, pressed upon by the conviction of its necessity, freed his wrists
from the handcuffs of a party; vindicated his own reason, and scattered to the winds the
law, the existence of which was the best proof upon what principles the people of England
had been too long governed. The poet was no more, but his advocacy of the triumphant
principle, twenty-five years before his decease, is an evidence of his patriotism and
soundness of judgment. Thus, among intellectual persons, in privacy, the principles are
canvassed and cultivated, that come forth at last to change the policy of governments and
amend society.
Robert Anderson (1749-1830)
Scottish physician and man of letters who corresponded with Bishop Percy; he edited
A Complete Edition of the Poets of Great Britain (1792-95) with
prefatory biographies.
Robert Blair (1699-1749)
Scottish poet, author of a long-popular poem in blank verse,
The
Grave (1743).
Joseph Brant (1743-1807)
Mohawk chieftain aligned with the British during the American War of Independence.
John Brant (1794-1832)
The son of the Mohawk chieftain Joseph Brant; he fought with the British during the War
of 1812 and was the first Indian to sit in Upper Canada's parliament.
Thomas Burnet (1635 c.-1715)
Master of the Charterhouse (1685-1715); as a theologian and natural philosopher he was
influenced by the Cambridge Platonists. He published
Telluris theoria
sacra (1681)
Thomas Campbell (1777-1844)
Scottish poet and man of letters; author of
The Pleasures of Hope
(1799),
Gertrude of Wyoming (1808) and lyric odes. He edited the
New Monthly Magazine (1821-30).
Hartley Coleridge [Old Bachelor] (1796-1849)
The eldest son of the poet; he was educated at Merton College, Oxford, contributed essays
in the
London Magazine and
Blackwood's, and
published
Lives of Distinguished Northerns (1832).
Henry Nelson Coleridge (1798-1843)
The nephew and literary executor of Samuel Taylor Coleridge; he was a barrister and
reviewer for the
British Critic and
Quarterly
Review.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772-1834)
English poet and philosopher who projected
Lyrical Ballads (1798)
with William Wordsworth; author of
Biographia Literaria (1817),
On the Constitution of the Church and State (1829) and other
works.
John Wilson Croker (1780-1857)
Secretary of the Admiralty (1810) and writer for the
Quarterly
Review; he edited an elaborate edition of Boswell's
Life of
Johnson (1831).
Robert Dickson (1804-1875)
Scottish-born physician and writer who lectured on botany at St. George's
Hospital.
Henry Augustus Dillon-Lee, thirteenth viscount Dillon (1777-1832)
Irish peer, son of the twelfth viscount; he was MP for Harwich (1799-1802) and Mayo
(1802-13) and contributed to the
New Monthly Magazine. Hazlitt said
of him, “but for some twist in his brain, would have been a clever man.”
Ugo Foscolo (1778-1827)
Italian poet and critic who settled in London in 1816 where he contributed essays on
Italian literature to the
Edinburgh and
Quarterly
Reviews.
William Gifford (1756-1826)
Poet, scholar, and editor who began as a shoemaker's apprentice; after Oxford he
published
The Baviad (1794),
The Maeviad
(1795), and
The Satires of Juvenal translated (1802) before becoming
the founding editor of the
Quarterly Review (1809-24).
Francis Hall (d. 1833)
Of the 14th Light Dragoons; he fought in the Peninsular War, traveled in America, served
under Bolivar, and was a hydrographer in the service of Colombia.
William Hazlitt (1778-1830)
English essayist and literary critic; author of
Characters of
Shakespeare's Plays (1817),
Lectures on the English Poets
(1818), and
The Spirit of the Age (1825).
Homer (850 BC fl.)
Poet of the
Iliad and
Odyssey.
George Horne, bishop of Norwich (1730-1792)
High-church clergyman educated at University College, Oxford where he was vice-chancellor
(1776-80); he was bishop of Norwich (1790). His commentary on the Psalms was reprinted into
the nineteenth century.
Francis Jeffrey, Lord Jeffrey (1773-1850)
Scottish barrister, Whig MP, and co-founder and editor of the
Edinburgh
Review (1802-29). As a reviewer he was the implacable foe of the Lake School of
poetry.
John Milton (1608-1674)
English poet and controversialist; author of
Comus (1634),
Lycidas (1638),
Areopagitica (1644),
Paradise Lost (1667), and other works.
John Murray II (1778-1843)
The second John Murray began the
Quarterly Review in 1809 and
published works by Scott, Byron, Austen, Crabbe, and other literary notables.
Alexander Pope (1688-1744)
English poet and satirist; author of
The Rape of the Lock (1714)
and
The Dunciad (1728).
Thomas Pringle (1789-1834)
Scottish poet, journalist, and abolitionist, who after a brief stint as one of the
founding editors of
Blackwood's Magazine emigrated to southern
Africa.
Bryan Waller Procter [Barry Cornwall] (1787-1874)
English poet; a contemporary of Byron at Harrow, and friend of Leigh Hunt and Charles
Lamb. He was the author of several volumes of poem and
Mirandola, a
tragedy (1821).
Jean Racine (1639-1699)
French neoclassical playwright, author of
Andromaque (1667),
Bajazet (1672),
Mithridate (1673) and Phèdre
(1677).
Raphael (1483-1520)
Of Urbino; Italian painter patronized by Leo X.
John Scott (1784-1821)
After Marischal College he worked as a journalist with Leigh Hunt, edited
The Champion (1814-1817), and edited the
London
Magazine (1820) until he was killed in the duel at Chalk Farm.
Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792-1822)
English poet, with Byron in Switzerland in 1816; author of
Queen
Mab (1813),
The Revolt of Islam (1817),
The Cenci and
Prometheus Unbound (1820), and
Adonais (1821).
Titian (1487 c.-1576)
Venetian painter celebrated for his portraits.
Charles Pelham Villiers (1802-1898)
The brother of the fourth Earl of Clarendon; educated at St John's College, Cambridge, he
was a liberal MP for Wolverhamptom (1835-98) who championed free trade.
Jonathan Wild (1683-1725)
Thief-taker and criminal, the model for Peachum in Gay's
Beggar's
Opera (1728) and the subject of Fielding's fictional
Jonathan
Wild the Great (1743).
The Quarterly Review. (1809-1967). Published by John Murray, the
Quarterly was instigated by Walter
Scott as a Tory rival to the
Edinburgh Review. It was edited by
William Gifford to 1824, and by John Gibson Lockhart from 1826 to 1853.
Robert Blair (1699-1749)
The Grave. (London: 1743). On of the most frequently-reprinted eighteenth-century poems, Blair's
The Grave was a harbinger of literary gothicism.