Memoirs of the Life of Sir Walter Scott, Bart.
Chapter III 1825
CHAPTER III.
LIFE OF NAPOLEON IN PROGRESS—VISITS OF MR
MOORE, MRS COOTTS, ETC.—COMMERCIAL MANIA AND IMPENDING
DIFFICULTIES OF 1825.
Without an hour’s delay Sir
Walter resumed his usual habits of life at Abbotsford—the musing ramble
among his own glens, the breezy ride over the moors, the merry spell at the woodman’s
axe, or the festive chase of Newark, Fernilee, Hangingshaw, or Deloraine; the quiet
old-fashioned contentment of the little domestic circle, alternating with the brilliant
phantasmagoria of admiring, and sometimes admired, strangers—or the hoisting of the
telegraph flag that called laird and bonnet-laird to the burning of the water, or the
wassail of the hall. The hours of the closet alone had found a change. The preparation for
the Life of Napoleon was a course of such
hard reading as had not been called for while “the great magician,” in the full
sunshine of ease, amused himself, and delighted the world, by unrolling, fold after fold,
his endlessly varied panorama of romance. That miracle had to all appearance cost him no
effort. Unmoved and serene among the multiplicities of worldly business, and the invasions
of half Europe and America, he had gone on tranquilly enjoying rather than exerting his
genius, in the production of those masterpieces which
88 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
have peopled all
our fire-sides with inexpensive friends, and rendered the solitary supremacy of Shakspeare, as an all-comprehensive and genial painter of
man, no longer a proverb.
He had, while this was the occupation of his few desk-hours, read only
for his diversion. How much he read even then, his correspondence may have afforded some
notion. Those who observed him the most constantly were never able to understand how he
contrived to keep himself so thoroughly up to the stream of contemporary literature of
almost all sorts, French and German, as well as English. That a rapid glance might tell him
more than another man could gather by a week’s poring, may easily be guessed; but the
grand secret was his perpetual practice of his own grand maxim never to
be doing nothing. He had no ‘unconsidered trifles’ of time. Every
moment was turned to account; and thus he had leisure for every thing except, indeed, the
newspapers, which consume so many precious hours nowadays with most men, and of which,
during the period of my acquaintance with him, he certainly read less than any other man I
ever knew that had any habit of reading at all. I should also except, speaking generally,
the Reviews and Magazines of the time. Of these he saw few, and of the few he read little.
He had now to apply himself doggedly to the mastering of a huge
accumulation of historical materials. He read, and noted, and indexed with the pertinacity
of some pale compiler in the British Museum; but rose from such employment, not radiant and
buoyant, as after he had been feasting himself among the teeming harvests of Fancy, but
with an aching brow, and eyes on which the dimness of years had begun to plant some specks,
before they were subjected again to that straining over small print and difficult
manuscript which
| PREPARATIONS FOR NAPOLEON. | 89 |
had, no doubt, been
familiar to them in the early time, when (in Shortreed’s phrase) “he was making himself.” It
was a pleasant sight when one happened to take a passing peep into his den, to see the
white head erect, and the smile of conscious inspiration on his lips, while the pen, held
boldly and at a commanding distance, glanced steadily and gaily along a fast-blackening
page of “The Talisman.” It now
often made me sorry to catch a glimpse of him, stooping and poring with his spectacles,
amidst piles of authorities, a little note-book ready in the left hand, that had always
used to be at liberty for patting Maida. To observe this was the
more painful, because I had at that time to consult him about some literary proposals, the
closing with which would render it necessary for me to abandon my profession and residence
in Edinburgh, and with them the hope of being able to relieve him of some part of the minor
labours in which he was now involved; an assistance on which he had counted when he
undertook this historical task. There were then about me, indeed, cares and anxieties of
various sorts that might have thrown a shade even over a brighter vision of his interior.
For the circumstance that finally determined me, and reconciled him as to the proposed
alteration in my views of life, was the failing health of an infant equally dear to us
both. It was, in a word, the opinion of our medical friends, that the short-lived child of many and high hopes, whose name will go down to
posterity with one of Sir Walter’s most precious
works, could hardly survive another
northern winter; and we all flattered ourselves with the anticipation that my removal to
London at the close of 1825 might pave the way for a happy resumption of the cottage at
Chiefswood in the ensuing summer. Dis aliter
visum.
During the latter months of 1825, while the matter to
90 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
which I have alluded was yet undecided, I had to make two hurried journeys to London, by
which I lost the opportunity of witnessing Sir
Walter’s reception of several eminent persons with whom he then formed
or ratified a friendship; among others the late admirable Master of the Rolls, Lord Gifford, and his Lady who spent some days at Abbotsford, and detected nothing of the less
agreeable features in its existence, which I have been dwelling upon; Dr Philpotts, now Bishop of Exeter; and also the brother
bard, who had expressed his regret at not being present “when Scott and
Killarney were introduced to each other.” No more welcome announcement
ever reached Scott than Mr
Moore’s of his purpose to make out, that same season, his long
meditated expedition to Scotland; and the characteristic opening and close of the reply
will not, I hope, be thrown away upon my reader, any more than they were on the
warm-hearted minstrel of Erin.
To Thomas Moore, Esq., Sloperton Cottage,
Devizes.
“Abbotsford, Thursday.
“My Dear Sir—Damn Sir—My Dear
Moore,
“Few things could give me more pleasure than your
realizing the prospect your letter holds out to me. We are at Abbotsford
fixtures till 10th November, when my official duty, for I am ‘slave to
an hour and vassal to a bell,’ calls me to Edinburgh. I hope you
will give me as much of your time as you can—no one will value it more highly.
“You keep the great north road till you come to the
last stage in England, Cornhill, and then take up the Tweed to Kelso. If I knew
what day you would be at Kelso, I would come down, and do the honours of
Tweedside, by bringing you here, and showing you
any thing that is remarkable by the way; but
though I could start at a moment’s warning, I should scarce, I fear, have
time to receive a note from Newcastle soon enough to admit of my reaching you
at Kelso. Drop me a line, however, at all events; and, in coming from Kelso to
Melrose and Abbotsford, be sure to keep the southern side of the Tweed, both
because it is far the pleasantest route, and because I will come a few miles to
take the chance of meeting you. You do not mention whether you have any
fellow-travellers. We have plenty of accommodation for any part of your family,
or any friend, who may be with you.—Yours, in great joy and expectation,
Mr Moore arrived accordingly—and he remained several
days. Though not, I believe, a regular journalizer, he kept a brief diary during his Scotch
tour, and he has kindly allowed me the use of it. He fortunately found Sir Walter in an interval of repose—no one with him at
Abbotsford, but Lady and Miss Scott and no company at dinner except the Fergusons and Laidlaw. The two poets
had thus the opportunity of a great deal of quiet conversation; and from the hour they met,
they seem to have treated each other with a full confidence, the record of which, however
touchingly honourable to both, could hardly be made public in
extenso while one of them survives. The first day they were alone
after dinner, and the talk turned chiefly on the recent death of Byron—from which Scott passed unaffectedly to his own
literary history. Mr Moore listened with great interest to details,
now no longer new, about the early days of ballad-hunting, Mat
Lewis, the Minstrelsy,
and the Poems; and “at last,” says he, “to my no small
surprise, as well as pleasure, he mentioned the novels,
92 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
without
any reserve, as his own. He gave me an account of the original progress of those
extraordinary works, the hints supplied for them, the conjectures and mystification to
which they had given rise, &c. &c.:” he concluded with saying,
“they have been a mine of wealth to me—but I find I fail in them now—I can no
longer make them so good as at first.” This frankness was met as it should
have been by the brother poet; and when he entered Scott’s room
next morning, “he laid his hand,” says Mr Moore,
“with a sort of cordial earnestness on my breast, and said—Now, my dear Moore, we are friends for life.”
They sallied out for a walk through the plantations, and among other things, the commonness
of the poetic talent in these days was alluded to. “Hardly a Magazine is now
published,” said Moore, “that does not contain
verses, which some thirty years ago would have made a reputation.”
Scott turned with his look of shrewd humour, as if chuckling over
his own success, and said, “Ecod, we were in the luck of it to come before these
fellows;” but he added, playfully flourishing his stick as he spoke,
“we have, like Bobadil, taught them to
beat us with our own weapons.” “In complete novelty,” says
Moore, “he seemed to think lay the only chance for a man
ambitious of high literary reputation in these days.”
Mr Moore was not less pleased than Washington Irving had been nine years before with
Scott’s good friend at Kaeside. He
says:—“Our walk was to the cottage of Mr
Laidlaw, his bailiff, a gentleman who had been reduced beneath his due
level in life, and of whom Scott spoke with the most cordial respect. His intention
was, he said, to ask him to come down and dine with us:—the cottage homely, but the man
himself, with his broad Scotch dialect, showing all the quiet self-possession of good
breeding and good sense.”
At Melrose, writes Mr Moore,
“With the assistance of the sexton, a shrewd, sturdy-mannered original, he
explained to me all the parts of the ruin; after which we were shown up to a room in
the sexton’s house, filled with casts done by himself, from the ornaments, heads,
&c. of the abbey. Seeing a large niche empty, Scott said, ‘Johnny, I’ll give you
a Virgin and Child to put in that place.’ Never did I see a happier face
than Johnny’s at this news—it was all over smiles.
‘But, Johnny,’ continued Scott, as we went down
stairs, ‘I’m afraid, if there should be another anti-popish rising,
you’ll have your house pulled about your ears.’ When we had got
into the carriage, I said, ‘You have made that man most truly
happy.’ ‘Ecod, then,’ he replied, ‘there are two
of us pleased, for I was very much puzzled to know what to do with that Virgin and
Child; and mamma particularly’ (meaning Lady
Scott) ‘will be delighted to get rid of it.’ A less
natural man would have allowed me to remain under the impression that he had really
done a very generous thing.”
They called the same morning at Huntly Burn:—“I could not help
thinking” (says Moore), “during this
homely visit, how astonished some of those French friends of mine would be, among whom
the name of Sir Walter Scott is encircled only with
high and romantic associations, to see the quiet, neighbourly manner in which he took
his seat beside these good old maids, and the familiar ease with which they treated him
in return. No common squire indeed, with but half an idea in his head, could have
fallen into the gossip of a humdrum country-visit with more unassumed
simplicity.”
Mr Moore would have been likely to make the same
sort of observation, had he accompanied Sir Walter into
any other house in the valley; but he could not be expected to appreciate oft-hand the very
uncommon
94 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
intellectual merits of “those old maids” of
Huntly Burn—who had enjoyed the inestimable advantage of living from youth to age in the
atmosphere of genius, learning, good sense, and high principle.
He was of course delighted at the dinner which followed, when Scott had collected his neighbours to enjoy his guest, with
the wit and humour of Sir Adam Ferguson, his
picturesque stories of the Peninsula, and his inimitable singing of the old Jacobite
ditties. “Nothing,” he writes, “could be more hearty and radiant
than Scott’s enjoyment of them, though his attempts to join in
the chorus showed certainly far more of will than of power. He confessed that he hardly
knew high from low in music. I told him that Lord Byron,
in the same manner, knew nothing of music as an art, but still had a strong feeling of it,
and that I had more than once seen the tears come into his eyes as he listened. ‘I
dare say,’ said Scott, ‘that
Byron’s feeling and mine about music might be pretty
much the same.’ I was much struck by his description of a scene he had once
with Lady (the divorced Lady ——) upon her eldest boy, who had been
born before her marriage with Lord ——, asking her why he himself was not Lord —— (the
second title). ‘Do you hear that?’ she exclaimed wildly to
Scott; and then rushing to the pianoforte, played, in a sort of
frenzy, some hurried airs, as if to drive away the dark thoughts then in her mind. It
struck me that he spoke of this lady as if there had been something more than mere
friendship between them. He described her as beautiful and full of character.
“In reference to his own ignorance of musical matters,
Scott mentioned that he had been once employed
as counsel upon a case where a purchaser of a fiddle had been imposed upon as to its
value. He found it
necessary,
accordingly, to prepare himself by reading all about fiddles and fiddlers that he could
find in the Encyclopædia, &c.; and having
got the names of Straduarius, Amati, and such
like, glibly upon his tongue, he got swimmingly through his cause. Not long after this,
dining at ——, he found himself left alone after dinner with the Duke, who had but two
subjects he could talk upon—hunting and music. Having exhausted hunting,
Scott thought he would bring forward his lately acquired
learning in fiddles, upon which his Grace became quite animated, and immediately
whispered some orders to the butler, in consequence of which there soon entered into
the room about half a dozen tall footmen, each bearing a fiddle-case; and
Scott now found his musical knowledge brought to no less
trying a test than that of telling, by the tone of each fiddle, as the Duke played it,
by what artist it had been made. ‘By guessing and management,’ he
said, ‘I got on pretty well till we were, to my great relief, summoned to
coffee.’”
In handing to me the pages from which I have taken these scraps,
Mr Moore says,—“I parted from Scott with the feeling that all the world might admire him in
his works, but that those only could learn to love him as he deserved who had seen him at
Abbotsford. I give you carte blanche to say what
you please of my sense of his cordial kindness and gentleness; perhaps a not very dignified
phrase would express my feeling better than any fine one—it was that he was a thorough good fellow.” What Scott thought
of Moore the reader shall see presently.
The author of Lallah
Rookh’s Kelso chaise was followed before many days by a more formidable
equipage. The much talked-of lady who began life as Miss Harriet
Mellon, a comic actress in a provincial troop, and died Duchess of St Albans, was then making a tour in Scot-
96 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
land as Mrs Coutts, the enormously wealthy widow
of the first English banker of his time. No person of such consequence could, in those
days, have thought a Scotch progress complete, unless it included a reception at
Abbotsford; but Mrs Coutts had been previously acquainted with
Sir Walter, who, indeed, had some remote connexion
with her late husband’s family, through the Stuarts of Allanbank, I believe, or
perhaps the Swintons of Swinton. He had visited her occasionally in London during Mr Coutts’s life, and was very willing to do the
honours of Teviotdale in return. But although she was considerate enough not to come on him
with all her retinue, leaving four of the seven carriages with which she travelled at
Edinburgh, the appearance of only three coaches, each drawn by four horses, was rather
trying for poor Lady Scott. They contained Mrs
Coutts, her future lord the Duke of St
Albans, one of his Grace’s sisters—a dame
de compagnie (vulgarly styled a Toady)—a brace of physicians—for it
had been considered that one doctor might himself be disabled in the course of an
expedition so adventurous—and, besides other menials of every grade, two bedchamber women
for Mrs Coutts’s own person; she requiring to have this article
also in duplicate, because, in her widowed condition, she was fearful of ghosts and there
must be one Abigail for the service of the toilette, a second to keep watch by night. With
a little puzzling and cramming, all this train found accommodation; but it so happened that
there were already in the house several ladies, Scotch and English, of high birth and rank,
who felt by no means disposed to assist their host and hostess in making Mrs
Coutts’s visit agreeable to her. They had heard a great deal, and they
saw something, of the ostentation almost inseparable from wealth so vast as had come into
her keeping. They were on the outlook for absurdity
and merriment; and I need not observe how effectually women of fashion can contrive to
mortify, without doing or saying any thing that shall expose them to the charge of actual
incivility.
Sir Walter, during dinner, did every thing in his power
to counteract this influence of the evil eye, and something to overawe it; but the spirit
of mischief had been fairly stirred, and it was easy to see that Mrs Coutts followed these noble dames to the drawing-room in by no means
that complacent mood which was customarily sustained, doubtless, by every blandishment of
obsequious flattery, in this mistress of millions. He cut the gentlemen’s sederunt
short, and soon after joining the ladies, managed to withdraw the youngest, and gayest, and
cleverest, who was also the highest in rank (a lovely Marchioness), into his armorial-hall
adjoining. “I said to her” (he told me), “I want to speak a
word with you about Mrs Coutts. We have known each other a good
while, and I know you won’t take any thing I can say in ill part. It is, I hear,
not uncommon among the fine ladies in London to be very well pleased to accept
invitations, and even sometimes to hunt after them, to Mrs
Coutts’s grand balls and fêtes, and then, if they meet her in any
private circle, to practise on her the delicate manœuvre
called tipping the cold shoulder. This you agree with me is
shabby; but it is nothing new either to you or to me that fine people will do
shabbinesses for which beggars might blush, if they once stoop so low as to poke for
tickets. I am sure you would not for the world do such a thing; but you must permit me
to take the great liberty of saying, that I think the style you have all received my
guest Mrs Coutts in, this evening, is, to a certain extent, a sin
of the same order. You were all told a couple of days ago that I had accepted her
visit, and that she would arrive to-day
98 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
to stay three nights. Now
if any of you had not been disposed to be of my party at the same time with her, there
was plenty of time for you to have gone away before she came; and as none of you moved,
and it was impossible to fancy that any of you would remain out of mere curiosity, I
thought I had a perfect right to calculate on your having made up your minds to help me
out with her.” The beautiful Peeress answered, “I thank you,
Sir Walter—you have done me the great honour to speak as if I
had been your daughter, and depend upon it you shall be obeyed with heart and
good-will.” One by one, the other exclusives were seen engaged in a little
têtte-à-tête with her ladyship. Sir
Walter was soon satisfied that things had been put into a right train; the
Marchioness was requested to sing a particular song, because he thought it would please
Mrs Coutts. “Nothing could gratify her more than to
please Mrs Coutts.” Mrs
Coutts’s brow smoothed, and in the course of half-an-hour she was as
happy and easy as ever she was in her life, rattling away at comical anecdotes of her early
theatrical years, and joining in the chorus of Sir
Adam’s Laird of
Cockpen. She stayed out her three days*—saw, accompanied by all the circle,
Melrose, Dryburgh, and Yarrow—and left Abbotsford delighted with her host, and, to all
appearance, with his other guests.
It may be said (for the most benevolent of men had in his lifetime, and
still has, some maligners) that he was so anxious about Mrs
Coutts’s comfort, because he worshipped wealth. I dare not deny that
he set more of his affections, during great part of his life, upon worldly things, wealth
among others, than might have become such an intellect. One may conceive a sober
* Sir Walter often quoted the
maxim of an old lady in one of Miss
Ferrier’s novels—that a visit should never exceed three days,
“the rest day—the drest day—and
the prest day.” |
grandeur of mind, not incompatible with
genius as rich as even his, but infinitely more admirable than any genius, incapable of
brooding upon any of the pomps and vanities of this life—or caring about money at all,
beyond what is necessary for the easy sustenance of nature. But we must, in judging the
most powerful of minds, take into account the influences to which they were exposed in the
plastic period; and where imagination is visibly the predominant faculty, allowance must be
made very largely indeed. Scott’s autobiographical
fragment, and the anecdotes annexed to it, have been printed in vain, if they have not
conveyed the notion of such a training of the mind, fancy, and character, as could hardly
fail to suggest dreams and aspirations very likely, were temptation presented, to take the
shape of active external ambition to prompt a keen pursuit of those resources, without
which visions of worldly splendour cannot be realized. But I think the subsequent
narrative, with the correspondence embodied in it, must also have satisfied every candid
reader that his appetite for wealth was, after all, essentially a vivid yearning for the
means of large beneficence. As to his being capable of the silliness—to say nothing of the
meanness—of allowing any part of his feelings or demeanour towards others to be affected by
their mere possession of wealth, I cannot consider such a suggestion as worthy of much
remark. He had a kindness towards Mrs Coutts, because he knew that,
vain and pompous as her displays of equipage and attendance might be, she mainly valued
wealth, like himself, as the instrument of doing good. Even of her apparently most
fantastic indulgences he remembered, as Pope did when
ridiculing the “lavish cost and little skill” of his Timon, “Yet hence the poor are clothed, the hungry fed;”— |
100 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
but he interfered, to prevent her being made uncomfortable in his
house, neither more nor less than he would have done, had she come there in her original
character of a comic actress, and been treated with coldness as such by his Marchionesses
and Countesses.
Since I have been led to touch on what many always considered as the
weak part of his character—his over respect for worldly things in general,—I must say one
word as to the matter of rank, which undoubtedly had infinitely more effect on him than
money. In the first place, he was all along courted by the great world—not it by him; and,
secondly, pleased as he was with its attentions, he derived infinitely greater pleasure
from the trusting and hearty affection of his old equals, and the inferiors whose welfare
he so unweariedly promoted. But, thirdly, he made acute discriminations among the many
different orders of claimants who jostle each other for pre-eminence in the curiously
complicated system of modern British society. His imagination had been constantly exercised
in recalling and embellishing whatever features of the past it was possible to connect with
any pleasing ideas, and a historical name was a charm that literally stirred his blood. But
not so a mere title. He reverenced the Duke of Buccleuch—but it was
not as a Duke, but as the head of his clan, the representative of the old knights of
Branxholm. In the Duke of Hamilton he saw not the premier peer of
Scotland, but the lineal heir of the heroic old Douglasses; and he had profounder respect
for the chief of a Highland Clan, without any title whatever, and with an ill paid rental
of two or three thousand a-year, than for the haughtiest magnate in a blue ribbon, whose
name did not call up any grand historical reminiscence. I remember once when he had some
young Englishmen of high fashion in his house, there arrived a Scotch gentleman of no
distinguished appearance, whom he received
with a sort of eagerness and empressement of
reverential courtesy that struck the strangers as quite out of the common. His name was
that of a Scotch Earl, however, and no doubt he was that nobleman’s son.
“Well,” said one of the Southrons to me,—“I had never heard
that the Earl of —— was one of your very greatest lords in this country; even a second
son of his, booby though he be, seems to be of wonderful consideration.” The
young English lord heard with some surprise, that the visiter in question was a poor
lieutenant on half-pay, heir to a tower about as crazy as Don
Quixote’s, and noways related (at least according to English notions
of relationship) to the Earl of ——. “What, then,” he cried,
“What can Sir
Walter mean?” “Why,” said I, “his
meaning is very clear. This gentleman is the male representative (which the Earl of may
possibly be in the female line) of a knight who is celebrated by our old poet Blind Harry, as having signalized himself by the side of
Sir William Wallace, and from whom every
Scotchman that bears the name of —— has at least the ambition of being supposed to
descend.”—Sir Walter’s own title came unsought;
and that he accepted it, not in the foolish fancy that such a title, or any title, could
increase his own personal consequence, but because he thought it fair to embrace the
opportunity of securing a certain external distinction to his heirs at Abbotsford, was
proved pretty clearly by his subsequently declining the greatly higher, but intransmissible
rank of a Privy-Councillor. At the same time, I dare say his ear liked the knightly sound;
and undoubtedly he was much pleased with the pleasure his wife took, and gaily acknowledged
she took, in being My Lady.
The circumstances of the King’s visit in 1822, and
102 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
others already noted, leave no doubt that imagination enlarged and
glorified for him many objects to which it is very difficult for ordinary men in our
generation to attach much importance; and perhaps he was more apt to attach importance to
such things, during the prosperous course of his own fortunes, than even a liberal
consideration of circumstances can altogether excuse. To myself it seems to have been so;
yet I do not think the severe critics on this part of his story have kept quite
sufficiently in mind how easy it is for us all to undervalue any species of temptation to
which we have not happened to be exposed. I am aware, too, that there are examples of men
of genius, situated to a certain extent like him, who have resisted and repelled the
fascinations against which he was not entirely proof; but I have sometimes thought that
they did so at the expense of parts of their character nearer the marrow of humanity than
those which his weakness in this way tended to endamage; that they mingled, in short, in
their virtuous self-denial, some grains of sacrifice at the shrine of a cold, unsocial,
even sulky species of self-conceit. But this digression has already turned out much longer
than I intended.
Mrs Coutts and her three coaches astonished Abbotsford
but a few days after I returned to Chiefswood from one of my rapid journeys to London.
While in the metropolis on that occasion, I had heard a great deal more than I understood
about the commercial excitement of the time. For several years preceding 1825 the plethora
of gold on the one hand, and the wildness of impatient poverty on the other, had been
uniting their stimulants upon the blood and brain of the most curious of all concretes,
individual or national, “John Bull;” nor
had sober “Sister Peg” escaped the
infection of disorders which appear to recur, at pretty regular periods,
| COMMERCIAL MANIA OF 1825. | 103 |
in the sanguine constitution of her
brother. They who had accumulated great masses of wealth, dissatisfied with the usual rates
of interest under a conscientious government really protective of property, had embarked in
the most perilous and fantastic schemes for piling visionary Pelions upon the real Ossa of
their moneybags; and unscrupulous dreamers, who had all to gain and nothing to lose, found
it easy to borrow, from cash-encumbered neighbours, the means of pushing adventures of
their own devising, more extravagant than had been heard of since the days of the South Sea
and Mississippi bubbles. Even persons who had extensive and flourishing businesses in their
hands, partook the general rage of infatuation. He whose own shop, counting-house, or
warehouse, had been sufficient to raise him to a decent and safely-increasing opulence, and
was more than sufficient to occupy all his attention, drank in the vain delusion that he
was wasting his time and energy on things unworthy of a masculine ambition, and embarked
the resources necessary for the purposes of his lawful calling, in speculations worthy of
the land-surveyors of El Dorado. It was whispered that the trade (so
called, par excellence) had been bitten with this fever; and persons
of any foresight who knew (as I did not at that time know) the infinitely curious links by
which booksellers, and printers, and paper-makers (and therefore authors), are bound
together, high and low, town and country, for good and for evil, already began to prophesy
that, whenever the general crash, which must come ere long, should arrive, its effects
would be felt far and wide among all classes connected with the productions of the press.
When it was rumoured that this great bookseller, or printer, had become a principal holder
of South American mining shares—that another was the leading director of a railway
company—a third of a gas company 104 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
—while a fourth house had risked
about L.100,000 in a cast upon the most capricious of all agricultural products, hops—it was no wonder that bankers should begin to calculate
balances, and pause upon discounts.
Among other hints to the tune of periculosæ plenum opus aleæ which reached my ear, were
some concerning a splendid bookselling establishment in London, with which I knew the
Edinburgh house of Constable to be closely connected
in business. Little suspecting the extent to which any mischance of Messrs Hurst and Robinson
must involve Sir Walter’s own responsibilities, I
transmitted to him the rumours in question as I received them. Before I could have his
answer, a legal friend of mine, well known to Scott also, told me that
people were talking doubtfully about Constable’s own stability.
I thought it probable that if Constable fell into any pecuniary
embarrassments, Scott might suffer the inconvenience of losing the
copy-money of his last novel. Nothing more serious occurred to me. But I thought it my duty
to tell him this whisper also; and heard from him, almost by return of post, that, shake
who might in London, his friend in Edinburgh was “rooted, as well as branched,
like the oak.” Knowing his almost painfully accurate habits of business as to
matters of trivial moment, I doubted not that he had ample grounds for being quite easy as
to any concerns of his own with his publisher; and though I turned northwards with anxiety
enough, none of the burden had reference to that subject.
A few days, however, after my arrival at Chiefswood, I received a letter
from the legal friend already alluded to—(Mr William
Wright, the eminent barrister of Lincoln’s Inn,—who, by the way, was
also on habits of great personal familiarity with Constable, and liked the Czar exceedingly)—which
renewed my apprehensions,
| COMMERCIAL MANIA OF 1825. | 105 |
or rather,
for the first time, gave me any suspicion that there really might be something
“rotten in the state of Muscovy.” Mr Wright informed me
that it was reported in London that Constable’s London banker
had thrown up his book. This letter reached me about five o’clock, as I was sitting
down to dinner; and, about an hour afterwards, I rode over to Abbotsford, to communicate
its contents. I found Sir Walter alone over his glass of
whisky and water and cigar—at this time, whenever there was no company, “his custom
always in the afternoon.” I gave him Mr Wright’s letter to
read. He did so, and returning it, said, quite with his usual tranquil good-humour of look
and voice, “I am much obliged to you for coming over, but you may rely upon it
Wright has been hoaxed. I promise you, were the Crafty’s book thrown up, there
would be a pretty decent scramble among the bankers for the keeping of it. There may
have been some little dispute or misunderstanding, which malice and envy have
exaggerated in this absurd style; but I shan’t allow such nonsense to disturb my
siesta. Don’t you see,” he added, lighting
another cigar, “that Wright could not have heard of such a
transaction the very day it happened? And can you doubt, that if
Constable had been informed of it yesterday, this day’s
post must have brought me intelligence direct from him?” I ventured to
suggest that this last point did not seem to me clear; that Constable
might not, perhaps, in such a case, be in so great a hurry with his intelligence.
“Ah!” said he, “the Crafty and James Ballantyne have been so much connected in business, that Fatsman
would be sure to hear of any thing so important; and I like the notion of his hearing
it, and not sending me one of his malagrugrous billets-doux. He
could as soon keep his eyebrows in their place if you told him there was a fire in his
nursery.”
106 |
LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. |
|
Seeing how coolly he treated my news, I went home relieved and
gratified. Next morning, as I was rising, behold Peter
Mathieson at my door, his horses evidently off a journey, and the Sheriff
rubbing his eyes as if the halt had shaken him out of a sound sleep. I made what haste I
could to descend, and found him by the side of the brook, looking somewhat worn, but with a
serene and satisfied countenance, busied already in helping his little grandson to feed a
fleet of ducklings. “You are surprised,” he said, “to see me
here. The truth is, I was more taken aback with Wright’s epistle than I cared to let on;
and so, as soon as you left me, I ordered the carriage to the door, and never stopped
till I got to Polton, where I found Constable
putting on his nightcap. I staid an hour with him, and I have now the pleasure to tell
you that all is right. There was not a word of truth in the story. He is fast as Ben
Lomond; and as Mamma and Anne did not know what my errand was, I thought it as well to come and
breakfast here, and set Sophia and you at your
ease before I went home again.”
We had a merry breakfast, and he chatted gaily afterwards as I escorted
him through his woods, leaning on my shoulder all the way, which he seldom as yet did,
except with Tom Purdie, unless when he was in a more
than commonly happy and affectionate mood. But I confess the impression this incident left
on my mind was not a pleasant one. It was then that I first began to harbour a suspicion,
that if any thing should befall Constable, Sir Walter would suffer a heavier loss than the nonpayment of
some one novel. The night journey revealed serious alarm. My wife suggested, as we talked
things over, that his alarm had been, not on his own account, but Ballantyne’s, who, in case evil came on the great
employer of his types, might possibly
lose a
year’s profit on them, which neither she nor I doubted must amount to a large sum—any
more than that a misfortune of Ballantyne’s would grieve her
father as much as one personal to himself. His warm regard for his printer could be no
secret; we well knew that James was his confidential critic—his
trusted and trustworthy friend from boyhood. Nor was I ignorant that
Scott had a share in the property of
Ballantyne’s Edinburgh Weekly Journal. I hinted, under the year 1820, that a dispute arose
about the line to be adopted by that paper in the matter of the Queen’s trial, and that Scott employed his
authority towards overruling the Editor’s disposition to espouse the anti-ministerial
side of that unhappy question. He urged every argument in his power, and in vain; for
James had a just sense of his own responsibility as editor, and
conscientiously differing from Sir Walter’s opinion, insisted,
with honourable firmness, on maintaining his own until he should be denuded of his office.
I happened to be present at one of their conversations on this subject, and in the course
of it Scott used language which distinctly implied that he spoke not
merely as a friend, but as a joint-proprietor of the Journal. Nor did it seem at all
strange that this should be so. But that Sir Walter was and had all
along been James’s partner in the great printing concern,
neither I, nor, I believe, any member of his family, had entertained the slightest
suspicion prior to the coming calamities which were now “casting their shadows
before.”
It is proper to add here that the story about the banker’s
throwing up the book was, as subsequent revelations attested, groundless. Sir Walter’s first guess as to its origin proved
correct.
A few days afterwards, Mr Murray
of Albemarle Street sent me a transcript of Lord
Byron’s Ravenna
108 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
Diary, with permission for my
neighbour also to read it if he pleased. Sir Walter read
those extraordinary pages with the liveliest interest, and filled several of the blank
leaves and margins with illustrative annotations and anecdotes, some of which have lately
been made public, as the rest will doubtless be hereafter. In perusing what
Byron had jotted down from day to day in the intervals of regular
composition, it very naturally occurred to Sir Walter that the noble
poet had done well to avoid troubling himself by any adoption or affectation of plan or
orde— giving an opinion, a reflection, a reminiscence, serious or comic, or the incidents
of the passing hour, just as the spirit moved him,—and seeing what a mass of curious
things, such as “aftertimes would not willingly let die,” had been thus
rescued from oblivion at a very slight cost of exertion,—he resolved to attempt keeping
thenceforth a somewhat similar record. A thick quarto volume, bound in vellum, with a lock
and key, was forthwith procured; and Sir Walter began the journal, from which I shall begin, in the
next chapter, to draw copiously. The occupation of a few stray minutes in his dressing-room
at getting up in the morning, or after he had retired for the night, was found a pleasant
variety for him. He also kept the book by him when in his study, and often had recourse to
it when any thing puzzled him and called for a halt in the prosecution of what he
considered (though posterity will hardly do so) a more important task. It was extremely
fortunate that he took up this scheme exactly at the time when he settled seriously to the
history of Buonaparte’s personal career. The
sort of preparation which every chapter of that book now called for has been already
alluded to; and—although, when he had fairly read himself up to any one great cycle of
transactions, his old spirit roused itself in full energy, and he traced the record with as rapid and glowing a
pencil as he had ever wielded—there were minutes enough, and hours, and perhaps days, of
weariness, depression, and languor, when (unless this silent confidant had been at hand)
even he perhaps might have made no use of his writing-desk.
Even the new resource of journalizing, however, was not sufficient. He
soon convinced himself that it would facilitate, not impede, his progress with Napoleon, to have a work of imagination in
hand also. The success of the Tales of the
Crusaders had been very high; and Constable, well aware that it had been his custom of old to carry on two
romances at the same time, was now too happy to encourage him in beginning Woodstock, to be taken up whenever the
historical MS. should be in advance of the press.
Of the progress both of the Novel and the History, the Journal will afford us fuller and clearer
details than I have been able to produce as to any of his preceding works; but before I
open that sealed book, I believe it will be satisfactory to the reader that I should
present (as briefly as I can) my own view of the melancholy change in Sir Walter’s worldly fortunes, to which almost every
page of the Diary, during several sad and toilsome years, contains some allusion. So doing,
I shall avoid (in some measure at least) the necessity of interrupting, by awkward
explanations, the easy tenor of perhaps the most candid Diary that ever man penned.
The early history of Scott’s
connexion with the Ballantynes has been already given in abundant
detail; and I have felt it my duty not to shrink, at whatever pain to my own feelings or
those of others, from setting down, plainly and distinctly, my own impressions of the
character, manners, and conduct of those two very dissimilar brothers. I find, without
surprise,
110 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
that my representations of them have not proved
satisfactory to their surviving relations. That I cannot help—though I sincerely regret,
having been compelled, in justice to Scott, to become the instrument
for opening old wounds in kind bosoms, animated, I doubt not, like my own, by veneration
for his memory, and respected by me for combining that feeling with a tender concern for
names so intimately connected with his throughout long years of mutual confidence. But I
have been entirely mistaken if those to whom I allude, or any others of my readers, have
interpreted any expressions of mine as designed to cast the slightest imputation on the
moral rectitude of the elder Ballantyne. No
suspicion of that nature ever crossed my mind. I believe James to have
been, from first to last, a perfectly upright man; that his principles were of a lofty
stamp—his feelings pure even to simplicity. His brother John had many amiable as well as amusing qualities, and I am far from
wishing to charge even him with any deep or deliberate malversation. Sir
Walter’s own epithet of “my little picaroon”
indicates all that I desired to imply on that score. But John was,
from mere giddiness of head and temper, incapable of conducting any serious business
advantageously, either for himself or for others; nor dare I hesitate to express my
conviction that, from failings of a different sort, honest James was
hardly a better manager than the picaroon.
He had received the education, not of a printer but of a solicitor; and
he never, to his dying day, had the remotest knowledge or feeling of what the most
important business of a master-printer consists in. He had a fine taste for the effect of
types—no establishment turned out more beautiful specimens of the art than his; but he
appears never to have understood that types need watching as well as setting. If the page
looked handsome he
was satisfied. He had been
instructed that on every L.50 paid in his men’s wages, the master-printer is entitled
to an equal sum of gross profit; and beyond this rule of thumb
calculation, no experience could bring him to penetrate his mystery.
In a word, James never comprehended that in the
greatest and most regularly employed manufactory of this kind (or indeed of any kind), the
profits are likely to be entirely swallowed up, unless the acting master keeps up a most
wakeful scrutiny, from week to week, and from day to day, as to the machinery and the
materials. So far was he from doing this, that during several of the busiest and most
important years of his connexion with the establishment in the Canongate, he seldom crossed
its doors. He sat in his own elbow-chair, in a comfortable library, situated in a different
street—not certainly an idle man—quite the reverse, though naturally indolent—but the most
negligent and inefficient of master-printers.
He was busy, indeed; and inestimably serviceable to Scott was his labour; but it consisted simply and solely in
the correction and revisal of proof-sheets. It is most true, that Sir Walter’s hurried and careless method of composition rendered it
absolutely necessary that whatever he wrote should be subjected to far more than the usual
amount of inspection required at the hands of the printer; and it is equally so, that it
would have been extremely difficult to find another man willing and able to bestow such
time and care on his proof-sheets as they uniformly received from James. But this was, in fact, not the proper occupation of
the man who was at the head of the establishment—who had undertaken the pecuniary
management of the concern. In every other great printing-house that I have known any thing
about, there are intelligent and well-educated men, called, technically, readers, who devote themselves to this species
112 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
of labour,
and who are, I fear, seldom paid in proportion to its importance. Dr Goldsmith, in his early life, was such a reader in the printing-house of Richardson; but the author of Clarissa did not disdain to look after the presses and types himself, or he
would never have accumulated the fortune that enabled him to be the liberal employer of readers like Goldsmith. I quoted, in a
preceding volume,* a letter of Scott’s, written when
John Ballantyne and Co.’s bookselling house was breaking up,
in which he says, “One or other of you will need to be constantly in the
printing-office henceforth: it is the sheet-anchor.” This was ten years after
that establishment began. Thenceforth James, in compliance with this
injunction, occupied, during many hours of every day, a small cabinet on the premises in
the Canongate; but whoever visited him there, found him at the same eternal business, that
of a literator, not that of a printer. He was either editing his newspaper—and he
considered that matter as fondly and proudly as Mr Pott
in Pickwick does his Gazette of
Eatanswill—or correcting proof-sheets, or writing critical notes and letters to the
Author of Waverley. Shakspeare, Addison, Johnson, and Burke,
were at his elbow; but not the ledger. We may thus understand poor
John’s complaint, in what I may call his dying memorandum,
of the “large sums abstracted from the bookselling house for the use of the
printing-office.Ӡ Yet that bookselling house was from the first a
hopeless one; whereas, under accurate superintendence, the other ought to have produced the
partners a dividend of from L.2000 to L.3000 a-year, at the very least.
On the other hand, the necessity of providing some
* See ante, vol. iii. p.
61. † See ante, vol. v.
p. 77. |
remedy for this radical disorder, must very
soon have forced itself upon the conviction of all concerned, had not John Ballantyne (who had served a brief apprenticeship in
a London banking-house) introduced his fatal enlightenment on the subject of facilitating
discounts, and raising cash by means of accommodation-bills. Hence the perplexed states and calendars—the wildernesses and
labyrinths of ciphers, through which no eye but that of a professed accountant could have
detected any clue; hence the accumulation of bills and counter-bills drawn by both
bookselling and printing house, and gradually so mixed up with other obligations, that
John Ballantyne died in utter ignorance of the condition of their
affairs. The pecuniary detail of those affairs then devolved upon
James; and I fancy it will be only too apparent that he never made
even one serious effort to master the formidable balances of figures thus committed to his
sole trust—but in which his all was not all that was involved.
I need not recapitulate the history of the connexion between these
Ballantyne firms and that of Constable. It was traced as accurately as my means permitted in the
preceding volumes, with an eye to the catastrophe. I am willing to believe that kindly
feelings had no small share in inducing Constable to uphold the credit
of John Ballantyne and Company, in their several
successive struggles to avoid the exposure of bankruptcy. He was, with pitiable foibles
enough, and grievous faults, and I fear even some black stains of vice in his character, a
man of warm, and therefore I hardly doubt, of sympathizing temperament. Vain to excess,
proud at the same time, haughty, arrogant, presumptuous, despotic—he had still perhaps a
heart. Persons who knew him longer and better than I did, assure me of their conviction
that, in spite of many direct professional hinderances and thwartings, the offspring (as
he viewed mat-
114 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
ters) partly of Tory
jealousy, and partly of poetical caprice—he had, even at an early period of his life,
formed a genuine affection for Scott’s person, as
well as a most profound veneration for his genius. I think it very possible that he began
his assistance of the Ballantyne companies mainly under this generous
influence—and I also believe that he had, in different ways, a friendly leaning in favour
of both James and John
themselves. But when he, in his overweening self-sufficiency, thought it involved no mighty
hazard to indulge his better feelings, as well as his lordly vanity, in shielding these
friends from commercial dishonour, he had estimated but loosely the demands of the career
of speculation on which he was himself entering. And by and by when, advancing by one
mighty plunge after another in that vast field, he felt in his own person the threatenings
of more signal ruin than could have befallen them, this “Napoleon of the
press”—still as of old buoyed up as to the ultimate result of his grand
operations, by the most fulsome flatteries of imagination—appears to have tossed aside very
summarily all scruples about the extent to which he might be entitled to tax their
sustaining credit in requital. The Ballantynes, if they had
comprehended all the bearings of the case, were not the men to consider grudgingly demands
of this nature, founded on service so important; and who can doubt that
Scott viewed them from a chivalrous altitude? It is easy to see
that the moment the obligations became reciprocal, there arose extreme peril of their
coming to be hopelessly complicated. It is equally clear that he ought to have applied on
these affairs, as their complication thickened, the acumen which he exerted, and rather
prided himself in exerting, on smaller points of worldly business, to the utmost. That he
did not, I must always regard as the enigma of his personal history; but various incidents
in that history, which I have already
narrated, prove incontestably that he had never done so; and I am unable to account for
this having been the case, except on the supposition that his confidence in the resources
of Constable and the prudence of James Ballantyne
was so entire, that he willingly absolved himself from all duty of active and
thorough-going superinspection.
It is the extent to which the confusion had gone that constitutes the
great puzzle. I have been told that John Ballantyne,
in his hey-day, might be heard whistling on his clerk, John
Stevenson (True Jock), from the sanctum behind the shop, with, “Jock, you lubber, fetch ben a sheaf
o’ stamps.” Such things might well enough be believed of that
harebrained creature; but how sober, solemn James
could have made up his mind, as he must have done, to follow much the same wild course
whenever any pinch occurred, is to me, I must own, incomprehensible. The books, of course,
were kept at the printing-house; and Scott, no doubt,
had it in his power to examine them as often as he liked to go there for that purpose. But
did he ever descend the Canongate once on such an errand? I
certainly much question it. I think it very likely that he now and then cast a rapid glance
over the details of a week’s or a month’s operations; but no man who has
followed him throughout can dream that he ever grappled with the sum total. During several
years it was almost daily my custom to walk home with Sir Walter from
the Parliament-House, calling at James’s on our way. For the
most part I used to amuse myself with a newspaper or proof-sheet in the outer room, while
they were closeted in the little cabinet at the corner; and merry were the tones that
reached my ear while they remained in colloquy. If I were called in, it was because
James, in his ecstasy, must have another to enjoy the dialogue
that
116 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
his friend was improvising—between Meg
Dods and Captain Mac-Turk for example,
or Peter Peebles and his counsel.
How shrewdly Scott lectures Terry in May 1825: “The best business is ruined
when it becomes pinched for money, and gets into the circle of discounting
bills.” “It is easy to make it feasible on paper, but the times of
payment arrive to a certainty.” “I should not like to see you take flight like the ingenious mechanist in Rasselas, only to flutter a few
yards, and fall into the lake; this would be a heart-breaking business.”
“You must be careful that a check shall not throw you on the breakers, and for
this there is no remedy but a handsome provision of the
blunt” &c. &c. Who can read these words and consider that, at
the very hour when they fell from Scott’s pen, he was meditating
a new purchase of land to the extent of L.40,000—and that nevertheless the
“certainty of the arrival of times of payment for discounted bills”
was within a few months of being realized to his own ruin; who can read such words, under
such a date, and not sigh the only comment, sic vos non
vobis?
The reader may perhaps remember a page in a former volume, where I
described Scott as riding with Johnny Ballantyne and myself round the deserted halls of
the ancient family of Riddell, and remarking how much it increased the
wonder of their ruin that the late Baronet had “kept day-book and ledger as
regularly as any cheesemonger in the Grassmarket” It
is, nevertheless, true that Sir Walter kept from first to last as
accurate an account of his own personal expenditure as Sir John Riddell could have done of his extravagant outlay
on agricultural experiments. The instructions he gave his son when first joining the 18th
Hussars about the best method of keeping accounts, were copied from his
own practice. I could, I believe, place before my reader the
sum-total of sixpences that it had cost him to ride through-turnpike gates during a period
of thirty years. This was, of course, an early habit mechanically adhered to: but how
strange that the man who could persist, however mechanically, in noting down every shilling
that he actually drew from his purse, should have allowed others to pledge his credit, year
after year, upon sheafs of accommodation paper, “the time for paying which up must
certainly come,” without keeping any efficient watch on their
proceedings—without knowing any one Christmas, for how many thousands or rather tens of
thousands he was responsible as a printer in the Canongate!
This is sufficiently astonishing—and had this been all, the result must
sooner or later have been sufficiently uncomfortable; but still, in the absence of a
circumstance which Sir Walter, however vigilant, could
hardly have been expected to anticipate as within the range of possibility, he would have
been in no danger of a “check that must throw him on the breakers”—of
finding himself, after his flutterings over The Happy Valley, “in the
lake.” He could never have foreseen a step which Constable took in the frenzied excitement of his day of pecuniary alarm.
Owing to the original habitual irregularities of John
Ballantyne, it had been adopted as the regular plan between that person and
Constable, that, whenever the latter signed a bill for the purpose
of the other’s raising money among the bankers, there should, in case of his
neglecting to take that bill up before it fell due, be deposited a counter-bill, signed by
Ballantyne, on which Constable might, if need
were, raise a sum equivalent to that for which he had pledged his credit. I am told that
this is an usual enough course of procedure among speculative merchants; and it may
118 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
be so. But mark the issue. The plan went on under James’s management, just as
John had begun it. Under his management also, such was the
incredible looseness of it, the counter-bills, meant only for being
sent into the market in the event of the primary bills being
threatened with dishonour—these instruments of safeguard for Constable
against contingent danger were allowed to lie unenquired about in
Constable’s desk, until they had swelled to a truly
monstrous “sheaf of stamps.” Constable’s hour of
distress darkened about him, and he rushed with these to the money-changers. They were
nearly all flung into circulation in the course of this maddening period of panic. And by
this one circumstance it came to pass, that, supposing Ballantyne and
Co. to have, at the day of reckoning, obligations against them, in consequence of bill
transactions with Constable, to the extent of L.25,000, they were
legally responsible for L.50,000.
It is not my business to attempt any detailed history of the House of
Constable. The sanguine man had, almost at the
outset of his career, been “lifted off his feet,” in Burns’s phrase, by the sudden and unparalleled
success of the Edinburgh Review. Scott’s poetry and Scott’s
novels followed; and had he confined himself to those three great and triumphant
undertakings, he must have died in possession of a princely fortune. But his
“appetite grew with what it fed on,” and a long series of less
meritorious publications, pushed on, one after the other, in the craziest rapidity,
swallowed up the gains which, however vast, he never counted, and therefore always
exaggerated to himself. He had with the only person who might have been supposed capable of
controlling him in his later years, the authority of age and a quasi-parental relationship
to sustain the natural influence of great and commanding talents; his proud tempera-
ment and his glowing imagination played into
each other’s hands; and he scared suspicion, or trampled remonstrance, whenever
(which probably was seldom) he failed to infuse the fervour of his own self-confidence. But
even his gross imprudence in the management of his own great business would not have been
enough to involve him in absolute ruin: had the matter halted there, and had he,
suspending, as he meant to do, all minor operations, concentred his energies, in alliance
with Scott, upon the new and dazzling adventure of the Cheap
Miscellany, I have no doubt the damage of early misreckonings would soon have been
altogether obliterated. But what he had been to the Ballantynes,
certain other still more audacious “Sheafmen” had been to him. The house of
Hurst, Robinson, and Co. had long been his London agents and correspondents; and
he had carried on with them the same traffic in bills and counter-bills that the Canongate
Company did with him—and upon a still larger scale. They had done what he did not—or at
least did not to any very culpable extent: they had carried their adventures out of the
line of their own business. It was they, for example, that must needs be embarking such
vast sums in a speculation on hops! When ruin threatened them, they availed themselves of
Constable’s credit without stint or limit—while he, feeling
darkly that the net was around him, struggled and splashed for relief, no matter who might
suffer, so he escaped! And Sir Walter Scott, sorely as he suffered,
was too painfully conscious of the “strong tricks” he had allowed his
own imagination to play, not to make merciful allowance for all the apparently monstrous
things that I have now been narrating of Constable; though an offence
lay behind which even his charity could not forgive. Of that I need not as yet speak. I
have done all that seems to me necessary for enabling 120 | LIFE OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. | |
the reader to
apprehend the nature and extent of the pecuniary difficulties in which
Scott was about to be involved, when he commenced his Diary of
1825.
For the rest, his friends, and above all posterity, are not left to
consider his fate without consoling reflections. They who knew and loved him, must ever
remember that the real nobility of his character could not have exhibited itself to the
world at large, had he not been exposed in his later years to the ordeal of adversity. And
others as well as they may feel assured, that had not that adversity been preceded by the
perpetual spur of pecuniary demands, he who began life with such quick appetites for all
its ordinary enjoyments, would never have devoted himself to the rearing of that gigantic
monument of genius, labour, and power, which his works now constitute. The imagination
which has bequeathed so much to delight and humanize mankind, would have developed few of
its miraculous resources, except in the embellishment of his own personal existence. The
enchanted spring might have sunk into earth with the rod that bade it gush, and left us no
living waters. We cannot understand, but we may nevertheless respect even the strangest
caprices of the marvellous combination of faculties to which our debt is so weighty. We
should try to picture to ourselves what the actual intellectual life must have been of the
author of such a series of romances. We should ask ourselves whether, filling and
discharging so soberly and gracefully as he did the common functions of social man, it was
not, nevertheless, impossible but that he must have passed most of his life in other worlds
than ours; and we ought hardly to think it a grievous circumstance that their bright
visions should have left a dazzle sometimes on the eyes which he so gently re-opened upon
our prosaic realities. He had, on the whole, a command over the
powers of his mind—I mean that he could control and direct
his thoughts and reflections with a readiness, firmness, and easy security of sway—beyond
what I find it possible to trace in any other artist’s
recorded character and history; but he could not habitually fling them into the region of
dreams throughout a long series of years, and yet be expected to find a corresponding
satisfaction in bending them to the less agreeable considerations which the circumstances
of any human being’s practical lot in this world must present in abundance. The
training to which he accustomed himself could not leave him as he was when he began. He
must pay the penalty, as well as reap the glory of this lifelong abstraction of reverie,
this self-abandonment of Fairyland.
This was for him the last year of many things; among others, of Sibyl Grey and the Abbotsford Hunt. Towards
the close of a hard run on his neighbour Mr Scott of
Gala’s ground, he adventured to leap the
Catrail—that venerable relic of the days of
“Reged wide And fair Strath-Clyde,” |
of which the reader may remember many notices in his early letters to George Ellis. He was severely bruised and shattered; and
never afterwards recovered the feeling of confidence without which there can be no pleasure
in horsemanship. He often talked of this accident with a somewhat superstitious
mournfulness.
Joseph Addison (1672-1719)
English politician and man of letters, with his friend Richard Steele he edited
The Spectator (1711-12). He was the author of the tragedy
Cato (1713).
James Ballantyne (1772-1833)
Edinburgh printer in partnership with his younger brother John; the company failed in the
financial collapse of 1826.
John Ballantyne (1774-1821)
Edinburgh publisher and literary agent for Walter Scott; he was the younger brother of
the printer James Ballantyne.
Edmund Burke (1729-1797)
Irish politician and opposition leader in Parliament, author of
On the
Sublime and Beautiful (1757) and
Reflections on the Revolution
in France (1790).
Robert Burns (1759-1796)
Scottish poet and song collector; author of
Poems, chiefly in the
Scottish Dialect (1786).
Queen Caroline of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel (1768-1821)
Married the Prince of Wales in 1795 and separated in 1796; her husband instituted
unsuccessful divorce proceedings in 1820 when she refused to surrender her rights as
queen.
Archibald Constable (1774-1827)
Edinburgh bookseller who published the
Edinburgh Review and works
of Sir Walter Scott; he went bankrupt in 1826.
Thomas Coutts (1735-1822)
Edinburgh-born banker to royalty and aristocracy—and patron of Benjamin Robert Haydon;
his daughter Sophia married Sir Francis Burnett.
George Ellis (1753-1815)
English antiquary and critic, editor of
Specimens of Early English
Poets (1790), friend of Walter Scott.
Sir Adam Ferguson (1771-1855)
Son of the philosopher and classmate and friend of Sir Walter Scott; he served in the
Peninsular Campaign under Wellington, afterwards living on his estate in
Dumfriesshire.
Susan Edmonstone Ferrier (1782-1854)
Scottish novelist, the youngest daughter of James Ferrier (1744–1829) for whom she kept
house after the death of her mother; she published
The Inheritance
(1824).
Robert Gifford, first Baron Gifford (1779-1826)
Barrister, educated at the Middle Temple, he practiced on the western circuit and was
Tory MP for Eye (1817-24), attorney general (1819-24), and lord chief justice of the common
pleas (1824).
Oliver Goldsmith (1728 c.-1774)
Irish miscellaneous writer; his works include
The Vicar of
Wakefield (1766),
The Deserted Village (1770), and
She Stoops to Conquer (1773).
Henry, the Minstrel [Blind Hary] (1440 c.-1492 fl.)
Author of the Scots poem,
The Actis and Deidis of the Illuster and
Vailzeand Campioun Schir William Wallace.
Thomas Hurst (1770 c.-1842)
Originally a bookseller in Leeds, he began working in London late in the eighteenth
century; in 1804 he partnered with the firm of T. N. Longman. He died in the
Charterhouse.
Samuel Johnson (1709-1784)
English man of letters, among many other works he edited
A Dictionary
of the English Language (1755) and Shakespeare (1765), and wrote
Lives of the Poets (1779-81).
William Laidlaw (1779-1845)
The early friend of James Hogg and Sir Walter Scott's steward and amanuensis.
John Hugh Lockhart (1821-1831)
The first child of John Gibson Lockhart and his wife Sophia, for whom Sir Walter Scott
wrote
Tales of a Grandfather (1828-1831).
Thomas Moore (1779-1852)
Irish poet and biographer, author of the
Irish Melodies (1807-34),
The Fudge Family in Paris (1818), and
Lalla
Rookh (1817); he was Byron's close friend and designated biographer.
John Murray II (1778-1843)
The second John Murray began the
Quarterly Review in 1809 and
published works by Scott, Byron, Austen, Crabbe, and other literary notables.
Emperor Napoleon I (1769-1821)
Military leader, First Consul (1799), and Emperor of the French (1804), after his
abdication he was exiled to Elba (1814); after his defeat at Waterloo he was exiled to St.
Helena (1815).
Henry Phillpotts, bishop of Exeter (1778-1869)
High-church Tory clergyman and controversialist opposed to Catholic emancipation; he was
dean of Chester (1828) and bishop of Exeter (1830).
Alexander Pope (1688-1744)
English poet and satirist; author of
The Rape of the Lock (1714)
and
The Dunciad (1728).
Thomas Purdie (1767-1829)
Sir Walter Scott's forester; they originally met when Purdie was brought before Sheriff
Scott on charges of poaching.
Samuel Richardson (1689-1761)
English printer and novelist; author of
Pamela, or Virtue Rewarded
(1739) and
Clarissa, or the History of a Young Lady
(1747-48).
George Ogle Robinson (1837 fl.)
London bookseller at one time in partnership with Thomas Hurst; they suffered bankruptcy
in the crash of 1825-26.
Anne Scott (1803-1833)
Walter Scott's younger daughter who cared for him in his old age and died
unmarried.
John Scott of Gala (1790-1840)
Scottish laird and lifelong friend of Walter Scott; they traveled together to Waterloo in
1815.
Robert Shortreed (1762-1829)
Sheriff-substitute of Roxburghshire; he was a ballad-collector and close friend of Sir
Walter Scott.
John Stevenson (d. 1831)
Edinburgh bookseller in Princes Street (1824-30); he had been chief clerk to John
Ballantyne and was an acquaintance of Walter Scott.
Daniel Terry (1789-1829)
English actor; after a career in provincial theater made his London debut in 1812. A
close friend of Walter Scott, he performed in theatrical adaptations of Scott's
novels.
Sir William Wallace (1272 c.-1305)
Scottish hero in the conflict with Edward I, whom he defeated at the battle of Stirling
in 1297; he was afterwards captured and brutally executed in London.
William Wright (1787-1856)
London solicitor called to the bar in 1825; he was appointed Master of the Rolls in
1853.
Encyclopædia Britannica; or, a Dictionary of Arts and Sciences, compiled upon
a new plan. 3 vols (Edinburgh: Colin Macfarquhar, 1771). 3 vols, 1768-1771, ed. William Smellie; 10 vols, 1777–1784, ed. James Tytler; 18 vols,
1788–1797, ed. Colin Macfarquhar and George Gleig; supplement to 3rd, 2 vols, 1801; 20
vols, 1801–1809, ed. James Millar; 20 vols, 1817, ed. James Millar; supplement to 5th, 6
vols, 1816–1824, ed. Macvey Napier; 20 vols, 1820–1823, ed. Charles Maclaren; 21 vols,
1830–1842, ed. Macvey Napier and James Browne.