Lord Byron and Some of his Contemporaries
Recollections of the Author’s Life.
LORD BYRON
AND
SOME OF HIS CONTEMPORARIES;
WITH
RECOLLECTIONS OF
THE AUTHOR’S LIFE,
AND OF HIS
VISIT TO ITALY.
BY LEIGH HUNT.
“It is for slaves to lie, and for freemen to speak truth.
“In the examples, which I here bring in, of what I have heard,
read, done, or said, I have forbid myself to dare to alter even the most light and
indifferent circumstances. My conscience does not falsify one tittle. What my ignorance
may do, I cannot say.” Montaigne.
LONDON:
HENRY COLBURN, NEW BURLINGTON STREET.
1828.
RECOLLECTIONS
OF
THE AUTHOR’S LIFE.
FAMILY PORTRAITS.—CHARACTER OF THE AUTHOR’S FATHER.
My ancestors, on the father’s side, were Tories and
Cavaliers, who fled from the tyranny of Cromwell,
and settled in Barbadoes. For several generations, himself included,
they were clergymen. My grandfather was Rector of
St. Michael’s, in Bridgetown,
Barbadoes. He was a good-natured man, and recommended the famous
Lauder to the mastership of the free-school
there; influenced, no doubt, partly by his pretended repentance, and partly by sympathy
with his Toryism. Lauder is said to have been discharged for
misconduct. I never heard that; but I have heard that his appearance was decent, and that
he had a wooden leg: which is an anti-climax befitting his history. My grandfather was
admired and beloved by his parishioners, for the manner in which he discharged his duties.
He died at an early age, in consequence of a fever taken in the hot and damp air, while
officiating incessantly at burials
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
during a mortality. His wife was
an O’Brien, very proud of her descent from the kings of Ireland.
She was as good-natured and beloved as her husband, and very assiduous in her attentions to
the negroes and to the poor, for whom she kept a set of medicines, like my Lady Bountiful. They had two children besides my father;
Anne Courthope, who died unmarried; and
Elizabeth, wife of Thomas Dayrell, Esq. of Barbadoes, father by a first
marriage of the barrister of that name. I mention both of these ladies, because they will
come among my portraits.
To these their children, the worthy rector and his wife were a little too
indulgent. When my father was to go to the American
Continent to school, the latter dressed up her boy in a fine suit of laced clothes, such as
we see on the little gentlemen in Hogarth, but so
splendid and costly, that when the good pastor beheld him, he was moved to utter an
expostulation. Objection, however, soon gave way before the pride of all parties; and my
father set off for school, ready spoilt, with plenty of money to spoil him more.
He went to college at Philadelphia, and became the
scape-grace who smuggled in the wine, and bore the brunt of the tutors. My father took the degree of Master of Arts both at
Philadelphia and New York. When he spoke
the farewell oration on leaving college, two young ladies fell in love with him, one of
whom he afterwards married. He was fair and handsome, with delicate features, a small
aquiline nose, and blue eyes. To a graceful address he joined a remarkably fine voice,
which he modulated with great effect. It was in reading, with this voice, the poets and
other classics of England, that he completed the conquest of my mother’s heart. He used to spend his evenings in this manner with her
and her family,—a noble way of courtship; and my grandmother
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became so hearty in his cause, that she succeeded in carrying it against her husband, who
wished his daughter to marry a wealthy neighbour.
My father was intended, I believe, to
carry on the race of clergymen, as he afterwards did; but he went, in the first instance,
into the law. The Americans united the practice of attorney and barrister. My father
studied the law under articles to one of the chief persons in the profession; and
afterwards practised with distinction himself. At this period (by which time all my
brothers, now living, were born) the Revolution broke out; and he entered with so much zeal
into the cause of the British Government, that besides pleading for Loyalists with great
fervour at the bar, he wrote pamphlets equally full of party warmth, which drew on him the
popular odium. His fortunes then came to a crisis in America. Early one morning, a great
concourse of people appeared before his house. He came out,—or was brought. They put
him into a cart prepared for the purpose, (conceive the anxiety of his wife!) and, after
parading him about the streets, were joined by a party of the Revolutionary soldiers with
drum and fife. The multitude then went with him to the house of Dr. Kearsley, a staunch Tory, who shut up the windows, and endeavoured to
prevent their getting in. The Doctor had his hand pierced by a bayonet, as it entered
between the shutters behind which he had planted himself. He was dragged out, and put into
the cart all over blood; but he lost none of his intrepidity; for he answered all their
reproaches and outrage with vehement reprehensions; and by way of retaliation on the
“Rogue’s March,” struck up “God save the King.” My father
gave way as little as the Doctor. He would say nothing that was dictated to him, nor
renounce a single opinion; but, on the other hand, he maintained a
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tranquil air, and endeavoured to persuade his companion not to add to their irritation.
This was to no purpose. Dr. Kearsley continued infuriate, and more
than once fainted from loss of blood and the violence of his feelings. The two Loyalists
narrowly escaped tarring and feathering. A tub of tar, which had been set in a conspicuous
place in one of the streets for that purpose, was overturned by an officer intimate with
our family. My father, however, did not escape entirely from personal injury. One of the
stones thrown by the mob gave him such a severe blow on the head, as not only laid him
swooning in the cart, but dimmed his sight for life, so as to oblige him from that time to
wear spectacles. At length, after being carried through every street in Philadelphia, the
two captives were deposited, in the evening, in a prison in Market-street. What became of
Dr. Kearsley, I cannot say. My father, by means of a large sum of
money given to the sentinel who had charge of him, was enabled to escape at midnight. He
went immediately on board a ship in the Delaware, that belonged to my grandfather, and was
bound for the West Indies. She dropped down the river that same night; and my father went
first to Barbadoes, and afterwards to England, where he settled.
My mother was to follow my father as soon as possible, which she was not able to do
for many months. The last time she had seen him, he was a lawyer and a partisan, going out
to meet an irritated populace. On her arrival in England, she beheld him in a pulpit, a
clergyman, preaching tranquillity. When my father came over, he found it impossible to
continue his profession as a lawyer. Some actors, who heard him read, advised him to go on
the stage; but he was too proud for that, and went into the church. He was ordained by the
celebrated Lowth, then Bishop of London; and he soon
became so popular that
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the Bishop sent for him, and remonstrated
against his preaching so many charity sermons. He said it was ostentatious in a clergyman,
and that he saw his name in too many advertisements. My father thought it strange, but
acquiesced. It is true, he preached a great many of these sermons. I am told, that for a
whole year he did nothing else: and perhaps there was something in his manner a little
startling to the simplicity of the Church of England. I remember when he came to that part
of the Litany where the reader prays for deliverance “in the hour of death and at
the day of judgment,” he used to make a pause at the word
“death,” and drop his voice on the rest of the sentence. The effect was
striking; but repetition must have hurt it. I am afraid it was a little theatrical. His
delivery, however, was so much admired by those who thought themselves the best judges,
that Thomas Sheridan, father of the late Sheridan, came up to him one day after service, in
the vestry, and complimented him on having profited so well from his Treatise on Reading
the Liturgy. My father was obliged to tell him, that he had never seen it.
I do not know whether it was Lowth,
but it was some Bishop, to whom my father one day, in
the midst of a warm discussion, being asked “if he knew who he was?”
replied, with a bow, “Yes, my Lord; dust and ashes.” Doubtless the new
clergyman was warm and imprudent. In truth, he made a great mistake when he entered the
profession. By the nature of the tenure, it was irretrievable; and his whole life after was
a series of errors, arising from the unsuitability of his position. He was fond of
divinity; but it was as a speculator, and not as a dogmatist, or one who takes upon trust.
He was ardent in the cause of Church and State; but here he speculated too, and soon began
to modify his opinions, which got him the ill-will of the Go-
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
vernment. He delighted his audiences in the pulpit; so much so, that he had crowds of
carriages at the door. One of his congregations had an engraving made of him; and a lady of
the name of Cooling, who was member of another, left him by will the sum of £500, as a
testimony of the pleasure and advantage she had derived from his discourses. But
unfortunately, after delighting his hearers in the pulpit, he would delight some of them a
little too much over the table. He was neither witty nor profound; but he had all the
substitutes for wit that animal spirits could supply: he was shrewd, spirited, and showy;
could flatter without grossness; had stories to tell of lords whom he knew; and when the
bottle was to circulate, it did not stand with him. All this was dangerous to a West Indian
who had an increasing family, and was to make his way in the Church. It was too much for
him; and he added another to the list of those who, though they might suffice equally for
themselves and others in a more considerate and contented state of society, and seem born
to be the delights of it, are only lost and thrown out in a system of things, which, by
going upon the ground of individual aggrandizement, compels dispositions of a more sociable
and reasonable nature either to become parties concerned, or be ruined in the refusal. It
is doubtless incumbent on a husband and father to be careful under all circumstances; and
it is very easy for most people to talk of the necessity of being so, and to recommend it
to others, especially when they have been educated to that habit. Let those fling the first
stone, who, with real inclination and talent for other things, (for the inclination may not
be what they take it for,) confine themselves industriously to the duties prescribed them.
There are more victims to errors committed by society themselves, than society choose to
suppose. But I grant that a man is either bound to tell them so, |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 311 |
or
to do as they do. My father unluckily had neither uneasiness enough in his blood, nor
imagination enough in lieu of it, to enter sufficiently into the uneasiness of others, and
so grapple vigorously with his fortune for their sakes; neither, on the other hand, had he
enough energy of speculation to see what could be done towards rendering the world a little
wiser: and as to the pride of cutting a figure a little above his neighbours, which so many
men mistake for a better principle of action, he could dispense with that. As it was, he
should have been kept at home in Barbadoes. He was a true exotic,
and ought not to have been transplanted. He might have preached there, and quoted Horace, and been gentlemanly, and drank his claret, and no
harm done. But, in a bustling, commercial state of society, where the enjoyment, such as it
is, consists in the bustle, he was neither very likely to succeed, nor to meet with a good
construction, nor to end his pleasant ways with pleasing either the world or himself.
It was in the pulpit of Bentinck Chapel,
Lisson Green, Paddington, that my
mother found her husband officiating. He published a volume of sermons preached there, in
which there is little but elegance of diction and a graceful morality. His delivery was the
charm; and, to say the truth, he charmed every body but the owner of the chapel, who looked
upon rent as by far the most eloquent production of the pulpit. The speculation ended with
the preacher’s being horribly in debt. Friends, however, were lavish of their
assistance. Three of my brothers were sent to school; the other, at her earnest entreaty,
went to live (which he did for some years) with Mrs.
Spencer, a sister of Sir Richard
Worsley, and a delicious little old woman, the delight of all the children
of her acquaintance. My father and mother took breath, in the mean time, under the friendly
roof of Mr. West, who had married her aunt. The aunt
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
and niece were much
of an age, and both fond of books. Mrs. West, indeed, ultimately
became a martyr to them; for the physician declared that she lost the use of her limbs by
sitting indoors.
From Newman Street my father went to live in
Hampstead Square, whence he occasionally used to go and preach
at Southgate. The then Duke of
Chandos had a seat in the neighbourhood of Southgate.
He heard my father preach, and was so much pleased with him, that he requested him to
become tutor to his nephew, Mr. Leigh; which my
father did, and remained with his Grace’s family for several years. The Duke was
Master of the Horse, and originated the famous epithet of “heaven-born
minister,” applied to Mr. Pitt, which occasioned
a good deal of raillery. I have heard my father describe him as a man of great sweetness of
nature, and good-breeding. Mr. Leigh, who died not long since, Member
of Parliament for Addlestrop, was son of the Duke’s sister,
Lady Caroline. He had a taste for poetry, which
has been inherited by his son and heir, Mr. Chandos
Leigh; and, like him, published a volume of poems. He was always very kind
to my father, and was, I believe, a most amiable man. It was from him I received my name. I
was born at Southgate in a house now a boarding-school and called
Eagle-Hall: a magnificent name for a “preacher’s
modest mansion;” but I suppose it did not bear it then.
To be tutor in a ducal family is one of the roads to a
bishoprick. My father was thought to be in the highest way to it. He was tutor in
the house not only of a Duke, but of a State-officer, for whom the King had a personal regard. His manners were of the highest order; his
principles in Church and State as orthodox, to all appearance, as could be wished; and he
had given up flourishing prospects in America for their sake: but his West Indian
temperament spoiled all. He also, as he
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became acquainted with the
Government, began to doubt its perfections; and the King, whose minuteness of information
respecting the personal affairs of his subjects is well known, was doubtless prepared with
questions which the Duke was not equally prepared to answer, and perhaps did not hazard.
My father, meanwhile, was getting more and more distressed. He removed to
Hampstead a second time: from Hampstead
he crossed the water; and the first room I have any recollection of, is a prison.
Mr. West (which was doubly kind in a man by nature
cautious and timid) again and again took the liberty of representing my father’s circumstances to the King. It is well known that this artist enjoyed the confidence of his
Majesty in no ordinary degree. The King would converse half a day at a time with him, while
he was painting. His Majesty said he would speak to the bishops; and again, on a second
application, he said my father should be provided for. My father himself also presented a
petition; but all that was ever done for him, was the putting his name on the Loyalist
Pension List for a hundred-a year;—a sum which he not only thought extremely
inadequate for the loss of seven or eight times as much in America, a cheaper country, but
which he felt to be a poor acknowledgment even for the active zeal he had evinced, and the
things he had said and written; especially as it came late, and he was already involved.
Small as it was, he was obliged to mortgage it; and from this time till the arrival of some
relations from the West Indies, several years afterwards, he underwent a series of
mortifications and distresses, not without great reason for self-reproach. Unfortunately
for others, it might be said of him, what Lady Mary
Wortley said of her kinsman, Henry
Fielding, “that give him his leg of mutton and bottle of wine, and in
the very thick
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of calamity he would be happy for the time
being.” Too well able to seize a passing moment of enjoyment, he was always scheming,
never performing; always looking forward with some romantic plan which was sure to succeed,
and never put in practice. I believe he wrote more titles of non-existing books than
Rabelais. At length, he found his mistake. My poor father! He grew deeply acquainted with
prisons, and began to lose his graces and his good name, and became irritable with
conscious error, and almost took hope out of the heart that loved him, and was too often
glad to escape out of its society. Yet such an art had he of making his home comfortable
when he chose, and of settling himself to the most tranquil pleasures, that if she could
have ceased to look forward about her children, I believe, with all his faults, those
evenings would have brought unmingled satisfaction to her, when after settling the little
apartment, brightening the fire, and bringing out the coffee, my mother knew that her
husband was going to read Saurin or Barrow to her, with his fine voice, and unequivocal
enjoyment.
We thus struggled on between quiet and disturbance, between placid
readings and frightful knocks at the door, and sickness, and calamity, and hopes which
hardly ever forsook us. One of my brothers went to sea,—a great blow to my poor
mother. The next was articled to an attorney. My brother Robert became pupil to an engraver, and my brother John apprentice to Mr.
Reynell, the printer, whose kindly manners, and deep iron voice, I well
remember and respect. I had also a regard for the speaking-trumpet, which ran all the way
up his tall house, and conveyed his rugged whispers to his men. And his goodly wife, proud
of her husband’s grandfather, the Bishop;
never shall I forget how much I loved her for her portly smiles and good dinners, and
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how often she used to make me measure heights with her fair
daughter Caroline, and found me wanting; which I
thought not quite so hospitable.
As my father’s misfortunes, in
the first instance, were owing to feelings the most respected, so the causes of them
subsequently (and the reader will be good enough to keep this in mind) were not unmixed
with feelings of the kindest nature. He hampered himself greatly with becoming security for
other people; and, though unable to settle himself to any regular work, his pen was always
at the service of those who required it for memorials or other helps. As to his children,
he was healthy and sanguine, and always looked forward to being able to do something for
them; and something for them he did, if it was only in grafting his animal spirits on the
maternal stock, and setting them an example of independent thinking. But he did more. He
really took great care, considering his unbusiness-like habits, towards settling them in
some line of life. It is our faults, not his, if we have not been all so successful as we
might have been: at least, it is no more his fault than that of the West Indian blood of
which we all partake, and which has disposed all of us, more or less, to a certain aversion
from business. And if it may be some vanity in us, at least it is no
dishonour to our turn of mind, to hope, that we may have been the means of
circulating more knowledge and entertainment in society, than if he had attained the
bishoprick he looked for, and left us ticketed and labelled among the acquiescent.
Towards the latter part of his life, my father’s affairs were greatly retrieved by the help of his sister,
Mrs. Dayrell, who came over with a property from
Barbadoes. My aunt was generous; part of her property came among
us also by a marriage; and my father’s West Indian sun
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
was
again warm upon him. On his sister’s death, to be sure, his struggles recommenced,
though nothing in comparison to what they had been. Recommence, however, they did; and yet
so sanguine was he in his intentions to the last, and so accustomed had my mother been to try to believe in him, and to persuade
herself she did, that, not long before she died, he made the most solemn promises of
amendment, which by chance I could not help overhearing, and which she received with a
tenderness and a tone of joy, the remembrance of which brings the tears into my eyes. My
father had one taste well suited to his profession, and in him, I used to think,
remarkable. He was very fond of sermons, which he was rarely tired of reading, or my mother
of hearing. I have mentioned the effect which these used to have upon her. When she died,
he could not bear to think she was dead; yet retaining, in the midst of his tears, his
indestructible tendency to seize on a cheering reflection, he turned his very despair into
consolation; and in saying “She is not dead, but sleeps,” I verily
believe the image became almost a literal thing with him. Besides his fondness for sermons,
he was a great reader of the Bible. His copy of it is scored with manuscript; and I believe
he read a portion of it every morning to the last, let him have been as right or as wrong
as he pleased for the rest of the day. This was not hypocrisy: it was habit, and real
fondness; though, while he was no hypocrite, he was not, I must confess, remarkable for
being explicit about himself; nor did he cease to dogmatise in a sort of official manner
upon faith and virtue, lenient as he thought himself bound to be to particular instances of
frailty. To young people, who had no secrets from him, he was especially indulgent, as I
have good reason to know. He delighted to show his sense of a candour in others, which I
believe he would have practised himself, had he been taught it early. For many years before
his death, |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 317 |
he had greatly relaxed in the orthodoxy of his religious
opinions, and had totally changed his political. Both he and my mother had become
Republicans and Unitarians. They were also Universalists, and great admirers of Mr. Winchester, particularly my mother.* My father was
willing, however, to hear all sides of the question, and used to visit the chapels of the
most popular preachers of all denominations. His favourite among them, I think, was
Mr. Worthington, who preached at a chapel in
Long Acre, and had a strong natural eloquence. Politics and
divinity occupied almost all the conversation that I heard at our fire-side. It is a pity
my father had been so spoilt a child, and had got so much out of his sphere; for he could
be contented with little. He was one of the last of the gentry who retained the old fashion
of smoking. He indulged in it every night before he went to bed, which he did at an early
hour; and it was pleasant to see him sit in his tranquil and gentlemanly manner, and relate
anecdotes of “my Lord North” and the
Rockingham administration, interspersed with those
mild puffs and urbane resumptions of the pipe. How often have I thought of him under this
aspect, and longed for the state of society that might have encouraged him to be more
successful! Had he lived twenty years longer, he would have thought it was coming. He died
in the year 1809, aged fifty-seven, and was buried in the church-yard in
Bishopsgate Street. I remember they quarrelled over his coffin
for the perquisites of the candles; which put me upon a great many reflections, on him and
the world.
* “The Universalists cannot, properly speaking, be called a
distinct sect, as they are frequently found scattered amongst various denominations.
They are so named from holding the benevolent opinion that all mankind, nay, even the
demons themselves, will be finally restored to happiness, through the mercy of Almighty
God.”—History of All Religions and Religious
Ceremonies, p. 263.
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FAMILY PORTRAITS CONTINUED.—THE AUTHOR’S MOTHER.
My grandfather, by my mother’s side, was Stephen Shewell, merchant of
Philadelphia, who sent out his “argosies.” His
mother was a quaker; and he himself, I believe, descended from a quaker stock. He had ships
trading to England, Holland, and the West Indies, and used to put his sons and nephews in
them as captains, probably to save charges; for, in every thing but stocking his cellars
with provision, he was penurious. For sausages and “botargoes,” (first authors,
perhaps, of the jaundice in our blood,) Friar John
would have commended him. As Chaucer says,
“It snowèd, in his house of meat and drink.” |
On that side of the family we seem all sailors and rough subjects, with a mitigation
of quakerism; as, on the father’s, we are creoles and claret-drinkers, very polite
and clerical.
My grandmother’s maiden name was Bickley. I
believe her family came from Buckinghamshire. The coat of arms are
three half moons; which I happen to recollect, because of a tradition we had, that an
honourable augmentation was made to them of three wheat-sheaves, in reward of some gallant
achievement performed in cutting off a convoy of provisions by Sir William Bickley, a partizan of the House of Orange, who was made a
Banneret. My grandmother was an open-hearted, cheerful woman, of a good healthy blood, and
as generous as her hus-
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band was otherwise. The family consisted of
five daughters and two sons. One of the daughters died unmarried: the three surviving ones
are now wives, and mothers of families, in Philadelphia. They and
their husbands, agreeably to the American law of equal division, are in the receipt of a
pretty property in lands and houses; our due share of which, some inadvertence on our parts
appears to have forfeited. I confess I often wish, at the close of a morning’s work,
that people were not so excessively delicate on legal points, and so afraid of hurting the
feelings of others, by supposing it possible for them to want a little of their
grandfather’s money. But I believe I ought to blush, while I say this: and I
do.—One of my uncles died in England, a mild, excellent creature, more fit for
solitude than the sea. The other, my uncle Stephen, a fine handsome
fellow of great good-nature and gallantry, was never heard of, after leaving the port of
Philadelphia for the West Indies. He had a practice of crowding
too much sail, which is supposed to have been his destruction. They said he did it
“to get back to his ladies.” My uncle was the means of saving his namesake, my
brother Stephen, from a singular destiny. Some Indians, who came into
the city to traffic, had been observed to notice my brother a good deal. It is supposed
they saw in his tall little person, dark face, and long black hair, a resemblance to
themselves. One day they enticed him from my grandfather’s house in Front Street, and taking him to the Delaware,
which was close by, were carrying him off across the river, when his uncle descried them
and gave the alarm. His threats induced them to come back; otherwise, it is thought, they
intended to carry him into their own quarters, and bring him up as an Indian; so that
instead of a rare character of another sort,—an attorney 320 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
who
would rather compound a quarrel for his clients than get rich by it,—we might have
had for a brother the Good Buffalo, Bloody Bear, or some such grim personage. I will
indulge myself with the liberty of observing in this place, that with great diversity of
character among us, with strong points of dispute even among ourselves, and with the usual
amount, though not perhaps exactly the like nature, of infirmities common to other
people,—some of us, may be, with greater,—we are all persons who inherit the
power of making sacrifices for the sake of what we consider a principle.
My grandfather, though intimate
with Dr. Franklin, was secretly on the British side
of the question, when the American war broke out. He professed to be neutral, and to attend
only to business; but his neutrality did not avail him. One of his most valuably laden
ships was burnt in the Delaware by the Revolutionists, to prevent its getting into the
hands of the British; and besides making free with his botargoes, they despatched every now
and then a file of soldiers to rifle his house of every thing else that could be
serviceable: linen, blankets, &c. And this, unfortunately, was only a taste of what he
was to suffer; for, emptying his mercantile stores from time to time, they paid him with
their continental currency, paper-money: the depreciation of which was so great as to leave
him, at the close of the war, bankrupt of every thing but some houses, which his wife
brought him; they amounted to a sufficiency for the family support: and thus, after all his
cunning neutralities, and his preference of individual to public good, he owed all that he
retained to a generous and unspeculating woman. His saving grace, however, was not on every
possible occasion confined to his money. He gave a very strong instance (for him) of his
partiality
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to the British cause, by secreting in his house a
gentleman of the name of Slater, who commanded a
small armed vessel on the Delaware, and who is now residing in London. Mr.
Slater had been taken prisoner, and confined at some miles distance from
Philadelphia. He contrived to make his escape, and astonished my
grandfather’s family by appearing before them at night, drenched in the rain, which
descends in torrents in that climate. They secreted him for several months, in a room at
the top of the house.
My mother, at that time, was a
brunette with fine eyes, a tall lady-like person, and hair blacker than is seen of English
growth. It was supposed, that the Anglo-Americans already began to exhibit the influence of
climate in their appearance. The late Mr. West told
me, that if he had met myself or any of my brothers in the streets, he should have
pronounced, without knowing us, that we were Americans. A likeness has been discovered
between us and some of the Indians in his pictures. My mother had no accomplishments but
the two best of all, a love of nature and of books. Dr.
Franklin offered to teach her the guitar; but she was too bashful to become
his pupil. She regretted this afterwards, partly no doubt for having missed so illustrious
a master. Her first child, who died, was named after him. I know not whether the anecdote
is new; but I have heard, that when Dr. Franklin
invented the Harmonica, he concealed it from his wife, till the instrument was fit to play;
and then woke her with it one night, when she took it for the music of angels. Among the
visitors at my grandfather’s house, besides Franklin, was
Thomas Paine; whom I have heard my mother speak
of, as having a countenance that inspired her with terror. I believe his aspect was not
captivating; but most likely his
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political and religious opinions
did it no good in the eyes of the fair loyalist.
My mother was diffident of her
personal merit, but she had great energy of principle. When the troubles broke out, and my
father took that violent part in favour of the
King, a letter was received by her from a person
high in authority, stating, that if her husband would desist from opposition to the general
wishes of the Colonists, he should remain in security; but that if he thought fit to do
otherwise, he must suffer the consequences which inevitably awaited him. The letter
concluded with advising her, as she valued her husband’s and family’s
happiness, to use her influence with him to act accordingly, To this, “in the spirit
of old Rome and Greece,” as one of her sons has proudly and justly observed, (I will
add, of Old England, and though contrary to her opinions then, of New America too) my
mother replied, that she knew her husband’s mind too well, to suppose for a moment
that he would so degrade himself; and that the writer, of the letter entirely mistook her,
if he thought her capable of endeavouring to persuade him to any action contrary to the
convictions of his heart, whatever the consequences threatened might be. Yet the heart of
this excellent woman, strong as it was, was already beating with anxiety for what might
occur; and on the day when my father was seized, she fell into a fit of the jaundice, so
violent, as to affect her ever afterwards, and subject a previously fine constitution to
every ill that came across it.
It was about two years before my mother could set off with her children for England. She embarked in the Earl of Effingham frigate, Captain Dempster;
who from the moment she was drawn up the sides
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of the vessel with
her little boys, conceived a pity and respect for her, and paid her the most cordial
attention. In truth, he felt more pity for her than he chose to express; for the vessel was
old and battered, and he thought the voyage not without danger. Nor was it. They did very
well till they came off the Scilly islands, when a storm arose which
threatened to sink them. The ship was with difficulty kept above water. Here my mother
again showed how courageous her heart could be, by the very strength of its tenderness.
There was a lady in the vessel, who had betrayed weaknesses of various sorts during the
voyage; and who even went so far as to resent the superior opinion, which the gallant
Captain could not help entertaining of her fellow-passenger. My mother, instead of giving
way to tears and lamentations, did all she could to keep up the spirits of her children.
The lady in question did the reverse; and my mother, feeling the necessity of the case, and
touched with pity for children in the same danger as her own, was at length moved to break
through the delicacy she had observed, and expostulate strongly with her, to the increased
admiration of the Captain, who congratulated himself on having a female passenger so truly
worthy of the name of woman. Many years afterwards, near the same spot, and during a
similar danger, her son, the writer of this book, with a wife and seven children around
him, had occasion to call her to mind; and the example was of service, even to him, a man.
It was thought a miracle that the Earl of Effingham was saved. It
was driven into Swansea bay; and borne along, by the heaving might
of the waves, into a shallow, where no vessel of so large a size ever appeared before; nor
could it ever have got there, but by so unwonted an over-lifting.
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|
Having been born nine years later than the youngest of my brothers, I have
no recollection of my mother’s earlier aspect.
Her eyes were always fine, and her person lady-like; her hair also retained its colour for
a long period; but her brown complexion had been exchanged for a jaundiced one, which she
retained through life; and her cheeks were sunken, and her mouth drawn down with sorrow at
the corners. She retained the energy of her character on great occasions; but her spirit in
ordinary was weakened, and she looked at the bustle and discord of the present state of
society with a frightened aversion. My father’s danger, and the war-whoops of the
Indians, which she heard in Philadelphia, had shaken her soul as
well as frame. The sight of two men fighting in the streets would drive her in tears down
another road; and I remember when we lived near the Park, she would take me a long circuit
out of the way, rather than hazard time spectacle of the soldiers. Little did she think of
the timidity into which she was thus inoculating me, and what difficulty I should have,
when I went to school, to sustain all those fine theories, and that unbending resistance to
oppression, which she inculcated upon me. However, perhaps it ultimately turned out for the
best. One must feel more than usual for the sore places of humanity, even to fight properly
in their behalf. Never shall I forget her face, as it used to appear to me coming lip the
cloisters, with that weary hang of the head on one side, and that melancholy smile!
One holiday, in a severe winter, as she was taking me home, she was
petitioned for charity by a woman, sick and ill clothed. It was in
Blackfriars’ Road; I think about midway. My mother, with the tears in her eyes, turned up a gate-way,
or some such place, and beckoning the woman to follow, took off her flannel petticoat,
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and gave it her. It is supposed that a cold which ensued, fixed the
rheumatism upon her for life. Actions like these have doubtless been often performed, and
do not of necessity imply any great virtue in the performer; but they do, if they are of a
piece with the rest of the character. Saints have been made for actions no greater.
The reader will allow me to quote a passage out of a poem of mine, because
it was suggested by a recollection I had upon me of this excellent woman. It is almost the
only passage in that poem worth repeating: which I mention, in order that he may lay the
quotation purely to its right account, and not suppose I am anxious to repeat my verses
because I fancy I cannot write bad ones. In every thing but the word “happy,”
the picture is from life. The bird spoken of is the nightingale,—the
“Bird of wakeful glow Whose louder song is like the voice of life, Triumphant o’er death’s image; but whose deep, Low, lonelier note is like a gentle wife, A poor, a pensive, yet a happy one, Stealing, when day-light’s common tasks are done, An hour for mother’s work; and singing low, While her tired husband and her children sleep.” |
I have spoken of my mother during my
father’s troubles in England. She stood by him through them all; and in every thing
did more honour to marriage, than marriage did good to either of them: for it brought
little happiness to her, and too many children to both. Of his changes of opinion, as well
as of fortune, she partook also. She became an Unitarian, an Universalist, a Republican:
and in her new opinions, as in her old, was apt, I suspect, to be a little too peremp-
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tory, and to wonder at those who could be of the other side. It was
her only fault. I believe she would have mended it, had she lived till now. I have been
thought, in my time, to speak in unwarrantable terms of kings and princes. I think I did,
and that society is no longer to be bettered in that manner, but in a much calmer and
nobler way. But I was witness, in my childhood, to a great deal of suffering; I heard of
more all over the world; and kings and princes bore a great share in the causes to which
they were traced. Some of those causes were not to be denied. It is now understood, on all
hands, that the continuation of the American war was owing to the personal stubbornness of
the King. My mother, in her indignation at him, for
being the cause of so much unnecessary bloodshed, thought that the unfortunate malady into
which he fell, was a judgment on him from Providence. The truth is, it was owing to
mal-organization, and to the diseases of his father and mother. Madness, indeed, considered
as an overwrought state of the will, may be considered as the natural malady of kings. They
are in a false position, with regard to the rest of society; and their marriages with none
but each other’s families tend to give the race its last deterioration. But in the
case of the late unhappy monarch, the causes were obvious. My mother would now have
reasoned better. She would have increased her stock of experience and observation; and in
addition to her excellent understanding, she would have had the light of modern philosophy,
by which Christianity itself is better read. After all, her intolerance was only in theory.
When any thing was to be done, charity in her always ran before faith. If she could have
served and benefited the King himself personally, indignation would soon have given way to
humanity. She had a high opinion of every |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 327 |
thing that was decorous
and feminine on the part of a wife; yet when a poor violent woman, the wife of a very
amiable and exemplary preacher, went so far on one occasion as to bite his hand in a fit of
jealous rage as he was going to ascend his pulpit, (and he preached with it in great pain,)
she was the only female of all her acquaintance that continued to visit her; alleging, that
she wanted society and comfort so much the more. She had the highest notions of chastity;
yet when a servant came to her, who could get no place because she had had a child, my
mother took her into her family, upon the strength of her candour and her destitute
condition, and was served with an affectionate gratitude.
My mother’s favourite books were “Dr. Young’s Night
Thoughts,” (which was a pity,) and Mrs.
Rowe’s “Devout
Exercises of the Heart.” She was very fond of poetry, and used to hoard my
verses in her pocket-book, and encourage me to write, by showing them to the Wests, and the
Thorntons; the latter, her dearest friends, loved and honoured her to the last: and I
believe they retain their regard for the family, politics notwithstanding. My
mother’s last illness was very long, and was tormented with rheumatism. I envy my
brother Robert the recollection of the filial
attentions he paid her; but they shall be as much known as I can make them, not because he
is my brother, (which is nothing), but because he was a good son, which is much; and every
good son and mother will be my warrant. My other brothers, who were married, were away with
their families; and I, who ought to have attended more, was as giddy as I was young, or
rather a great deal more so. I attended, but not enough. How often have we occasion to wish
that we could be older or younger than we are,
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according as we
desire to have the benefit of gaiety or experience!—Her greatest pleasure during her
decay was to lie on a sofa, looking at the setting sun. She used to liken it to the door of
heaven; and fancy her lost children there, waiting for her. She died in the fifty-third
year of her age, in a little miniature house which stands in a row behind the church that
has been since built in Somers Town; and was buried, as she had
always wished to be, in the church-yard of Hampstead.
FAMILY PORTRAITS CONTINUED.—THE LATE MR. WEST,
AND HIS GALLERY.
The two principal houses at which I visited when a boy, till the
arrival of our relations from the West Indies, were Mr.
West’s (late President of the Academy) in
Newman-street, and Mr. Godfrey
Thornton’s (of the celebrated mercantile family) in Austin
Friars. How I loved the graces in one, and every thing in the other!
Mr. West had bought his house, not long, I believe, after he came
to England; and he had added a gallery at the back of it, terminating in a couple of lofty
rooms. The gallery was a continuation of the hall-passage, and, together with the rooms,
formed three sides of a garden, very small but elegant, with a grass-plot in the middle,
and busts upon stands under an arcade. In the interior, the gallery made an angle at a
little distance as you went up it; then a shorter one, and then took a longer stretch into
the two rooms; and it was hung with his sketches and other pictures all
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the way. In a corner between the two angles, and looking down the
longer part of the gallery, was a study, with casts of Venus and
Apollo on each side the door. The two rooms contained the largest
of his pictures; and in the farther one, after stepping softly down the gallery, as if
respecting the dumb life on the walls, you generally found the mild and quiet artist at his
work; happy, for he thought himself immortal.
I need not enter into the merits of an artist who is so well known, and
has been so often criticised. He was a man with regular, mild features; and, though of
Quaker origin, had the look of what he was, a painter to a court. His appearance was so
gentlemanly, that the moment he changed his gown for a coat, he seemed to be full dressed.
The simplicity and self-possession of the young Quaker, not having time enough to grow
stiff, (for he went early to study at Rome,) took up, I suppose, with more ease than most
would have done, the urbanities of his new position. And what simplicity helped him to,
favour would retain. Yet this man, so well bred, and so indisputably clever in his art,
(whatever might be the amount of his genius,) had received so careless, or so homely an
education when a boy, that he could hardly read. He pronounced also some of his words, in
reading, with a puritanical barbarism, such as haive for have, as some people pronounce when they sing psalms. But this was
perhaps an American custom. My mother, who both read and spoke remarkably well, would say
haive, and shaul (for shall), when she sung her hymns. But it was not so well in reading lectures at
the Academy. Mr. West would talk of his art all day
long, painting all the while. On other subjects he was not so fluent; and on political and
religious matters he tried hard to maintain the reserve common with those about a court. He
succeeded ill in both. There were always
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strong suspicions of his
leaning to his native side in politics; and during Bonaparte’s triumph, he could not contain his enthusiasm for the
Republican chief, going even to Paris to pay him his homage, when
First Consul. The admiration of high colours and powerful effects, natural to a painter,
was too strong for him. How he managed this matter with the higher powers in England, I
cannot say. Probably he was the less heedful, inasmuch as he was not very carefully paid. I
believe he did a great deal for the late King, with very
little profit. The honour in these cases is too apt to be thought enough. Mr.
West certainly kept his love for Bonaparte no secret;
and it was no wonder, for the conqueror expressed an admiration of his pictures. He thought
his smile enchanting, and that he had the handsomest leg and thigh he had ever seen. He was
present when the “Venus de Medicis” was talked of, the French having just then
taken possession of her. Bonaparte, Mr. West
said, turned round to those about him, and said, with his eyes lit up, “She’s
coming!” as if he had been talking of a living person. I believe he retained for the
Emperor the love that he had had for the First Consul, a wedded love, “for better,
for worse.” However, I believe also that he retained it after the Emperor’s
downfal; which is not what every painter did.
But I am getting out of my chronology. The quiet of Mr. West’s gallery, the tranquil, intent beauty of
the statues, and the subjects of some of the pictures, particularly Death on the Pale
Horse, the Deluge, the Scotch King hunting the Stag, Moses on
Mount Sinai, Christ Healing the Sick, (a sketch,) Sir Philip Sidney giving up the Water to the Dying
Soldier, the Installation of the Knights of the Garter, and Ophelia
before the King and Queen, (one of the best things he ever did,) made a great impression
upon me. My mother and I used to go down
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 331 |
the gallery together, as
if we were treading on wool. She was in the habit of stopping to look at some of the
pictures, particularly the Deluge and the Ophelia, with a countenance
quite awestricken. She used also to point out to me the subjects relating to liberty and
patriotism, and the domestic affections. Agrippina bringing home the
Ashes of Germanicus was a great favourite with her. I remember, too,
the awful delight afforded us by the Angel slaying the Army of
Sennacherib; a bright figure lording it in the air, with a chaos
of human beings below.
As Mr. West was almost sure to be
found at work in the farthest room, habited in his white woollen gown, so you might have
predicated, with equal certainty, that Mrs. West was sitting in the
parlour reading. I used to think, that if I had such a parlour to sit in, I should do just
as she did. It was a good-sized room, with two windows looking out on the little garden I
spoke of, and opening to it from one of them by a flight of steps. The garden with its
busts in it, and the pictures which you knew were on the other side of its wall, had an
Italian look. The room was hung with engravings and coloured prints. Among them was the
Lion’s Hunt, from Rubens; the Hierarchy with
the Godhead, from Raphael, which I hardly thought it
right to look at; and two screens by the fire-side, containing prints, from Angelica Kauffman, of the Loves of
Angelica and Medoro, which I could have
looked at from morning to night. Angelica’s intent eyes, I
thought, had the best of it; but I thought so without knowing why. This gave me a love for
Ariosto before I knew him. I got Hoole’s translation, but could make nothing of it.
Angelica Kauffman seemed to me to have done much more for her
namesake. She could see farther into a pair of eyes than Mr. Hoole
with his spectacles. This reminds me that I could make as little
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of
Pope’s Homer, which a schoolfellow of mine was always reading, and which I was
ashamed of not being able to like. It was not that I did not admire
Pope; but the words in his translation always took precedence in
my mind of the things, and the unvarying sweetness of his versification tired me before I
knew the reason. This did not hinder me afterwards from trying to imitate it; nor from
succeeding, as every body else succeeds. It is his wit and closeness that are the difficult
things, and that make him what he is;—a truism, which the mistakes of critics on
divers sides have made it but too warrantable to repeat.
Mrs. West and my mother used to
talk of old times, and Philadelphia, and my father’s prospects at court. I sat apart with a book,
from which I stole glances at Angelica. I had a habit at that time of
holding my breath, which forced me every now and then to take long sighs. Mrs.
West would offer me a bribe not to sigh. I would earn it once or twice; but
the sighs were sure to return. These wagers I did not care for; but I remember being
greatly mortified when Mr. West offered me
half-a-crown if I would solve the old question of “Who was the father of
Zebedee’s children?” and I could not tell him. He
never made his appearance till dinner, and returned to his painting-room directly after it.
And so at tea-time. The talk was very quiet; the neighbourhood quiet; the servants quiet; I
thought the very squirrel in the cage would have made a greater noise any where else.
James the porter, a fine tall fellow, who figured in his
master’s pictures as an apostle, was as quiet as he was strong. Standing for his
picture had become a sort of religion with him. Even the butler, with his little twinkling
eyes, full of pleasant conceit, vented his notions of himself in half tones and
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 333 |
whispers. This was a strange fantastic person. He got my brother
Robert to take a likeness of him, small enough to
be contained in a shirt pin. It was thought that his twinkling eyes, albeit not young, had
some fair cynosure in the neighbourhood. What was my brother’s amazement, when, the
next time he saw him, the butler said, with a face of enchanted satisfaction, “Well,
Sir, you see!” making a movement at the same time with the frill at his waistcoat.
The miniature that was to be given to the object of his affections, had been given
accordingly. It was in his own bosom.
EARLY FRIENDS.—FAMILY OF THE THORNTONS.
Notwithstanding my delight with the house at the West end of the
town, it was not to compare with my beloved one in the City. There was quiet in the one;
there were beautiful statues and pictures; and there was my Angelica for me, with her intent eyes, at the fire-side. But, besides quiet
in the other, there was cordiality, and there was music, and a family brimful of
hospitality and good-nature, and dear Almeria T.
(now Mrs. P—e,) who in vain pretends that she is growing old, which is what she never
did, shall, would, might, should, or could do. Those were indeed holidays, on which I used
to go to Austin Friars. The house (such at least are my boyish
recollections) was of the description I have been ever fondest of,—large, rambling,
old-
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fashioned, solidly built, resembling the mansions about
Highgate and other old villages. It was furnished as became the
house of a rich merchant and a sensible man, the comfort predominating over the costliness.
At the back was a garden with a lawn; and a private door opened into another garden,
belonging to the Company of Drapers; so that, what with the secluded nature of the street
itself, and these verdant places behind it, it was truly rus in urbe, and a retreat. When I turned down the archway, I held my mother’s hand
tighter with pleasure, and was full of expectation, and joy, and respect. My first delight
was in mounting the staircase to the rooms of the young ladies, setting my eyes on the
comely and sparkling countenance of my fair friend with her romantic name, and turning
over, for the hundredth time, the books in her library. What she did with the volumes of
the Turkish Spy, what they meant, or what
amusement she could extract from them, was an eternal mystification to me. Not long ago,
meeting with a copy of the book accidentally, I pounced upon my old acquaintance, and found
him to contain better and more amusing stuff than people would suspect from his dry look
and his obsolete politics. The face of tenderness and respect with which A——
used to welcome my mother, springing forward with her fine buxom figure to supply the
strength which the other wanted, and showing what an equality of love there may be between
youth and middle-age, and rich and poor, I should * The Turkish Spy is a
sort of philosophical newspaper in volumes; and, under a mask of bigotry,
speculates very freely on all subjects. It is said to have been written by an
Italian Jesuit of the name of Marana. The
first volume has been attributed, however, to Sir Roger
Manley, father of the author
of the Atalantis; and the
rest to Dr. Midgeley, a friend of his. |
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 335 |
never cease to love her for, had she not been, as she was, one of
the best-natured persons in the world in every thing. I have not seen her now for many
years; but with that same face, whatever change she may pretend to find it, she will go to
Heaven; for it is the face of her spirit. A good heart never grows old.
Of George T——, her brother, who will
pardon this omission of his worldly titles, whatever they may be, I have a similar kind of
recollection, in its proportion; for, though we knew him thoroughly, we saw him less. The
sight of his face was an additional sunshine to my holiday. He was very generous and
handsome-minded; a genuine human being. Mrs. T—,—, the mother, a very lady-like
woman, in a delicate state of health, we usually found reclining on a sofa, always ailing,
but always with a smile for its. The father, a man
of a large habit of body, panting with asthma, whom we seldom saw but at dinner, treated us
with all the family delicacy, and would have me come and sit next him, which I did with a
mixture of joy and dread; for it was painful to hear him breathe. I dwell the more upon
these attentions, because the school that I was in held a sort of equivocal rank in point
of what is called respectability; and it was no less an honour to another, than to
ourselves, to know when to place us upon a liberal footing. Young as I was, I felt this
point strongly; and was touched with as grateful a tenderness towards those who treated me
handsomely, as I retreated inwardly upon a proud consciousness of my Greek and Latin, when
the supercilious would have humbled me. Blessed house! May a blessing be upon your rooms,
and your lawn, and your neighbouring garden, and the quiet old monastic name of your
street! and may it never be a thoroughfare! and may all your inmates be happy!
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Would to God one could renew, at a moment’s notice, the happy
hours we have enjoyed in past times, with the same circles, and in the same houses! A
planet with such a privilege would be a great lift nearer Heaven. What prodigious evenings,
reader, we would have of it! What fine pieces of childhood, of youth, of manhood—ay,
and of age, as long as our friends lasted! The old gentleman in Gil Blas, who complained that the peaches were not so fine
as they used to be when he was young, had more reason than appears on the face of it. He
missed not only his former palate, but the places he ate them in, and those who ate them
with him. I have been told, that the cranberries I have met with since must be as fine as
those I got with the T.’s; as large and as juicy; and that they came from the same
place. For all that, I never ate a cranberry-tart since I dined in
Austin-Friars.
FAMILY PORTRAITS RESUMED.—MORE WEST INDIANS.—A
SCHOOL-BOY’S FIRST LOVE.
I should have fallen in love with A. T., had I been old enough. As it was, my first flame,
or my first notion of a flame, which is the same thing in those days, was for my giddy
cousin Fan. a quicksilver West Indian. Her mother, the aunt I spoke of, had just come from
Barbadoes with her two daughters and a sister. She was a woman
of a princely spirit; and having a good property, and every wish to make her relations more
comfortable, she did so. It became
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 337 |
holiday with us all. My mother
raised her head; my father grew young again; my cousin Kate conceived
a regard for one of my brothers, and married him; and for my part, besides my pictures and
Italian garden at Mr. West’s, and my beloved
old English house in Austin Friars, I had now another paradise in
Great Ormond-street. My aunt had something of the West Indian pride, but all in a good spirit, and
was a mighty cultivator of the gentilities, inward as well as outward. I did not dare to
appear before her with dirty hands, she would have rebuked me so handsomely. For some
reason or other, the marriage of my brother and his cousin was kept secret a little while.
I became acquainted with it by chance, coming in upon a holiday, the day the ceremony took
place. Instead of keeping me out of the secret by a trick, they very wisely resolved upon
trusting me with it, and relying upon my honour. My honour happened to be put to the test,
and I came off with flying colours. It is to this circumstance I trace the religious idea I
have ever since entertained of keeping a secret. I went with the bride and bridegroom to
church, and remember kneeling apart and weeping bitterly. My tears were unaccountable to me
then. Doubtless they were owing to an instinctive sense of the great change that was taking
place in the lives of two human beings, and of the unalterableness of the engagement. Death
and Life seem to come together on these occasions, like awful guests at a feast, and look
one another in the face.
It was not with such good effect that my aunt raised my notions of a
schoolboy’s pocket-money to half-crowns, and crowns, and half-guineas. My father and
mother were both as generous a daylight; but they could not give what they had not. I had
been unused to spending, and accordingly I spent with a vengeance. I remember a ludicrous
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instance. The first half-guinea that I received brought about
me a consultation of companions to know how to get rid of it. One shilling was devoted to
pears, another to apples, another to cakes, and so on, all to be bought immediately, as
they were; till coming to the sixpence, and being struck with a recollection that I ought
to do something useful with that, I bought sixpenn’orth of shoe-strings: these, no
doubt, vanished like the rest. The next half-guinea came to the knowledge of the master: he
interfered, which was one of his proper actions; and my aunt practised more self-denial in
future.
Our new family from abroad were true West Indians, or, as they would have
phrased it, “true Barbadians born.” They were generous, warm-tempered, had
great good-nature; were proud, but not unpleasantly so; lively, yet indolent; temperately
epicurean in their diet; fond of company, and dancing, and music; and lovers of show, but
far from withholding the substance. I speak chiefly of the mother and daughters. My other
aunt, an elderly maiden, who piqued herself on
the delicacy of her hands and ankles, and made you understand how many suitors she had
refused (for which she expressed any thing but repentance, being extremely vexed), was not
deficient in complexional good-nature; but she was narrow-minded, and seemed to care for
nothing in the world but two things: first, for her elder niece Kate,
whom she had helped to nurse; and second, for a becoming set-out of coffee and buttered
toast, particularly of a morning, when it was taken up to her in bed, with a salver and
other necessaries of life. Yes; there was one more indispensable thing,—slavery. It
was frightful to hear her small mouth and little mincing tones assert the necessity not
only of slaves, but of robust corporal punishment to keep them to their duty. But she did
this, because her want of ideas could do no otherwise. Having
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had
slaves, she wondered how any body could object to so natural and lady-like an
establishment. Late in life, she took to fancying that every polite old gentleman was in
love with her; and thus she lived on, till her dying moment, in a flutter of expectation.
The black servant must have puzzled this aunt of mine sometimes. All the
wonder of which she was capable, he certainly must have roused, not without “a
quaver of consternation.” This man had come over with them from the West
Indies. He was a slave on my aunt’s estate, and as such demeaned himself, till he
learnt that there was no such thing as a slave in England; that the moment a man sets his
foot on English ground he was free. I cannot help smiling to think of the bewildered
astonishment into which his first overt-act, in consequence of this knowledge must have put
my poor aunt Courthope (for that was her Christian
name). Most likely it broke out in the shape of some remonstrance about his fellow-servant.
He partook of the pride common to all the Barbadians, black as well as white; and the
maid-servants tormented him. I remember his coming up in the parlour one day, and making a
ludicrous representation of the affronts put upon his office and person, interspersing his
chattering and gesticulations with explanatory dumb show. One of them was a pretty girl,
who had manœuvred till she got him stuck in a corner; and he insisted upon telling us
all that she said and did. His respect for himself had naturally increased since he became
free; but he did not know what to do with it. Poor Samuel was not
ungenerous, after his fashion. He also wished, with his freedom, to acquire a
freeman’s knowledge, but stuck fast at pothooks and hangers. To frame a written B he
pronounced a thing impossible. Of his powers on the violin he made us more sensible, not
without frequent remonstrances, which it must have taken all my aunt’s good-nature to
make her repeat.
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He had left two wives in
Barbadoes, one of whom was brought to-bed of a son a little
after he came away. For this son he wanted a name, that was to be new, sounding, and long.
They referred him to the reader of Homer and Virgil. With classical names he was well acquainted,
Mars and Venus being among his most intimate
friends, besides Jupiters and Adonises, and
Dianas with large families. At length we succeeded with
Neoptolemus. He said he had never heard it before; and he made me
write it for him in a great text hand, that there might be no mistake.
My aunt took a country house at
Merton, in Surrey, where I passed three
of the happiest weeks of my life. It was the custom at our school, in those days, to allow
us only one set of unbroken holidays during the whole time we were there,—I mean,
holidays in which we remained away from school by night as well as by day. The period was
always in August. Imagine a schoolboy passionately fond of the green fields, who had never
slept out of the heart of the city for years. It was a compensation even for the pang of
leaving my friend; and then what letters I would write to him! And what letters I did
write! What full measure of affection, pressed down, and running over! I read, walked, had
a garden and orchard to run in; and fields that I could have rolled in, to have my will of
them. My father accompanied me to Wimbledon to see Horne Tooke, who patted me on the head. I felt very
differently under his hand, and under that of the Bishop of London, when he confirmed a
crowd of us in St. Paul’s. Not that I thought of politics,
though I had a sense of his being a patriot; but patriotism, as well as every thing else,
was connected in my mind with something classical, and Horne Tooke
held his political reputation with me by the same tenure that he held his fame for learning
and grammatical knowledge. “The learned Horne Tooke” was
the designation
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by which I styled him in some verses I wrote; in
which verses, by the way, with a poetical licence which would have been thought more
classical by Queen Elizabeth than my master, I
called my aunt a “nymph.” In the ceremony of confirmation by the Bishop, there
was something too official, and like a despatch of business, to excite my veneration. My
head only anticipated the coming of his hand, with a thrill in the scalp: and when it came,
it tickled me. My cousins had the celebrated Dr.
Callcott for a music-master. The doctor, who was a scholar and a great
reader, was so pleased with me one day for being able to translate the beginning of
Xenophon’s Anabasis, (one of our school-books,) that he took me out
with him to Nunn’s, the bookseller’s in Great
Queen Street, and made me a present of “Schrevelius’s Lexicon.” When he came down to Merton, he let me
ride his horse. What days were those! Instead of being roused against my will by a bell, I
jumped up with the lark, and strolled “out of bounds.” Instead of bread and
water for breakfast, I had coffee and tea, and buttered toast: for dinner, not a hunk of
bread and a modicum of hard meat, or a bowl of pretended broth, but fish, and fowl, and
noble hot joints, and puddings, and sweets, and Guava jellies, and other West Indian
mysteries of peppers and preserves, and wine: and then I had tea; and I sat up to supper
like a man, and lived so well, that I might have been very ill, had I not run about all the
rest of the day. My strolls about the fields with a book were full of happiness: only my
dress used to get me stared at by the villagers. Walking one day by the little river
Wandle, I came upon one of the loveliest girls I ever beheld, standing in the water with
bare legs, washing some linen. She turned, as she was stooping, and showed a blooming oval
face with blue eyes, on either side of which flowed a profusion of flaxen locks. With the
exception of the colour 342 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
of the hair, it was like Raphael’s own head turned into a peasant
girl’s. The eyes were full of gentle astonishment at the sight of me; and mine must
have wondered no less. However, I was prepared for such wonders. It was only one of my
poetical visions realized, and I expected to find the world full of them. What she thought
of my blue skirts and yellow stockings, is not so clear. She did not, however, haunt me
with my “petticoat,” as the girls in the streets of London would do, making me
blush, as I thought they ought to have done instead. My beauty in the brook was too gentle
and diffident: at least I thought so, and my own heart did not contradict me. I then took
every beauty for an Arcadian, and every brook for a fairy stream; and the reader would be
surprised, if he knew to what an extent I have a similar tendency still. I find the same
possibilities by another path.
I do not remember whether an Abbé
Paris, who taught my cousins French, used to see them in the country; but I
never shall forget him in Ormond Street. He was an emigrant, very
gentlemanly, with a face of remarkable benignity, and a voice that became it. He spoke
English in a slow manner, that was very graceful. I shall never forget his saying one day,
in answer to somebody who pressed him on the subject, and in the mildest of tones, that
without doubt it was impossible to be saved out of the pale of the Catholic Church. This
made a strong impression upon me. One contrast of this sort reminds me of another. My aunt
Courthope had something growing out on one of
her knuckles, which she was afraid to let a surgeon look at. There was a Dr.
Chapman, a West India physician, who came to see us, a person of great
suavity of manners, with all that air of languor and want of energy which the West Indians
often exhibit. He was in the habit of inquiring, with the softest voice in the world, how
my aunt’s hand was; and coming
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one day upon us in the midst
of dinner, and sighing forth his usual question, she gave it him over her shoulder to look
at. In a moment she shrieked, and the swelling was gone. The meekest of doctors had done it
away with his lancet.
I had no drawback on my felicity at Merton, with
the exception of an occasional pang at my friend’s absence, and a new vexation that
surprised and mortified me. I had been accustomed at school to sleep with sixty boys in the
room, and some old night-fears that used to haunt me were forgotten. No manticoras
there!—no old men crawling on the floor! What was my chagrin, when on sleeping alone,
after so long a period, I found my terrors come back again!—not, indeed, in all the
same shapes. Beasts could frighten me no longer; but I was at the mercy of any other
ghostly fiction that I presented to my mind crawling or ramping. I struggled hard to say
nothing about it; but my days began to be discoloured with fear of my nights; and with
unutterable humiliation I begged that the footman might be allowed to sleep in the same
room. Luckily, my request was attended to in the kindest and most reconciling manner. I was
pitied for my fears, but praised for my candour—a balance of qualities, which, I have
reason to believe, did me a service far beyond that of the moment.
Samuel, who, fortunately for my shame, had a great respect for
fear of this kind, had his bed removed accordingly into my room. He used to entertain me at
night with stories of Barbadoes and the negroes; and in a few days I
was reassured and happy.
It was then (Oh shame that I must speak of fair lady after confessing a
heart so faint!)—it was then that I fell in love with my cousin
Fan. However, I would have fought all her young acquaintances
round for her, timid as I was, and little inclined to pugnacity.
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|
Fanny was a lass of fifteen, with little laughing
eyes, and a mouth like a plum. I was then (I feel as if I ought to be ashamed to say it)
not more than thirteen, if so old; but I had read Tooke’s Pantheon, and came of a precocious race. My cousin came of one too, and was
about to be married to a handsome young fellow of three-and-twenty. I thought nothing of
this, for nothing could be more innocent than my intentions. I was not old enough, or
grudging enough, or whatever it was, even to be jealous. I thought every body must love
Fanny D—; and if she did not leave me out in permitting it,
I was satisfied. It was enough for me to be with her as long as I could; to gaze on her
with delight, as she floated hither and thither; and to sit on the stiles in the
neighbouring fields, thinking of Tooke’s Pantheon. My friendship was greater than my love. Had my favourite schoolfellow
been ill, or otherwise demanded my return, I should certainly have chosen his society in
preference. Three-fourths of my heart were devoted to friendship; the rest was in a vague
dream of beauty, and female cousins, and nymphs, and green fields, and a feeling which,
though of a warm nature, was full of fear and respect. Had the jade put me on the least
equality of footing as to age, I know not what change might have been wrought in me; but
though too young herself for the serious duties she was about to bring on her, and full of
sufficient levity and gaiety not to be uninterested with the little black-eyed schoolboy
that lingered about her, my vanity was well paid off by her’s, for she kept me at a
distance by calling me petit garçon. This
was no better than the assumption of an elder sister in her teens over a younger one; but
the latter feels it, nevertheless; and I persuaded myself that it was particularly cruel. I
wished the Abbé Paris at
Jamaica with his French. There would she come, in her frock and
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 345 |
tucker, (for she had not yet left off either,) her curls
dancing, and her hands clasped together in the enthusiasm of something to tell me, and when
I flew to meet her, forgetting the difference of ages, and alive only to my charming
cousin, she would repress me with a little fillip on the cheek, and say, “Well, petit garçon, what do you think of
that?” The worst of it was, that this odious French phrase sat insufferably well upon
her plump little mouth. She and I used to gather peaches before the house were up. I held
the ladder for her; she mounted like a fairy, and when I stood doating on her, as she
looked down and threw the fruit in my lap, she would cry, “Petit garçon, you will let ’em all drop!”
On my return to school, she gave me a locket for a keepsake, in the shape of a heart; which
was the worst thing she ever did to the petit
garçon, for it touched me on my weak side, and looked like a
sentiment. I believe I should have had serious thoughts of becoming melancholy, had I not,
in returning to school, returned to my friend, and so found means to occupy my craving for
sympathy. However, I wore the heart a long while. I have sometimes thought there was more
in her French than I imagined; but I believe not. She naturally took herself for double my
age, with a lover of three-and-twenty. Soon after her marriage, fortune separated us for
many years. My passion had almost as soon died away; but I have loved the name of
Fanny ever since; and when I met her again, which was under
circumstances of trouble on her part, I could not see her without such an emotion as I was
fain to confess to a person “near and dear,” who forgave me for it, which is
one of the reasons I have for loving the said person so well. Yes; the black ox trod on the
fairy foot of my light-hearted cousin Fan.; of her whom I could no
more have thought of in conjunction with sorrow, than of a ball-room with a 346 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
tragedy. To know that she was rich, and admired, and abounding in
mirth and music, was to me the same thing as to know that she existed. How often have I
wished myself rich in turn, that I might have restored her to all the graces of life! She
is generous, and would not have grudged me the satisfaction.
A SCHOOLMASTER OF THE OLD LEAVEN: WITH AN ACCOUNT OF
CHRIST-HOSPITAL.
To describe so well-known a school as
Christ-Hospital, would to thousands of readers be superfluous;
but to such as are unacquainted with the City, or with a certain track of reading, it still
remains a curiosity. Thousands, indeed, have gone through the City and never suspected that
in the heart of it lies an old cloistered foundation, where a boy may grow up, as I did,
among six hundred others, and know as little of the very neighbourhood as the world does of
him.
But it is highly interesting on other accounts. Perhaps there is not a
foundation in the country so truly English, taking that word to mean what Englishmen wish
it to mean;—something solid, unpretending, of good character, and free to all. More
boys are to be found in it, who issue from a greater variety of ranks, than in any other
school in the kingdom; and as it is the most various, so it is the largest, of all the
free-schools. Nobility do not go there, except as boarders. Now and then, a boy of a noble
family may be met with, and he is reckoned an interloper, and against the charter; but the
sons of poor
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 347 |
gentry and London citizens
abound; and with them, an equal share is given to the sons of tradesmen of the very
humblest description, not omitting servants. I would not take my oath,—but I have a
very vivid recollection, that in my time there were two boys, one of whom went up into the
drawing-room to his father, the master of the house; and the other, down into the kitchen
to his father, the coachman. One thing, however, I know to be
certain, and that is the noblest of all: it is, that the boys themselves, (at least it was
so in my time,) had no sort of feeling of the difference of one another’s ranks out
of doors. The cleverest boy was the noblest, let his father be who he might. In short,
Christ-Hospital is well known and respected by thousands, as a
nursery of tradesmen, of merchants, of naval officers, of scholars, of some of the most
eminent persons of the day; and the feeling among the boys themselves is, that it is a
medium, far apart indeed, but equally so, between the patrician pretension of such schools
as Eton and Westminster, and the plebeian
submission of the charity schools. In point of University honours, it claims to be equal
with the greatest; and though other schools can show a greater abundance of eminent names,
I know not where will be many who are a greater host in themselves. One original author is
worth a hundred transwriters of elegance: and such a one is to be found in Richardson, who here received what education he possessed.
Here Camden also received the rudiments of his.
Bishop Stillingfleet, according to the Memoirs of Pepys, lately published, was brought up in the school. We have had many
eminent scholars, two of them Greek Professors, to wit, Barnes, and the present Mr.
Scholefield, the latter of whom attained an extraordinary succession of
University honours. The rest are Markland; Dr. Middleton, late 348 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
Bishop of
Calcutta; and Mr. Mitchell, the translator of
“Aristophanes.” Christ-Hospital, I
believe, has sent out more living writers, in its proportion, than any other school. There
is Dr. Richards, author of the “Aboriginal Britons;” Dyer, whose life has been one unbroken dream of learning
and goodness, and who used to make us wonder with passing through the school-room (where no
other person in “town-clothes” ever appeared) to consult books in the library;
Le Grice, the translator of “Longus;” Home, author of some
well-known productions in controversial divinity; Surr, the novelist, (not in the Grammar school;) James White, the friend of Charles
Lamb, and not unworthy of him, author of “Falstaff’s Letters:” (this was he who
used to give an anniversary dinner to the chimney-sweepers, merrier, though not so
magnificent as Mrs. Montagu’s.) Pitman, a celebrated preacher, editor of some
school-books, and religious classics; Mitchell, before mentioned;
myself, who stood next him; Barnes, who came next,
the Editor of the Times, (than whom no man (if he
had cared for it) could have been more certain of attaining celebrity for wit and
literature;) Townsend, a prebendary of Durham,
author of “Armageddon,”
and several theological works; Gilly, another of the
Durham prebendaries, who wrote the other day the “Narrative of the Waldenses;” Scargill, an Unitarian minister, author of some tracts on
Peace and War, &c.; and lastly, whom I have kept by way of climax, Coleridge, and Charles
Lamb, two of the most original geniuses, not only of the day, but of the
country. We have had an ambassador among us; but as he, I understand, is ashamed of us, we
are hereby more ashamed of him, and accordingly omit him.
In the time of Henry the Eighth,
Christ-Hospital was a monastery
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 349 |
of
Franciscan Friars. Being dissolved among the others, Edward the
Sixth, moved by a sermon of Bishop
Ridley’s, assigned the revenues of it to the maintenance and education
of a certain number of poor orphan children, born of citizens of
London. I believe there has been no law passed to alter the
letter of this intention; which is a pity, since the alteration has taken place. An
extension of it was probably very good, and even demanded by circumstances. I have reason,
for one, to be grateful for it. But tampering with matters-of-fact among children is
dangerous. They soon learn to distinguish between allowed poetical fiction, and that, which
they are told, under severe penalties, never to be guilty of; and this early sample of
contradiction between the thing asserted and the obvious fact, can do no good even in an
establishment so plain-dealing in other respects, as
Christ-Hospital. The place is not only designated as an Orphan-house
in its Latin title, but the boys, in the prayers which they repeat every day, implore the
pity of Heaven upon “us poor orphans.” I remember the perplexity this caused me
at a very early period. It is true, the word orphan may be used in a sense implying
destitution of any sort; but this was not its original meaning in the present instance; nor
do the younger boys give it the benefit of that scholarly interpretation. There was another
thing, (now, I believe, done away,) which existed in my time, and perplexed me still more.
It seemed a glaring instance of the practice likely to result from the other assumption,
and made me prepare for a hundred falsehoods and deceptions, which, mixed up with
contradiction, as most things in society are, I sometimes did find and oftener dreaded. I
allude to a foolish custom they had, in the ward which I first entered, and which was the
only one that the company at the public suppers were in the 350 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
habit
of going into, of hanging up, by the side of every bed, a clean white napkin, which was
supposed to be the one used by the occupiers. Now these napkins were only for show, the
real towels being of the largest and coarsest kind. If the masters had been asked about
them, they would doubtless have told the truth; perhaps the nurses would have done so. But
the boys were not aware of this. There they saw these “white lies” hanging
before them, a conscious imposition; and I well remember how alarmed I used to feel, lest
any of the company should direct their inquiries to me.
Speaking of “wards” and “nurses,” I must enter
into a more particular account of the school. Christ-Hospital (for
this is its proper name, and not Christ’s Hospital) occupies a considerable portion
of ground between Newgate Street, Giltspur
Street, St. Bartholomew’s, and
Little Britain. There is a quadrangle with four cloisters, a
cloister running out of these to the Sick Ward; a portico supporting the Writing School; a
kind of street, with the counting-house, and some other houses; and a large open space,
presenting the Grammar School. The square inside the cloisters is called the Garden, and
most likely was the monastery garden. Its only delicious crop, for many years, has been
pavement. The large area is also misnomered the Ditch; the town-ditch, I suppose, having
formerly had a tributary stream that way. One side of the quadrangle is occupied by the
Hall, or eating-room, one of the noblest in England, adorned with enormously long paintings
by Verrio and others, and with an organ. Another
side contained the library of the monks, and was built or repaired by the famous Whittington, whose arms are still to be seen outside.
In the cloisters a number of persons lie buried, besides the officers of
the house. Among them is Isabella, wife of Edward the Second, the
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 351 |
“she-wolf
of France.” I was not aware of this circumstance then; but many a time, with a
recollection of some lines in “Blair’s
Grave” upon me, have I ran as hard
as I could at night-time from my ward to another, in order to borrow the next volume of
some ghostly romance. In one of the cloisters was an impression resembling a gigantic foot,
which was attributed by some to the angry stamping of the ghost of a beadle’s wife! A
beadle was a higher sound to us than to most, as it involved ideas of detected apples in
church-time, “skulking” (as it was called) out of bounds, and a power of
reporting us to the masters. But fear does not stand upon rank and ceremony.
The wards, or sleeping-rooms, are twelve, and contained, in my time, rows
of beds on each side, partitioned off, but connected with one another, and each having two
boys to sleep in it. Down the middle ran the binns for holding bread and other things, and
serving for a table when the meal was not taken in the hall; and over the binns hung a
great homely chandelier.
To each of these wards a nurse was assigned, who was the widow of some
decent liveryman of London, and who had the charge of looking after
us at night-time, seeing to our washing, &c. and carving for us at dinner: all which
gave her a good deal of power, more than her name warranted. They were, however, almost
invariably very decent people, and performed their duty; which was not always the case with
the young ladies, their daughters. There were five schools; a grammar-school, a
mathematical or navigation-school (added by Charles the
Second,) a writing, a drawing, and a reading-school. Those who could not
read when they came on the foundation, went into the last. There were few in the
last-but-one, and I scarcely know what they did, or for what object. The writing-school was
for those who were intended for trade and com-
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merce; the
mathematical for boys who went as midshipmen into the naval and East India service; and the
grammar-school for such as were designed for the Church, and to go to the University. The
writing-school was by far the largest; and, what is very curious, (which is not the case
now,) all these schools were kept quite distinct, so that a boy might arrive at the age of
fifteen in the grammar-school, and not know his multiplication-table. But more of this, on
a future occasion. Most of these schools had several masters; besides whom there was a
steward, who took care of our subsistence, and had a general superintendance over all hours
and circumstances not connected with schooling. The masters had almost all been in the
school, and might expect pensions or livings in their old age. Among those, in my time, the
mathematical master was Mr. Wales, a man well known
for his science, who had been round the world with Captain
Cook; for which we highly venerated him. He was a good man, of plain simple
manners, with a heavy large person and a benign countenance. When he was in
Otaheite, the natives played him a trick while bathing, and
stole his small-clothes; which we used to think an enormous liberty, scarcely credible. The
name of the steward, a thin stiff man of invincible formality of demeanour, admirably
fitted to render encroachment impossible, was Hathaway. We of the grammar-school used to
call him “the Yeoman,” on account of Shakspeare’s having married the daughter of a man of that name,
designated as “a substantial yeoman.”
Our dress was of the coarsest and quaintest kind, but was respected out of
doors, and is so. It consisted of a blue drugget gown, or body, with ample coats to it; a
yellow vest underneath in winter-time; smallclothes of Russia duck; yellow stockings; a
leathern girdle; and a little black worsted cap, usually carried in the hand. I believe it
was the
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 353 |
ordinary dress of children in humble life, during the reign
of the Tudors. We used to flatter ourselves that it was taken from the monks; and there
went a monstrous tradition, that at one period it consisted of blue velvet with silver
buttons. It was said also, that during the blissful era of the blue velvet we had roast
mutton for supper; but that the small-clothes not being then in existence, and the mutton
suppers too luxurious, the eatables were given up for the ineffables.
A malediction, at heart, always followed the memory of him who had taken
upon himself to decide so preposterously. To say the truth, we were not too well fed at
that time, either in quantity or quality; and we could not enter with our then hungry
imaginations into those remote philosophies. Our breakfast was bread and water, for the
beer was too bad to drink. The bread consisted of the half of a three-halfpenny loaf,
according to the prices then current. I suppose it would now be a good two-penny one;
certainly not a three-penny. This was not much for growing boys, who had nothing to eat
from six or seven o’clock the preceding evening. For dinner, we had the same quantity
of bread, with meat only every other day, and that consisting of a small slice, such as
would be given to an infant of three or four years old. Yet even that, with all our hunger,
we very often left half-eaten; the meat was so tough. On the other days, we had a
milk-porridge, ludicrously thin; or rice-milk, which was better. There were no vegetables
or puddings. Once a month we had roast-beef; and twice a year, (I blush to think of the
eagerness with which it was looked for) a dinner of pork. One was roast, and the other
boiled; and on the latter occasion we had our only pudding, which was of pease. I blush to
remember this, not on account of our poverty, but on account of the sordidness of the
custom. There had much better have been none. For supper
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we had a
like piece of bread, with butter or cheese; and then to bed, “with what appetite we
might.”
Our routine of life was this. We rose to the call of a bell, at six in
summer, and seven in winter; and after combing ourselves, and washing our hands and faces,
went, at the call of another bell, to breakfast. All this took up about an hour. From
breakfast we proceeded to school, where we remained till eleven, winter and summer, and
then had an hour’s play. Dinner took place at twelve. Afterwards was a little play
till one, when we again went to school, and remained till five in summer and four in
winter. At six was the supper. We used to play after it in summer till eight. In winter we
proceeded from supper to bed. On Sundays, the school-time of the other days was occupied
with church, both morning and evening; and as the Bible was read to us every day before
every meal, and on going to bed, besides prayers and graces, we at least rivalled the monks
in the religious part of our duties. The effect was certainly not what was intended. The
Bible perhaps was read thus frequently in the first instance, out of contradiction to the
papal spirit that had so long kept it locked up; but, in the eighteenth century, the
repetition was not so desirable among a parcel of hungry boys, anxious to get their modicum
to eat. On Sunday, what with the long service in the morning, the service again after
dinner, and the inaudible and indifferent tones of some of the preachers, it was
unequivocally tiresome. I, for one, who had been piously brought up, and continued to have
religion inculcated on me by father and mother, began secretly to become as indifferent as
I thought the preachers; and, though the morals of the school were in the main excellent
and exemplary, we all felt instinctively, without knowing it, that it was the orderliness
and example of the general system that
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kept us so, and not the
religious part of it; which seldom entered our heads at all, and only tired us when it did.
I am not begging any question here, or speaking for or against. I am only stating a fact.
Others may argue, that, however superfluous the readings and prayers might have been, a
good general spirit of religion must have been inculcated, because a great deal of virtue
and religious charity is known to have issued out of that school, and no fanaticism. I
shall not dispute the point. The case is true; but not the less true is what I speak of.
Latterly there came, as our parish clergyman, Mr.
Crowther, a nephew of the celebrated Richardson, and worthy of the talents and virtues of his kinsman, though
inclining to a mode of faith which is supposed to produce more faith than charity. But,
till then, the persons who were in the habit of getting up in our church pulpit and
reading-desk, might as well have hummed a tune to their diaphragms. They inspired us with
nothing but mimicry. The name of the morning-reader was Salt. He was a
worthy man, I believe, and might, for aught we knew, have been a clever one; but he had it
all to himself, He spoke in his throat, with a sound as if he was weak and corpulent; and
was famous among us for saying “Murracles” instead of “Miracles.”
When we imitated him, this was the only word we drew upon: the rest was unintelligible
suffocation. Our usual evening preacher was Mr.
Sandiford, who had the reputation of learning and piety. It was of no use to
us, except to make us associate the ideas of learning and piety in the pulpit with
inaudible hum-drum. Mr. Sandiford’s voice was hollow and low,
and he had a habit of dipping up and down over his book, like a chicken drinking.
Mr. Salt was eminent with us for a single word. Mr.
Sandiford surpassed him, for he had two famous audible phrases. There was,
it is true, no great variety in them. One was “the dispensation of
Moses:” 356 |
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the other (with a due
interval of hum), “the Mosaic dispensation.” These he used to repeat so often,
that in our caricatures of him they sufficed for an entire portrait. The reader may
conceive a large church, (it was Christ Church, Newgate Street,)
with six hundred boys, seated like charity-children up in the air, on each side the organ,
Mr. Sandiford humming in the valley, and a few maid-servants who
formed his afternoon congregation. We did not dare to go to sleep. We were not allowed to
read. The great boys used to get those that sat behind them to play with their hair. Some
whispered to their neighhours, and the others thought of their lessons and tops. I can
safely say, that many of us would have been good listeners, and most of us attentive ones,
if the clergyman could have been heard: as it was, I talked as well as the rest, or thought
of my exercise. Sometimes we could not help joking and laughing over our weariness; and
then the fear was, lest the steward had seen us. It was part of the business of the steward
to preside over the boys in church-time. He sat aloof, in a place where he could view the
whole of his flock. There was a ludicrous kind of revenge we had of him, whenever a
particular part of the Bible was read. This was the parable of the Unjust Steward. The boys
waited anxiously till the passage commenced; and then, as if by a general conspiracy, at
the words, “thou unjust steward,” the whole school turned their eyes upon this
unfortunate officer, who sat “Like Teneriff or Atlas, unremoved.” |
We persuaded ourselves, that the more unconscious he looked, the more he was acting.
By a singular chance, there were two clergymen, occasional preachers in our pulpit, who
were as loud and startling, as the |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 357 |
others were somniferous. One of
them, with a sort of flat, high voice, had a remarkable way of making a ladder of it,
climbing higher and higher to the end of the sentence. It ought to be described by the
gamut, or written up-hill. Perhaps it was an association of ideas that has made us
recollect one particular passage. It is where Ahab consults the
Prophets, asking them whether he shall go up to Ramoth Gilead to
battle. “Shall I go against Ramoth Gilead to battle, or shall I forbear? and they
said, Go up; for the Lord shall deliver it into the hand of the king.” He
used to give this out in such a manner, that you might have fancied him climbing out of the
pulpit, sword in hand. The other was a tall, thin man, with a noble voice. He would
commence a prayer in a most stately and imposing manner, full both of dignity and feeling;
and then, as if tired of it, hurry over all the rest. Indeed, he began every prayer in this
way, and was as sure to hurry it; for which reason, the boys hailed the sight of him, as
they knew they should get sooner out of church. When he commenced, in his noble style, the
band seemed to tremble against his throat, as though it had been a sounding-board.
Being able to read, and knowing a little Latin, I was put at once into the
Under Grammar School. How much time I wasted there in learning the accidence and syntax, I
cannot say; but it seems to me a long while. My grammar seemed always to open at the same
place. Things are managed differently now, I believe, in this as well as in a great many
other respects. Great improvements have been made in the whole establishment. The boys feed
better, learn better, and have longer holidays in the country. In my time, they never slept
out of the school but on one occasion, during the whole of their stay; this was for three
weeks in summer-time, which I have spoken of, and which they were bound
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to pass at a certain distance from London. They now have these
holidays with a reasonable frequency; and they all go to the different schools, instead of
being confined, as they were then, some to nothing but writing and cyphering, and some to
the languages. It has been doubted by some of us elders, whether this system will beget
such temperate, proper students, with pale faces, as the other did. I dare say, our
successors are not afraid of us. I had the pleasure, not long since, of dining in company
with a Deputy Grecian, who, with a stout rosy-faced person, had not failed to acquire the
scholarly turn for joking, which is common to a classical education; as well as those
simple, becoming manners, made up of modesty and proper confidence, which have been often
remarked as distinguishing the boys on this foundation.
“But what is a Deputy Grecian?” Ah, reader! to ask that
question, and at the same time to know any thing at all worth knowing, would at one time,
according to our notions, have been impossible. When I entered the school, I was shown
three gigantic boys, young men rather, (for the eldest was between seventeen and eighteen,)
who, I was told, were going to the University. These were the Grecians. They are the three
head boys of the Grammar School, and are understood to have their destiny fixed for the
Church. The next class to these, and like a College of Cardinals to those three Popes, (for
every Grecian was in our eyes infallible,) are the Deputy Grecians. The former were
supposed to have completed their Greek studies, and were deep in Sophocles and Euripides. The latter
were thought equally competent to tell you any thing respecting Homer and Demosthenes. These two
classes and the head boys of the Navigation School, held a certain rank over the whole
place, both in school and out. Indeed, the whole of the Navigation School, upon the
strength of cultivating their valour for the navy, and
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being called
King’s Boys, had succeeded in establishing an extraordinary pretension to respect.
This they sustained in a manner as laughable to call to mind, as it was grave in its
reception. It was an etiquette among them never to move out of a right line as they walked,
whoever stood in their way. I believe there was a secret understanding with Grecians and
Deputy Grecians, the former of whom were unquestionably lords paramount in point of fact,
and stood and walked aloof when all the rest of the school were marshalled in bodies. I do
not remember any clashing between these great civil and naval powers; but I remember well
my astonishment when I first beheld some of my little comrades overthrown by the progress
of one of these very straightforward personages, who walked on with as tranquil and
unconscious a face, as if nothing had happened. It was not a fierce-looking push; there
seemed to be no intention in it. The insolence lay in the boy’s appearing not to know
that such an inferior human being existed. It was always thus, wherever they came. If
aware, the boys got out of their way; if not, down they went, one or more; away rolled the
top or the marbles, and on walked the future captain— In maiden navigation, frank and free. |
They wore a badge on the shoulder, of which they were very proud, though
in the streets it must have helped to confound them with charity boys. For charity boys I
must own, we all had a great contempt, or thought so. We did not dare to know that there
might have been a little jealousy of our own position in it, placed as we were midway
between the homeliness of the common charity school and the dignity of the foundations. We
called them “chizy-wags,” and had a particular scorn and
hatred of their nasal tone in singing.
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|
The under grammar-master was the Reverend Mr.
Field. He was a good-looking man, very gentlemanly, and always dressed at
the neatest. I believe he once wrote a play. He had the reputation of being admired by the
ladies. A man of a more handsome incompetence for his situation perhaps did not exist. He
came late of a morning; went away soon in the afternoon; and used to walk up and down,
languidly bearing his cane, as if it was a lily, and hearing our eternal Dominuses and As in
præsenti’s with an air of ineffable endurance. Often, he
did not hear at all. It was a joke with us, when any of our friends came to the door and we
asked his permission to go to them, to address him with some preposterous question, wide of
the mark; to which he used to assent. We would say, for instance, “Are you not a
great fool, sir?” or “Isn’t your daughter a pretty girl?” to which
he would reply, “Yes, child.” When he condescended to hit us with the cane, he
made a face as if he was taking physic. Miss Field, an
agreeable-looking girl, was one of the goddesses of the school; as far above us, as if she
had lived on Olympus. Another was Miss Patrick, daughter of the
lamp-manufacturer in Newgate Street. I do not remember her face so
well, not seeing it so often; but she abounded in admirers. I write the names of these
ladies at full length, because there is nothing that should hinder their being pleased at
having caused us so many agreeable visions. We used to identify them with the picture of
Venus in Tooke’s
Pantheon.
School was a newer scene to me than to most boys: it was also a more
startling one. I was not prepared for so great a multitude; for the absence of the
tranquillity and security of home; nor for those exhibitions of strange characters,
conflicting wills, and violent, and, as they appeared to me, wicked passions, which were to
be found, in little, in this epitome of the great world. I was confused, frightened, and
made solitary. My
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 361 |
mother, as I have observed before, little thought
how timid she had helped to render her son, in spite of those more refined theories of
courage and patriotic sentiments which she had planted in him.
I will not mention the name of the other master, the upper one, who I am now about to speak of, and whom I have
designated at the head of this paper as a schoolmaster of the old leaven. I will avoid it,
not because I can thus render it unknown, but because it will remain less known than it
would otherwise. I will avoid it also, because he was a conscientious man in some things,
and undoubtedly more mistaken than malignant; and last, not least, because there may be
inheritors of his name, whose natures, modified by other sources, and not liable to the
same objections, might be hurt in proportion to their superiority.
He was a short stout man, inclining to punchiness,
with large face and hands, an aquiline nose, long upper lip, and a sharp mouth. His eye was
close and cruel. The spectacles threw a balm over it. Being a clergyman, he dressed in
black, with a powdered wig. His clothes were cut short; his hands hung out of the sleeves,
with tight wristbands, as if ready for execution; and as he generally wore grey worsted
stockings, very tight, with a little balustrade leg, his whole appearance presented
something formidably succinct, hard, and mechanical. In fact, his weak side, and
undoubtedly his natural destination, lay in carpentery; and he accordingly carried, in a
side-pocket made on purpose, a carpenter’s rule.
The only merits of this man
consisted in his being a good verbal scholar, and acting up to the letter of time and
attention. I have seen him nod at the close of the long summer school-hours, perfectly
wearied out; and should have pitied him, if he had taught us to do any thing but fear.
Though a clergyman, very orthodox, and of rigid morals,
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he indulged
himself in an oath, which was “ God’s-my-life!” When you were out in your
lesson, he turned upon you with an eye like a fish; and he had a trick of pinching you
under the chin, and by the lobes of the ears, till he would make the blood come. He has
many times lifted a boy off the ground in this way. He was indeed a proper tyrant,
passionate and capricious; would take violent likes and dislikes to the same boys; fondle
some without any apparent reason, though he had a leaning to the servile, and perhaps to
the sons of rich people, and would persecute others in a manner truly frightful. I have
seen him beat a sickly-looking, melancholy boy (C—n) about the head and ears, till
the poor fellow, hot, dry-eyed, and confused, seemed lost in bewilderment. C—n, not
long after he took orders, died out of his senses. I do not attribute that catastrophe to
the master; and of course he could not have wished to do him any lasting mischief. He had
no imagination of any sort. But there is no saying how far his treatment of the boy might
have contributed to prevent his cure. Masters, as well as boys, have escaped the chance of
many bitter reflections, since a wiser and more generous intercourse has increased between
them.
I have some stories of this man,
that will completely show his character, and at the same time relieve the reader’s
indignation by something ludicrous in their excess. We had a few boarders at the school;
boys, whose parents were too rich to let them go on the foundation. Among them, in my time,
was Carlton, a son of Lord
Dorchester; Macdonald, one of the
Lord Chief Baron’s sons; and
R——, the son of a rich merchant. Carlton, who was a fine
fellow, manly and full of good sense, took his new master and his caresses very coolly, and
did not want them. Little Macdonald also could dispense with them, and
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 363 |
would put on his delicate gloves after lesson, with an air as
if he resumed his patrician plumage. R—— was meeker, and willing to be
encouraged; and there would the master sit, with his arm round his tall waist, helping him
to his Greek verbs, as a nurse does bread and milk to an infant; and repeating them, when
he missed, with a fond patience, that astonished us criminals in drugget.
Very different was the treatment of a boy on the foundation, whose
friends, by some means or other, had prevailed on the master to pay him an extra attention,
and try to get him on. He had come into the school at an age later than usual, and could
hardly read. There was a book used by the learners in reading, called “Dialogues
between a Missionary and an Indian.” It was a poor performance, full of inconclusive
arguments and other commonplaces. The boy in question used to appear with this book in his
hand in the middle of the school, the master standing behind him. The lesson was to begin.
Poor ——, whose great fault lay in a deep-toned drawl of his syllables and the
omission of his stops, stood half-looking at the book, and half-casting his eye towards the
right of him, whence the blows were to proceed. The master looked over him; and his hand
was ready. I am not exact in my quotation at this distance of time; but the spirit of one of the passages that I recollect, was to the following
purport, and thus did the teacher and his pupil proceed.
Master. “Now, young man, have a care; or I’ll set you a swinging task.” (A common phrase of his.)
Pupil. (Making a sort of heavy bolt at his calamity, and never remembering
his stop at the word Missionary.) “Missionary Can you see the
wind?”
(Master gives a slap on the cheek.)
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|
Pupil. (Raising his voice to a cry, still forgetting his stop.) “Indian No!”
Master. “God’s-my-life, young man! have a care how you provoke
me.”
Pupil. (Always forgetting the stop.) “Missionary How then do you know that there is such a thing?”
(Here a terrible thump.)
Pupil. (With a shout of agony.) “Indian
Because I feel it.”
One anecdote of his injustice will
suffice for all. It is of ludicrous enormity; nor do I believe any thing more flagrantly
wilful was ever done by himself. I heard Mr. C——, the sufferer, now a most
respectable person in a government office, relate it with a due relish, long after quitting
the school. The master was in the habit of “spiting” C——; that is
to say, of taking every opportunity to be severe with him, nobody knew why. One day he
comes into the school, and finds him placed in the middle of it with three other boys. He
was not in one of his worst humours, and did not seem inclined to punish them, till he saw
his antagonist. “Oh, oh! Sir,” said he; “what, you are among them, are
you?“ and gave him an exclusive thump on the face. He then turned to one of
the Grecians, and said, “I have not time to flog all these boys; make them draw
lots, and I’ll punish one.” The lots were drawn, and
C——’s was favourable. “Oh, oh!” returned the master, when
he saw them, “you have escaped, have you, Sir?” and pulling out his
watch, and turning again to the Grecian observed, that he found he had time to punish the whole three; “and, Sir,” added he to
C——, with another slap, “I’ll begin with you.” He then took the boy into the library and flogged him; and,
on issuing forth again, had the face to say, with an air of indifference, “I have
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 365 |
not time, after all, to punish these two other boys: let
them take care how they provoke me another time.”
Often did I wish that I was a fairy, in order to play him tricks like a
Caliban. We used to sit and fancy what we should do
with his wig; how we would hamper and vex him; “put knives in his pillow, and
halters in his pew.” To venture on a joke in our own mortal persons, was like
playing with Polyphemus. One afternoon, when he was nodding with sleep over a lesson, a boy
of the name of M——, who stood behind him, ventured to take a pin, and begin
advancing with it up his wig. The hollow, exhibited between the wig and the nape of the
neck, invited him. The boys encouraged this daring act of gallantry. Nods, and becks, and
then whispers of “Do it, M.!” gave more and more valour to his hand. On a
sudden, the master’s head falls back; he starts, with eyes like a shark; and seizing
the unfortunate culprit, who stood helpless in the attitude of holding the pin, caught hold
of him, fiery with passion. A “swinging task” ensued, which kept him at home
all the holidays. One of these tasks would consist of an impossible quantity of Virgil, which the learner, unable to retain it at once, wasted
his heart and soul out to “get up,” till it was too late.
Sometimes, however, our despot got into a dilemma, and then he did not
know how to get out of it. A boy, now and then, would be roused into open and fierce
remonstrance. I recollect S., now one of the mildest of preachers, starting up in his
place, and pouring forth on his astonished hearer a torrent of invectives and threats,
which the other could only answer by looking pale, and uttering a few threats in return.
Nothing came of it. He did not like such matters to go before the governors. Another time,
Favell, a Grecian, a youth of high spirit, whom
he had struck, went to the school-door, opened it, and turning
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round with the handle in his grasp, told him he would never set foot again in the place,
unless he promised to treat him with more delicacy. “Come back, child; come
back!” said the other, pale, and in a faint voice. There was a dead silence.
Favell came back, and nothing more was done.
A sentiment, unaccompanied with something practical, would have been lost
upon him. D——, who went afterwards to the Military College at
Woolwich, played him a trick, apparently between jest and
earnest, which amused us exceedingly. He was to be flogged; and the dreadful door of the
library was approached. (They did not invest the books with flowers, as Montaigne recommends.) Down falls the criminal, and
twisting himself about the master’s legs, which he does the more when the other
attempts to move, repeats without ceasing, “Oh. good God, Sir; consider my father,
Sir; my father, Sir; you know my father.” The point was felt to be getting
ludicrous, and was given up. P——, now a popular preacher, was in the habit of
entertaining the boys that way. He was a regular wag; and would snatch his jokes out of the
very flame and fury of the master, like snap-dragon. Whenever the other struck him, he
would get up; and half to avoid the blows, and half render them ridiculous, begin moving
about the school-room, making all sorts of antics. When he was struck in the face, he would
clap his hand with affected vehemence to the place, and cry as rapidly, “Oh
Lord!” If the blow came on the arm, he would grasp his arm, with a similar
exclamation. The master would then go, driving and kicking him, while the patient
accompanied every blow with the same comments and illustrations, making faces to us by way
of index.
What a bit of the golden age was it, when the Reverend Mr. Steevens, one of the under grammar-masters, took his place, on
some oc-
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casion, for a short time! Mr. Steevens
was short and fat, with a handsome, cordial face. You loved him as you looked at him; and
seemed as if you should love him the more, the fatter he became. I stammered when I was at
that time of life; which was an infirmity, that used to get me into terrible trouble with
the master. Mr. Steevens used to say, on the other hand,
“Here comes our little black-haired friend, who stammers so. Now let us see
what we can do for him.” The consequence was, I did not hesitate half so much
as with the other. When I did, it was out of impatience to please him.
Such of us were not liked the better by the master, as were in favour with
his wife. She was a sprightly good-looking woman, with black eyes; and was beheld with
transport by the boys, whenever she appeared at the school-door. Her husband’s name,
uttered in a mingled tone of good-nature and imperativeness. brought him down from his seat
with smiling haste. Sometimes he did not return. On entering the school one day, he found a
boy eating cherries. “Where did you get those cherries?” exclaimed he,
thinking the boy had nothing to say for himself. “Mrs. —— gave them me,
Sir.” He turned away, scowling with disappointment. Speaking of fruit, reminds me of
a pleasant trait on the part of a Grecian of the name of Le
Grice. He was the maddest of all the great boys in my
time; clever, full of address, and not hampered with modesty. Remote rumours, not
lightly to be heard, fell on our ears, respecting pranks of his amongst the
nurse’s daughters. He was our Lord Rochester.
He had a fair handsome face, with delicate aquiline nose, and twinkling eyes. I
remember his astonishing me, when I was “a new boy,” with sending me for a
bottle of water, which he proceeded to pour down the back of G. a grave Deputy
Grecian. On the master’s asking him one day, why he, of all the boys, had
given up no
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exercise, (it was a particular exercise that they were
bound to do in the course of a long set of holidays,) he said he had had “a
lethargy.” The extreme impudence of this puzzled the master; and I believe nothing
came of it. But what I alluded to about the fruit, was this. Le Grice
was in the habit of eating apples in school-time, for which he had been often rebuked. One
day, having particularly pleased the master, the latter, who was eating apples himself, and
who would now and then with great ostentation present a boy with some half-penny token of
his mansuetude, called out to his favourite of the moment;—“Le
Grice, here is an apple for you.” Le
Grice, who felt his dignity hurt as a Grecian, but was more pleased at
having this opportunity of mortifying his reprover, replied, with an exquisite tranquillity
of assurance, “Sir, I never eat apples.” For this, among other things,
the boys adored him. Poor fellow! He and Favell
(who, though very generous, was said to be a little too sensible of an humble origin,)
wrote to the Duke of York when they were at College, for
commissions in the army. The Duke good-naturedly sent them. Le Grice
died a rake in the West Indies. Favell was killed in one of the
battles in Spain, but not before he had distinguished himself as an officer and a
gentleman.
The Upper Grammar School was divided into four classes, or forms. The two
under ones were called Little and Great Erasmus; the two upper were occupied by the
Grecians and Deputy Grecians. We used to think the title of Erasmus taken from the great
scholar of that name; but the sudden appearance of a portrait among us, bearing to be the
likeness of a certain Erasmus Smith, Esquire, shook
us terribly in this opinion, and was a hard trial of our gratitude. We scarcely relished
this perpetual company of our benefactor watching us, as he seemed to do, with his
omnipresent eyes. I believe he was a rich merchant, and that
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 369 |
the
forms of Little and Great Erasmus were really named after him. It was but a poor
consolation to think that he himself, or his great-uncle, might have been named after
Erasmus. Little Erasmus learnt Ovid; Great Erasmus,
Virgil, Terence,
and the Greek Testament. The Deputy Grecians were in Homer, Cicero, and Demosthenes; the Grecians in the Greek plays and the
mathematics. When a boy entered the Upper School, he was understood to be in the road to
the University, provided he had inclination and talents for it; but as only one Grecian
a-year went to College, the drafts out of Great and Little Erasmus into the writing-school
were numerous. A few also became Deputy Grecians without going farther, and entered the
world from that form. Those who became Grecians, always went to the University, though not
always into the Church; which was reckoned a departure from the contract. When I first came
to school, at seven years old, the names of the Grecians were Allen, Favell, Thomson, and Le
Grice, brother of the Le Grice
above-mentioned, and now a clergyman in Cornwall. Charles
Lamb had lately been Deputy Grecian; and Coleridge had left for the University. The master, inspired by his subject with an eloquence beyond himself, once
called him, “that sensible fool, Cōlĕrĭdge;” pronouncing
the word like a dactyl. Coleridge must have alternately delighted and
bewildered him. The compliment, as to the bewildering, was returned; if not the delight.
The pupil, I am told, says he dreams of the master to this day, and that his dreams are
horrible. A bon-mot of his is recorded, very characteristic both of pupil and master.
Coleridge, when he heard of his death, said, “It was
lucky that the cherubim who took him to heaven were nothing but faces and wings, or he
would infallibly have flogged them by the way.” This is his esoterical
opinion of him. His outward and subtler opinion, or opinion exoterical, he has favoured the
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public with in his Literary Life. He praises him, among other
things, for his good taste in poetry, and his not suffering the boys to get into the
commonplaces of Castalian streams, Invocations to the Muses, &c. Certainly there were
no such things in our days,—at least, to the best of my remembrance. But I do not
think the master saw through them, out of a perception of any thing farther. His objection
to a commonplace must have been itself commonplace. I do not remember seeing
Coleridge when I was a child. Lamb’s
visits to the school, after he left it, I remember well, with his fine intelligent face.
Little did I think I should have the pleasure of sitting with it in after-times as an old
friend, and seeing it careworn and still finer. Allen, the Grecian, was so handsome, though in another and more obvious
way, that running one day against a barrow-woman in the street, and turning round to
appease her in the midst of her abuse, she said, “Where are you driving to, you
great hulking, good-for-nothing,—beautiful fellow, God bless you!”
Le Grice the elder was a wag, like his brother, but more staid. He
went into the Church as he ought to do, and married a rich widow. He published a translation, abridged, of the celebrated
pastoral of Longus; and report at school made him the
author of a little anonymous tract on the Art of Poking the Fire.
Few of us cared for any of the books that were taught; and no pains were
taken to make us do so. The boys had no helps to information, bad or good, except what the
master afforded them respecting manufactures;—a branch of knowledge, to which, as I
have before observed, he had a great tendency, and which was the only point on which he was
enthusiastic and gratuitous. I do not blame him for what he taught us of this kind; there
was a use in it, beyond what he was aware of: but it was the only one on which he
volunteered any assistance. In
|
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 371 |
this he took evident delight. I
remember, in explaining pigs of iron or lead to us, he made a point of crossing one of his
legs with the other, and, cherishing it up and down with great satisfaction, and saying,
“A pig, children, is about the thickness of my leg.” Upon which,
with a slavish pretence of novelty, we all looked at it, as if he had not told us so a
hundred times. In every thing else, we had to hunt out our own knowledge. He would not help
us with a word, till he had ascertained that we had done all we could to learn the meaning
of it ourselves. This discipline was useful; and, in this and every other respect, we had
all the advantages which a mechanical sense of right, and a rigid exaction of duty, could
afford us; but no farther. The only superfluous grace that he was guilty of, was the
keeping a manuscript book, in which, by a rare luck, the best exercise in English verse was
occasionally copied out for immortality! To have verses in “the Book” was the
rarest and highest honour conceivable to our imaginations. I did not care for Ovid at that time. I read and knew nothing of Horace; though I
had got somehow a liking for his character. Cicero I
disliked, as I cannot help doing still. Demosthenes I
was inclined to admire, but did not know why, and would very willingly have given up him
and his difficulties together. Homer I regarded with horror, as a
series of lessons, which I had to learn by heart before I understood him. When I had to
conquer, in this way, lines which I had not construed, I had recourse to a sort of
artificial memory, by which I associated the Greek words with sounds that had a meaning in
English. Thus, a passage about Thetis I made to bear on
some circumstance that had taken place in the school. An account of a battle was converted
into a series of jokes; and the master, while I was saying my lesson to him in trepidation,
little suspected what a figure he was often cutting in the text. 372 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
The only classic I remember having any love for, was Virgil; and that
was for the episode of Nisus and Euryalus. But there were three books I read in whenever I
could, and that have often got me into trouble. These were Tooke’s “Pantheon,” Lempriere’s
“Classical
Dictionary,” and Spence’s
“Polymetis,” the
great folio edition with plates. Tooke was a prodigious favourite with
us. I see before me, as vividly now as ever, his Mars
and Apollo, his Venus and Aurora, which I was
continually trying to copy; the Mars, coming on
furiously in his car; Apollo, with his radiant head, in
the midst of shades and fountains; Aurora with
her’s, a golden dawn; and Venus, very handsome,
we thought, and not looking too modest, in “a slight cymar.” It is
curious how completely the graces of the Pagan theology overcame with us the wise cautions
and reproofs that were set against it in the pages of Mr. Tooke. Some
years after my departure from school, happening to look at the work in question, I was
surprised to find so much of that matter in him. When I came to reflect, I had a sort of
recollection that we used occasionally to notice it, as something inconsistent with the
rest of the text,—strange, and odd, and like the interference of some pedantic old
gentleman. This, indeed, is pretty nearly the case. The author has also made a strange
mistake about Bacchus, whom he represents, both in his
text and his print, as a mere belly-god; a corpulent child, like the
Bacchus bestriding a tun. This is any thing but classical. The
truth is, it was a sort of pious fraud, like many other things palmed upon antiquity.
Tooke’s “Pantheon” was
written originally in Latin by the Jesuits. Our Lempriere was a fund
of entertainment. Spence’s “Polymetis” was not so easily got at. There was also something in the text
that did not invite us; but we admired the fine large prints. However,
Tooke was the favourite. I cannot divest myself of a notion, to
this |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 373 |
day, that there is something really clever in the picture of
Apollo. The Minerva we “could not abide;” Juno was no favourite, for all her throne and her peacock; and we thought
Diana too pretty. The instinct against these three
goddesses begins early. I used to wonder how Juno and
Minerva could have the insolence to dispute the
apple with Venus.
In those times, Cooke’s
edition of the British Poets came up. I
had got an odd volume of Spenser; and I fell
passionately in love with Collins and Grey. How I loved those little sixpenny numbers containing
whole poets! I doated on their size; I doated on their type, on their ornaments, on their
wrappers containing lists of other poets, and on the engravings from Kirk. I bought them over and over again, and used to get up
select sets, which disappeared like buttered crumpets; for I could resist neither giving
them away, nor possessing them. When the master tormented me, when I used to hate and
loathe the sight of Homer, and Demosthenes, and Cicero, I would comfort
myself with thinking of the sixpence in my pocket, with which I should go out to
Paternoster-row, when school was over, and buy another number of
an English poet. I was already fond of verses. The first I remember writing were in honour
of the Duke of York’s “Victory at Dunkirk;” which victory, to my great
mortification, turned out to be a defeat. I compared him with Achilles and Alexander; or should
rather say, trampled upon those heroes in the comparison. I fancied him riding through the
field, and shooting right and left of him! Afterwards, when in Great
Erasmus, I wrote a poem called “Winter,” in consequence of reading Thomson; and when Deputy Grecian, I completed some hundred stanzas of
another, called the “Fairy King,”
which was to be in emulation of Spenser! I also
wrote a long poem in irregular Latin
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verses, (such as they were,)
entitled “Thor;” the consequence of
reading Gray’s Odes, and Mallett’s Northern Antiquities. English verses were the only
exercise I performed with satisfaction. Themes, or prose essays, I wrote so badly, that the
master was in the habit of contemptuously crumpling them up in his hand, and calling out,
“Here, children, there is something to amuse you.” Upon which the
servile part of the boys would jump up, and seize the paper;. and be amused accordingly.
The essays must have been very absurd, no doubt; but those who would have tasted the
ridicule best, were the last to move. There was an absurdity in giving us such essays to
write. They were upon a given subject, generally a moral one, such as ambition, or the love
of money: and the regular process in the manufacture was this. You wrote out the subject
very fairly at top, Quid non mortalia, &c. or
Crescit amor nummi. Then the ingenious thing
was to repeat this apothegm in as many words and round-about phrases, as possible; which
took up a good bit of the paper. Then you attempted to give a reason or two, why “amor
nummi” was bad; or on what accounts heroes ought to eschew
ambition;—after which naturally came a few examples, got out of “Plutarch,” or the “Selectæ e
Profanis;” and the happy moralist concluded with signing his name.
Somebody speaks of schoolboys going about to one another on these occasions, and asking for
“a little sense.” That was not the phrase with us: it was “a thought
P——, can you give me a thought?”—“C——,
for God’s sake, help me to a thought, for it only wants ten minutes to
eleven.” It was a joke with P——, who knew my hatred of themes,
and how I used to hurry over them, to come to me at a quarter to eleven, and say,
“Hunt, have you begun your
theme?”—“Yes, P——.” He then, when the
quarter of an hour had expired and the bell tolled, came again, and, with a sort of rhyming
formula to |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 375 |
the other question, said,
“Hunt, have you done your
theme?”—“Yes, P——,” How I dared to
trespass in this way upon the patience of the master, I cannot conceive. I suspect, that
the themes appeared to him more absurd than careless. Perhaps another thing perplexed him.
The master was rigidly orthodox; the school-establishment also was orthodox and high tory;
and there was just then a little perplexity, arising from the free doctrines inculcated by
the books we learnt, and the new and alarming echo of them struck on the ears of power by
the French Revolution. My father was in the habit of expressing his opinions. He did not
conceal the new tendency which he felt to modify those which he entertained respecting both
Church and State. His unconscious son at school, nothing doubting or suspecting, repeated
his eulogies of Timoleon and the
Gracchi, with all a schoolboy’s enthusiasm; and the
master’s mind was not of a pitch to be superior to this unwitting annoyance. It was
on these occasions, I suspect, that he crumpled up my themes with a double contempt, and an
equal degree of perplexity. There was a better exercise, consisting of an abridgement of
some paper in the “Spectator.” We
made, however, little of it, and thought it very difficult and perplexing. In fact, it was
a hard task for boys, utterly unacquainted with the world, to seize the best points out of
the writings of masters in experience. It only gave the “Spectator” an unnatural gravity in our eyes. A common paper for
selection, because reckoned one of the easiest, was the one beginning, “I have
always preferred cheerfulness to mirth.” I had heard this paper so often, and
was so tired with it, that it gave me a great inclination to prefer mirth to cheerfulness.
My books were a never-ceasing consolation to me, and such they have never
ceased to be. My favourites, out of school, were Spenser,
376 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
Collins, Gray,
and the “Arabian Nights.”
Pope I admired more than loved; Milton was above me; and the only play of Shakspeare’s with which I was conversant was Hamlet, of which I had a delighted awe.
Neither then, however, nor at any time, have I been as fond of the drama as of any other
species of writing, though I have privately tried my hand several times—farce,
comedy, and tragedy; and egregiously failed in all. Chaucer, one of my best friends, I was not acquainted with till long
afterwards. Hudibras I remember
reading through at one desperate plunge, while I lay incapable of moving, with two scalded
legs. I did it as a sort of achievement, driving on through the verses without
understanding a twentieth part of them, but now and then laughing immoderately at the
rhymes and similes, and catching a bit of knowledge unawares. I had a schoolfellow of the
name of Brooke, afterwards an officer in the East India
service,—a grave, quiet boy, with a fund of manliness and good-humour at bottom. He
would pick out the ludicrous couplets, like plums;—such as those on the astrologer, Who deals in destiny’s dark counsels, And sage opinions of the moon sells; |
And on the apothecary’s shop— With stores of deleterious med’cines, Which whosoever took is dead since. |
He had the little thick duodecimo edition, with Hogarth’s plates,—dirty, and well read, looking like Hudibras himself. I read through, at the same time, and with
little less sense of it as a task, Milton’s “Paradise Lost.” The divinity of it
was so much “Heathen Greek” to us. Unluckily, I could not taste the beautiful
“Heathen Greek” of the style. |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 377 |
Milton’s heaven made no impression; nor could I enter even into
the earthly catastrophe of his man and woman. The only two things I thought of were their
happiness in Paradise, where (to me) they eternally remained; and the strange malignity of
the devil, who instead of getting them out of it, as the poet represents, only served to
bind them closer. He seemed an odd shade to the picture. The figure he cut in the
engravings was more in my thoughts, than any thing said of him in the poem. He was a sort
of human wild beast, lurking about the garden in which they lived; though, in consequence
of the dress given him in some of the plates, this man with a tail occasionally confused
himself in my imagination with a Roman general. I could make little of it. I believe the
plates impressed me altogether much more than the poem. Perhaps they were the reason why I
thought of Adam and Eve as I did, the pictures of them in their paradisaical state being more
numerous than those in which they appear exiled: besides, in their exile they were
together; and this constituting the best thing in their paradise, I suppose I could not so
easily get miserable with them when out of it.
The scald that I speak of, as confining me to bed, was a bad one. I will
give an account of it, because it furthers the elucidation of our school manners. I had
then become a monitor, or one of the chiefs of a ward, and was sitting before the fire one
evening, after the boys had gone to bed, wrapped up in the perusal of the “Wonderful Magazine,” and having in my ear
at the same time the bubbling of a great pot, or rather cauldron, of water, containing what
was by courtesy called a bread-pudding; being neither more nor less than a loaf or two of
our bread, which, with a little sugar mashed up with it, was to serve for my supper. And
there were eyes, not yet asleep, which would look
378 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
at it out of
their beds, and regard it as a very lordly dish. From this dream of bliss I was roused up
on the sudden by a great cry, and a horrible agony in my legs. A “boy,” as a
fag was called, wishing to get something from the other side of the fire-place, and not
choosing either to go round behind the table, or to disturb the illustrious legs of the
monitor, had endeavoured to get under them or between, and so pulled the great handle of
the pot after him. It was a frightful sensation. The whole of my being seemed collected in
one fiery torment into my legs. Wood, the Grecian,
(now Fellow of Pembroke, at Cambridge,) who was in our ward, and who
was always very kind to me, (led, I believe, by my inclination for verses, in which he had
a great name,) came out of his study, and after helping me off with my stockings, which was
a horrid operation, the stockings being very coarse, took me in his arms to the sick ward.
I shall never forget the enchanting relief occasioned by the cold air, as it blew across
the square of the sick ward. I lay there for several weeks, not allowed to move for some
time; and caustics became necessary before I got well. The getting well was delicious. I
had no tasks—no master; plenty of books to read; and the nurse’s daughter (absit calumnia) brought me tea and buttered
toast, and encouraged me to play on the flute. My playing consisted of a few tunes by rote;
my fellow-invalids (none of them in very desperate case) would have it rather than no
playing at all; so we used to play, and tell stories, and go to sleep, thinking of the
blessed sick holiday we should have next day, and of the bowl of milk and bread for
breakfast, which was alone worth being sick for. The sight of Mr. Long’s probe was not so pleasant. We preferred seeing it in the
hands of his pupil, Mr. Vincent, whose manners,
quiet and mild, had double effect on a set of boys |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 379 |
more or less
jealous of the mixed humbleness and importance of their school. This is most likely the
same Mr. Vincent who now lectures at St.
Bartholomew’s. He was dark, like a West Indian, and I used to think
him handsome. Perhaps the nurse’s daughter taught me to think so, for she was a
considerable observer.
I was fifteen when I put off my band and blue skirts for a coat and
neckcloth. I was then first Deputy Grecian; and had the honour of going out of the school
in the same rank, at the same age, and for the same reason, as my friend Charles Lamb. The reason was, that I hesitated in my
speech. I did not stammer half so badly as I used; and it is very seldom that I halt at a
syllable now; but it was understood that a Grecian was bound to deliver a public speech
before he left school, and to go into the Church afterwards; and as I could do neither of
these things, a Grecian I could not be. So I put on my coat and waistcoat, and, what was
stranger, my hat; a very uncomfortable addition to my sensations. For eight years I had
gone bareheaded; save, now and then, a few inches of pericranium, when the little cap, no
larger than a crumpet, was stuck on one side, to the mystification of the old ladies in the
streets. I then cared as little for the rains as I did for any thing else. I had now a
vague sense of worldly trouble, and of a great and serious change in my condition; besides
which, I had to quit my old cloisters, and my playmates, and long habits of all sorts; so
that, what was a very happy moment to schoolboys in general, was to me one of the most
painful of my life. I surprised my schoolfellows and the master with the melancholy of my
tears. I took leave of my books, of my friends, of my seat in the Grammar School, of my
good-hearted
380 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
nurse and her daughter, of my bed, of the cloisters,
and of the very pump out of which I had taken so many delicious draughts, as if I should
never see them again, though I meant to come every day. The fatal hat was put on; my father
was come to fetch me: We, hand in hand, with strange new steps and slow, Through Holborn took our meditative way. |
THE AUTHOR’S FIRST PUBLISHED VERSES.—CHARACTER OF
DR. FRANKLIN.—PORTRAITS OF MAURICE
AND MR. LLWYD.
For some time after I left school, I did nothing but visit my
schoolfellows, haunt the bookstalls, and write verses. My father collected my verses, and published them with a large list of
subscribers, numbers of whom belonged to his old congregations. I was as proud perhaps of
the book at that time, as I am ashamed of
it now. The French Revolution had not then, as afterwards, by a natural consequence, shaken
up and refreshed the sources of thought all over Europe. At least, I was not old enough,
perhaps was not able, to get out of the trammels of the regular imitative poetry and
versification taught in the schools. My book was a heap of imitations, some of them clever
enough for a youth of sixteen, but absolutely worthless in every other respect. However,
the critics were very kind; and as it was unusual at that time to publish at so early a
period of life, my age made me a kind of “Young
|
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 381 |
Roscius” in authorship. I was introduced to
literati, and shown about among parties. My father taking me to see Dr. Raine, Master of the Charter
House, the doctor, who was very kind and pleasant, but who probably drew
none of our deductions in favour of the young writer’s abilities, warned me against
the perils of authorship; adding, as a final dehortative, that “the shelves were
full.” It was not till we came away, that I thought of an answer, which I
conceived would have “annihilated” him. “Then, Sir,” (I
should have said, thought I) “we will make another.” Not having been in time
with this repartee, I felt all that anguish of undeserved and unnecessary defeat, which has
been so pleasantly described in the Miseries
of Human Life. This, thought I, would have been an answer befitting a poet, and
calculated to make a figure in biography.
A mortification that I encountered at a house in Cavendish
Square, affected me less, though it surprised me a good deal more. I had
been held up, as usual, to the example of the young gentlemen, and the astonishment of the
ladies, when, in the course of the dessert, one of mine host’s daughters, a girl of
exuberant spirits and not of the austerest breeding, came up to me, and, as if she had
discovered that I was not so young as I pretended to be, exclaimed, “What a beard
you have got!” at the same time convincing herself of the truth of her
discovery by taking hold of it! Had I been a year or two older, I should have taken my
revenge. As it was, I know not how I behaved; but the next morning I hastened to have a
beard no longer.
I was now a man, and resolved not to be out of countenance next time. Not
long afterwards, my grandfather, sensible of the new
fame in his family, but probably alarmed also at the consequences to which
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
it might lead, sent me word, that if I would come to
Philadelphia, “he would make a man of me.” I sent
word, in return, that “men grew in England as well as America;” an answer which
repaid me for the loss of my apothegm at Dr. Raine’s. I was very angry with him for
his niggardly conduct to my mother. I could not help, for some time, identifying the whole
American character with his; an injustice which helped to colour my opinions for a still
longer time. Partly on the same account, I acquired a dislike for his friend Dr. Franklin, author of “Poor Richard’s Almanack;” a heap, as it
appeared to me, of “scoundrel maxims.”* I think I now appreciate Dr. Franklin as I ought; but * Thomson’s phrase,
in the ”Castle of
Indolence,” speaking of a miserly money-getter:— “A penny saved is a penny got:” Firm to this scoundrel maxim keepeth he, Ne of its rigour will he bate a jot, Till it bath quench’d his fire and banished his pot.” |
The reader will not imagine that I suppose all money-makers to be
of this description. I have good reason to know otherwise. Very gallant spirits
have I met with among them, who only take to this mode of activity for want of a
better, and are as generous in disbursing, as they are vigorous in acquiring. You
may always know the common run, as in other instances, by the soreness with which
they feel attacks on the body corporate. From observations of this nature on the part of a writer, who is
neither fond of money, nor competent to an ordinary calculation, the reader will
make all the drawbacks that the confession of that incompetency will allow: at the
same time, it may be worth his while to consider that, far a reason which could be
easily given, improvements of the most wholesale nature, in the condition of
mankind, have not been accustomed to issue out of hands the most occupied in
detail; and this is particularly remarkable in affairs of trade and commerce, the
very changes which have ultimately been turned to the greatest advantage by the
parties the most concerned, having been in the first instance opposed by no persons
with so much violence. Of this fact, the revolutions in South America have
furnished the latest, and not the least, remarkable proof. Extremes, however, meet oftener than they are supposed to do. The
greatest calculators I ever met with, were men who had come to the conclusion that
the greatest of all the advan- |
|
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 383 |
although I can see the utility of such publications as his Almanack for a rising commercial state, and hold it useful as a
memorandum to uncalculating persons like myself, who happen to live in an old one, I think
it has no business either in commercial nations long established, or in others who do not
found their happiness in that sort of power. Franklin, with all his
abilities, is but at the head of those who think that man lives “by bread
alone.” He will commit none of the follies, none of the intolerances, the
absence of which is necessary to the perfection of his system; and in setting his face
against these, he discountenances a great number of things very inimical to higher
speculations. But he was no more a fit representative of what human nature largely
requires, and may reasonably hope to attain to, than negative represents positive, or the
clearing away a ground in the back settlements, and setting to work upon it, represents the
work in its completion. Something of the pettiness and materiality of his first occupation
always stuck to him. He took nothing for a truth or a matter-of-fact that he could not
handle, as it were, like his types; and yet, like all men of this kind, he was liable, when
put out of the ordinary pale of his calculations, to fall into the greatest errors, and
substitute the integrity of his reputation for that of whatsoever he chose to do. From
never doing tages of calculation consisted in knowing how
much better the world could do without it. They even hoped that by means of the
knowledge of this fact, explained by calculation itself, the world would ultimately
be brought to their opinion; and certainly, if any thing could do it with some,
that would be the way; but it is experiment, recommended by the progress of
opinion, and hastened and forced by necessity, hat must produce this and all other
changes. For the assertion that Dr.
Franklin cut off his son with a shilling, my only authority is
family tradition. It is observable, however, that the friendliest of his
biographers are not only forced to admit that he seemed a little too fond of money,
but notice the mysterious secrecy in which his family history is involved. |
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
wrong in little things, he conceived that he could do no wrong in
great; and, in the most deliberate act of his life, he showed he had grievously mistaken
himself. He was, I allow, one of the cardinal great men of his time. He was Prudence. But
he was not what he took himself for,—all the other Virtues besides; and, inasmuch as
he was deficient in those, he was deficient even in his favourite one. He was not
Temperance for, in the teeth of his capital recommendations of that virtue, he did not
scruple to get burly and big with the enjoyments that he cared for. He was not Justice; for
he knew not how to see fair play between his own wisdom and that of a thousand wants and
aspirations, of which he knew nothing; and he cut off his son with a shilling, for
differing with him in politics. Lastly, he was not Fortitude; for, having few passions and
no imagination, he knew not what it was to be severely tried; and if he had been, there is
every reason to conclude, from the way in which he treated his son, that his self-love
would have been the part in which he felt the torture; and that as his Justice was only
arithmetic, so his Fortitude would have been nothing but stubbornness. If
Franklin had been the only great man of his time, he would merely
have contributed to make the best of a bad system, and so hurt the world by prolonging it;
but, luckily, there were the French and English philosophers besides, who saw farther than
he did, and provided for higher wants. I feel grateful to him, for one, inasmuch as he
extended the sphere of liberty, and helped to clear the earth of the weeds of sloth and
ignorance, and the wild beasts of superstition; but when he comes to build final homes for
us, there I rejoice that wiser hands interfere. His line and rule are not every thing. They
are not even a tenth part of it. Cocker’s
numbers are good; but those of Plato and Pythagoras have their merits too, or we should have been made
of dry bones and tangents, |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 385 |
and not had the fancies in our heads,
and the hearts beating in our bosoms, that make us what we are. We should not even have
known that Cocker’s numbers were worth any thing; nor would
Dr. Franklin himself have played on the harmonica, albeit he must
have done it in a style very different from that of Milton or Cimarosa. Finally, the
writer of this passage on the Doctor would not have ventured to give his opinion of so
great a man in so explicit a manner. I should not have ventured to give it, had I not been
backed by so many powerful interests of humanity, and had I not suffered in common, and
more than in common, with the rest of the world, from a system which, under the guise of
economy and social advantage, tends to double the love of wealth and the hostility of
competition, to force the best things down to a level with the worst, and to reduce mankind
to the simplest and most mechanical law of their nature, divested of its heart and
soul,—the law of being in motion. All the advantages of the present system of
money-making, which may be called the great lay superstition of modern times, might be
obtained by a fifth part of the labour, if more equally distributed. The rest is pure
vanity and vexation of spirit, or the indulgence of a false notion of superiority, or the
more melancholy necessity produced by wars and taxation, to which this very notion gives
rise.
Among those with whom my book made me acquainted, was the late Rev. Mr. Maurice, of the British
Museum, author of “Indian Antiquities.” I mention him more particularly, as I do others,
because he had a character of his own, and makes a portrait. I had seen an engraving of
him, representing a slender, prim-eyed, enamel-faced person, very tightly dressed and
particular, with no expression but that of propriety, and born to be an archbishop. What
was my surprise, when I beheld a short, chubby, good-humoured companion, with boyish
features,
386 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
and a lax dress and manner, heartily glad to see you, and
tender over his wine! He was a sort of clerical Horace:
he might, by some freak of the minister, have been made a bishop; and he thought he
deserved it for having proved the identity of the Hindoo with the Christian Trinity, which
was the object of his book! But he began to despond on that point, when I knew him; and he
drank as much wine for sorrow, as he would, had he been made a bishop, for joy. He was a
man of a social and overflowing nature; more fit, in truth, to set an example of charity
than faith, and would have made an excellent Bramin of the Rama-Deeva worship. His Hymns to the deities of India, were as good
as Sir William Jones’s, and his attention to
the amatory theology of the country (allowing for his deficiency in the language) as close.
He was not so fortunate as Sir William in retaining a wife whom he
loved. I have heard him lament, in very genuine terms, his widowed condition, and the task
of finishing the great manuscript catalogue of the Museum books, to which his office had
bound him. This must have been a torture, physical as well as moral; for he had weak eyes,
and wrote with a magnifying glass as big round as the palm of his hand. With this, in a
tall thick handwriting, as if painting a set of rails, he was to finish the folio
catalogues, and had produced the seven volumes of Indian Antiquities! Nevertheless, he
seemed to lament his destiny, rather in order to accommodate the weakness of his lachrymal
organs, than out of any internal uneasiness; for with the aspect he had the spirits of a
boy; and his laughter would follow his tears with a happy incontinence. He was always
catching cold, and getting well of it after dinner. Many a roast fowl and bottle of wine
have I enjoyed with him in his rooms at the British Museum; and if I thought the reader, as
well as myself, had not a regard for him. I would not have thus opened their doors. They
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consisted of the first floor in the turret nearest
Museum-street. I never pass them, without remembering how he
used to lay down his magnifying glass, take both my hands, and condescend to anticipate the
pleasant chat we should have about authors and books over his wine;—I say,
condescend, because, though he did not affect any thing of that sort, it was a remarkable
instance of his good-nature, and his freedom from pride, to place himself on a level in
this manner with a youth in his teens, and pretend that I brought him as much amusement as
he gave. Owing to the exclusive notions I entertained of friendship, I mystified him by
answering the “Dear Sirs” of his letters in a more formal manner. I fear it
induced him to make unfavourable comparisons of my real disposition with my behaviour at
table; and it must be allowed, that having no explanation on the subject, he had a right to
be mystified. Somehow or other, (I believe it was because a new Dulcinea called me elsewhere,) the acquaintance dropped, and I did not see
him for many years. He died, notwithstanding his wine and his catarrhs, at a good old age,
writing verses to the last, and showing what a young heart he retained by his admiration of
nature: and undoubtedly this it was that enabled him to live so long; for, though the
unfeeling are apt to outlast the sensitive during a sophisticate and perplexing state of
society, it is astonishing how long a cordial pulse will keep playing, if allowed
reasonably to have its way. Were the lives of mankind as natural as they should be, and
their duties made as cheerful, the Maurices and the
Horaces would outlast all the formalists buttoned up in denial, as
surely as the earth spins round, and the pillars fall.
I wish I could relate half the stories Mr.
Maurice told me. He told them well, and I should have been glad to repeat
them in his own words.
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I recollect but one, which I shall tell for
his sake, though it is not without a jest. I hope it is not old. He said there was a
gentleman, not very robust, but an enthusiast for nature and good health, who entertained a
prodigious notion of the effects of smelling to fresh earth.* Accordingly, not to go too
nicely about the matter, but to do it like a man, he used to walk every morning to
Primrose-Hill; and, digging a hole of a good depth in the
ground, prostrate himself, and put his head in it. The longer he kept his head immersed,
the more benefit he thought he derived; so that he would lie for several minutes, and look
like a Persian worshipping the sun. One day some thieves set upon him, and, retaining his
head under that salutary restriction, picked his pockets.
Mr. Maurice got me permission to read in the
Museum; which I did regularly for some time. It was there I
began to learn Italian. I obtained the same privilege for a person who became one of its
most enthusiastic visitors, and who is worth describing. His name is Llwyd (for he would account it treason to his country to
write it Lloyd), and he is author, among other pieces, of a poem entitled “Beaumaris Bay,” which obtained a
great deal of praise from the critics. I say, “is,” because I hope he is alive
to read this account of himself, and to attribute
* Bacon had a notion of
this sort, and would have a piece of earth brought him fresh out of the ground to
smell to; but then he put wine to it. I fancy I hear Mr. Maurice exclaiming, “Ah, he was a great
man!” There was a pomp and altitude in the ways of
Bacon, and all in the highest taste, that serves almost to
reconcile us to Cowley’s conceit, in
styling him “Nature’s Lord Chancellor.” His house and
gardens were poetically magnificent. He had the flowers in season always put upon
his table; sometimes had music in the next room while he was writing; and would
ride out in an open chariot during the rain, with his head bare, saying “he
felt the spirit of the universe upon him!” |
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it (as he assuredly will do) to its proper motives. Mr.
Llwyd was probably between thirty and forty when I knew him. His face and
manner of speaking were as ancient British as he could desire; but these merits he had in
common with others. What rendered him an extraordinary person was, that he had raised
himself, by dint of his talents and integrity, from the situation of a gentleman’s
servant to a footing with his superiors, and they were generous and wise enough to
acknowledge it. From what I was told, nothing could be better done on all sides. They
encouraged, and, I believe, enabled him to make good his position; and he gave the best
proof of his right to it, by the delicacy of his acquiescence. His dress was plain and
decent, equally remote from sordidness and pretension; and his manners possessed that
natural good breeding, which results from the wish to please and the consciousness of being
respected. Mr. Llwyd came to London at certain periods, took an humble
lodging, and passed his time in visiting his friends, and reading at the Museum. His
passion was for the antiquities of his native country. If you looked over his book, it was
most probably full of the coat-armour of Wynnes and Prices. I was indebted to him for an
introduction to his friend Mr. Owen, translator of
the Paradise Lost into Welsh. Both of
them were of the order of Bards; and Mr. Owen carried the same seal of
his British origin in his face and manners, and appeared to possess the same simplicity and
goodness. Furthermore, he had a Welsh harp in his room, and I had the satisfaction of
hearing him play upon it. He was not very like Gray’s bard; and instead of Conway’s flood, and a precipice,
and an army coming to cut our throats, we had tea and bread and butter, and a snug parlour
with books in it. Notwithstanding my love of Gray, and a considerable
wish to see a proper ill-used bard, I 390 |
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thought this a better thing,
though I hardly know whether my friends did. I am not sure, with all their good-nature,
whether they would not have preferred a good antiquarian death, with the opportunity of
calling King Edward a rascal, and playing their harps at
him, to all the Saxon conveniences of modern times.
THE AUTHOR’S FIRST PROSE.—CHARACTER OF
VOLTAIRE.—MORE VERSES.—MR.
BELL, OF THE “WEEKLY
MESSENGER.”—BADINI, AN ITALIAN OPERA
POET.—ORIGIN OF THE PAPER CALLED THE “NEWS,” AND ACCOUNT OF THE
THEATRICALS IN IT.
It was not long after this period, that I ventured upon
publishing my first prose, which consisted of a series of essays under the title of
“The Traveller, by Mr. Town, Junior,
Critic and Censor-General.” They came out in the evening paper of that
name; and were imitations, as the reader will guess, of the “Connoisseur,” which professed to be written by Mr.
Town, Critic and Censor-General. I offered them with fear and trembling to Mr. Quin, the Editor of the “Traveller,” and was astonished at the gaiety with which he
accepted them. What astonished me more, was a perquisite of five or six copies of the
paper, which I enjoyed every Saturday when my essays appeared, and with which I used to
reissue from Bolt-Court in a state of transport. I had been told,
but could not
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easily conceive, that the Editor of a new evening
paper would be happy to fill up his pages with any decent writing; but Mr.
Quin praised me besides, and I could not behold the long columns of type,
written by myself, in a public paper, without thinking there must be some merit in them,
besides that of being a stop-gap. They were lively, and showed a tact for writing; but
nothing more. There was something, however, in my writings at that period, and for some
years afterwards, which, to observers, might have had an interest beyond what the author
supplied, and amounted to a sign of the times. I allude to a fondness for imitating
Voltaire. I had met with translations of several of his pieces on the book-stalls; and
being prepared by a variety of circumstances, already noticed, to think that existing
opinions and institutions might be fallible, I was transported with the gay courage and
unquestionable humanity of that extraordinary person, and soon caught the tone of his
cunning implications and provoking turns. Voltaire,
in an essay written by himself in the English language, has said of Milton, in a passage which would do honour to our best
writers, that when the poet saw the Adamo
of Andreini at Florence, he
“pierced through the absurdity of the plot to the hidden majesty of the
subject.” It may be said of himself, that he pierced through the conventional
majesty of a great many subjects, to the hidden absurdity of the plot. He could not build
as he could destroy. He was the merry general of an army of pioneers. But he laid the axe
to a heap of savage abuses; pulled the corner-stones, out of dungeons and inquisitions;
bowed and mocked the most tyrannical absurdities out of countenance; and raised one
prodigious peal of laughter at superstition, from Naples to the
Baltic. He was the first man who got the power of opinion and common sense 392 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
openly recognized as a great reigning authority; and who made the
acknowledgment of it a point of wit and cunning, with those who had hitherto thought they
had the world to themselves. I admired him more then than I do now; I thought he had more
imagination, and a deeper insight into all the wants and capabilities of mankind. But
though I think less of him as one who understands all they want, I think now, more than
ever, that he cannot be too highly appreciated as one who understood what they want not. I
differ with him in many points, moral, political, and religious; and I state this, not to
make out that my difference is of any value, but to show that those who honestly differ
with a man, can afford to do him justice; and that the true way of regarding
Voltaire, in order to do him this justice, and ourselves too, is
to look at him in the broad light of the great opposer of dogma; leaving us, in our still
broader light, if we have it, to retain whatever good he omitted, and to add whatever
improvement we can discover. It is enough, that he has taught us not to dictate and
arrogate on the one hand, and not to submit to any thing uninquired into or inhuman on the
other.
An abridgment that I picked up of the Philosophical Dictionary (a translation) was for a
long while my text-book, both for opinion and style. I was also a great admirer of L’Ingenu, or the Sincere Huron; and
the Essay on the Philosophy of History.
In the character of the Sincere Huron I thought I found a resemblance to my own, as most
readers do in those of their favourites: and this piece of self-love helped me to discover
as much good-heartedness in Voltaire as I discerned
wit. Candide, I confess, I could not
like. I enjoyed passages; but the laughter was not as good-humoured as usual; there was a
view of things in it, which I never entertained then or afterwards, and into which the
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author had been led, rather in order to provoke Leibnitz, than because it was natural to him; and, to
crown my unwilling dislike, the book had a coarseness, apart from graceful and pleasurable
ideas, which I have never been able to endure. There were passages in the abridgment of the
Philosophical Dictionary which I always passed over; but the
rest delighted me beyond measure. I have not seen it for years till the other day, having
used in the meantime a French copy of the work itself; but I can repeat passages out of it
now, and will lay two or three short ones before the reader, as specimens of what made such
an impression upon me. They are in Voltaire’s best manner; which
consists in an artful intermixture of the conventional dignity and real absurdity of what
he is exposing, the tone being as grave as the dignity seems to require, and the absurdity
coming out as if unintentionally and by the by.
Speaking of the Song of Solomon, (of which, by
the way, his criticism is very far from being in the right, though he puts it so
pleasantly,) he thinks he has the royal lover at a disadvantage with his comparisons of
noses to towers, and eyes to fishpools, and then concludes with observing, “All
this, it must be confessed, is not in the taste of the Latin poet; but then a Jew is not obliged to write like Virgil.” Now it would not be difficult to show, that
Eastern and Western poetry had better be two things than one; or, at least, that they have
a right to be so, and can lay claim to their own beauties; but, at the same time, it is
impossible to help laughing at this pretended admission in Solomon’s favour, and the cunning introduction
of the phrase “a Jew,” contrasted with the dignity of
the name of Virgil.
In another part of the same article on Solomon, where he speaks of the many thousands of chariots which the Jewish
monarch possessed,
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(a quantity that certainly have a miraculous
appearance, though, perhaps, explainable by a good scholar,) he says he cannot conceive,
for the life of him, what Solomon did with such a multitude of
carriages, “unless,” adds he, “it was to take the
ladies of his seraglio an airing on the borders of the lake of
Genesareth, or along the brook Cedron; a charming spot
of ground, except that it is dry nine months in the year, and the ground
a little stony.” At these passages I used to roll with laughter; and I
cannot help laughing now, writing as I am, alone by my fire-side. They tell nothing, except
against those who confound every thing the most indifferent, relating to the great men of
the Bible, with something sacred; and who have thus done more harm to their own
distinctions of sacred and profane, than all which has been charged on the ridicule they
occasion.
The last quotation shall be from the admirable article on War, which made
a profound impression on me. You cannot help laughing at it: the humour is high and
triumphant; but the laugh ends in very serious reflections on the nature of war, and the
very doubtful morality of those who make no scruple, when it suits them, of advocating the
certainty of calamity in some things, while they protest against the least hazard of it in
others. Voltaire notices the false and frivolous
pretensions, upon which princes subject their respective countries to the miseries of war,
purely to oblige their own cupidity and ambition. One of them, he says, finds in some old
document a claim or pretence of some relation of his to some piece of land in the
possession of another. He gives the other notice of his claim; the other will not hear of
it: so the prince in question “picks up a great many men, who have nothing to do
and nothing to lose; binds their hats with coarse white worsted, five
sous to the ell; turns them to the right and left, and
marches
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 395 |
away with them to glory.” Now the glory and the white
worsted, the potentate who is to have an addition to his coffers, and the poor soul who is
to be garnished for it with a halo of bobbin, “five sous to the ell,” here come
into admirable contrast. War may be necessary on some occasions, till a wiser remedy be
found; and ignoble causes may bring into play very noble passions; but it is desirable that
the world should take the necessity of no existing system for granted, which is accompanied
with horrible evils. This is a lesson which Voltaire has taught us;
and it is invaluable. Our author terminates his ridicule on War with a sudden and startling
apostrophe to an eminent preacher on a very different subject. The familiar tone of the
reproof is very pleasant. “Bourdaloue, a
very bad sermon have you made against Love; against that passion which consoles and
restores the human race; but not a word, bad or good, have you said against this
passion that tears us to pieces.” (I quote from memory, and am not sure of my
words in this extract; but the spirit of them is the same.) He adds, that all the miseries
ever produced in the world by Love, do not come up to the calamities occasioned by a single
campaign. If he means Love in the abstract, unconnected with the systems by which it has
been regulated in different parts of the world, he is probably in the right; but the
miscalculation is enormous, if he includes those. The seventy thousand prostitutes alone in
the streets of London, which we are told are the inevitable
accompaniment, and even safeguard, of the virtuous part of our system, (to say nothing of
the tempers, the jealousies, the chagrins, the falsehoods, the quarrels, and the repeated
murders which afflict and astonish us even in that,) most probably experience more
bitterness of heart every day of their lives, than is caused by any one campaign, however
wild and flagitious.
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|
Besides Voltaire and the
“Connoisseur,” I was very
fond at that time of “Johnson’s
Lives of the Poets,” and a great
reader of Pope. My admiration of the “Rape of the Lock,” led me to write a
long mock-heroic poem, entitled the “Battle of
the Bridal Ring,” the subject of which was a contest between two rival
orders of spirits, on whom to bestow a lady in marriage. I venture to say, that it would
have been well spoken of by the critics, and was not worth twopence. I recollect one
couplet, which will serve to show how I mimicked the tone of my author. It was an
apostrophe to Mantua,—
“Mantua, of great and small the long renown, That now a Virgil giv’st, and now a
gown.” |
Dryden I read too, but not with that relish for his
nobler versification which I afterwards acquired. Dramatic reading, with all my love of the
play, I never was fond of; yet, in the interval of my departure from school, and my getting
out of my teens, I wrote two farces, a comedy, and a tragedy; and the plots of all (such as
they were) were inventions. The hero of my tragedy was the Earl of Surrey (Howard, the poet) who was put to
death by Henry the Eighth. I forget what the comedy was
upon. The title of one of the farces was the “Beau Miser,” which may explain the nature of it. The other was called
“A Hundred a Year,” and
turned upon a hater of the country, who upon having an annuity to that amount given him, on
condition of his never going out of London, becomes a hater of the
town. In the last scene, his annuity died a jovial death in a country-tavern; the bestower
entering the room just as my hero had got on a table, with a glass in his hand, to drink
confusion to the metropolis. All these pieces were, I doubt not, as bad as need be. About
ten years ago, being sleepless one night with a fit of
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enthusiasm,
in consequence of reading about the Spanish play of the Cid in Lord
Holland’s “Life of
Guillen de Castro,” I
determined to write a tragedy on the same subject, which was accepted at Drury
Lane. Perhaps the conduct of this piece was not without merit, the
conclusion of each act throwing the interest into the succeeding one; but I had great
doubts of all the rest of it; and on receiving it from Mr.
Elliston to make an alteration in the third act, very judiciously proposed
by him, I looked the whole of the play over again, and convinced myself it was unfit for
the stage: I therefore withheld it. I had made my hero too much like the beau ideal of a
modern reformer, instead of the half godlike, half-bigoted soldier that he was. I began
afterwards to re-cast the play, but grew tired and gave it up. The Cid would make a delicious character for the stage, or in any work;
not, indeed, as Corneille declaimed him, nor as
inferior writers might adapt him to the reigning taste; but taken, I mean, as he was, with
the noble impulses he received from nature, the drawbacks with which a bigoted age
qualified them, and the social and open-hearted pleasantry (not the least evidence of his
nobleness) that brings forth his heart, as it were, in flashes through the stern armour.
But this would require a strong hand, and readers capable of grappling with it. In the
meantime, they should read of him in Mr.
Southey’s Chronicle of
the Cid, (an admirable summary from the old Spanish writers,) and in the
delightful verses at the end of it, translated from an old Spanish poem by Mr. Hookham Frere, with a triumphant force and fidelity,
that you know to be true to the original at once. It seems to me, that if I could live my
life over again, and command a proper quantity of health and muscles from my ancestors, or
a gymnasium, I could write same such poem myself, and make a book of it. All that I pretend
at present, when I think what 398 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
a poem ought to be, is to be a reader
not unworthy. As to the drama, I am persuaded I have no sort of talent for it; though I can
paint a portrait or so in dialogue pretty well out of history, as in the imaginary
conversations of Pope and Swift, that have appeared in the New
Monthly Magazine.
At the period I am speaking of, circumstances introduced me to the
acquaintance of Mr. Bell, the Proprietor of the
“Weekly Messenger.” In his house
in the Strand, I used to hear of politics and dramatic criticism,
and of the persons who wrote them. Mr. Bell had been well known as a
bookseller, and a speculator in elegant typography. It is to him the public are indebted
for the small edition of the Poets that preceded Cooke’s, and which, with all my predilections for that work, was
unquestionably superior to it. Besides, it included Chaucer and Spenser. The omission of
these in Cooke’s edition was as unpoetical a
sign of the times, as the existing familiarity with their names is the reverse. It was
thought a mark of good sense! As if good sense, in matters of literature, did not consist
as much in knowing what was poetical in poetry, as brilliant in wit. Mr.
Bell was upon the whole a remarkable person. He was a plain man, with a red
face, and a nose exaggerated by intemperance; and yet there was something not unpleasing in
his countenance, especially when he spoke. He had sparkling black eyes, a good-natured
smile, gentlemanly manners, and one of the most agreeable voices I ever heard. He had no
acquirements, perhaps not even grammar; but his taste in putting forth a publication, and
getting the best artists to adorn it, was new in those times, and may be admired in any;
and the same taste was observable in his house. He knew nothing of poetry. He thought the
Della Cruscans fine people, because they were
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known in the circles;
and for Milton’s Paradise Lost he had the same epithet as for
Mrs. Crouch’s face, or the phaeton of
Major Topham: he thought it
“pretty.” Yet a certain liberal instinct, and turn for large dealing, made him
include Chaucer and Spenser in his edition; he
got Stothard to adorn the one, and Mortimer the other; and in the midst, I suspect, of very
equivocal returns, published a British
Theatre with embellishments, and a similar edition of the plays of Shakspeare,—the incorrectest work, according to
Mr. Chalmers, that ever issued from the press.
Unfortunately for Mr. Bell, he had as great a taste for neat wines and
ankles, as for pretty books; and, to crown his misfortunes, the Prince of Wales, to whom he was bookseller, once did him the honour to
partake of an entertainment at his house. He afterwards became a bankrupt. He was one of
those men whose temperament and turn for enjoyment throw a sort of grace over whatsoever
they do, standing them in stead of every thing but prudence, and sometimes even supplying
them with the consolations which imprudence itself has forfeited. After his bankruptcy he
set up a newspaper, which became profitable to every body but himself. He had become so
used to lawyers and bailiffs, that the more his concerns flourished, the more his debts
flourished with them. It seemed as if he would have been too happy without them; too exempt
from the cares that beset the prudent. The first time I saw him, he was standing in a
chemist’s shop, waiting till the road was clear for him to issue forth. He had a
toothache, for which he held a handkerchief over his mouth; and while he kept a sharp
look-out with his bright eye, was alternately groaning in a most gentlemanly manner over
his gums and addressing some polite words to the shopman. I had not then been introduced
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to him, and did not know his person; so that the effect of his
voice upon me was unequivocal. I liked him for it, and wished the bailiff at the devil.
In the office of the “Weekly
Messenger,” I saw one day a person who looked the epitome of squalid
authorship. He was wretchedly dressed and dirty; and the rain, as he took his hat off, came
away from it as from a spout. This was a man of the name of Badini, who had been poet at the Opera, and was then editor of the
“Messenger.” He was afterwards sent out of the
country under the Alien Act, and became reader of the English papers to Bonaparte. His intimacy with some of the first families in
the country, among whom he had been a teacher, is supposed to have been of use to the
French government. He wrote a good idiomatic English style, and was a man of abilities. I
had never before seen a poor author, such as are described in books; and the spectacle of
the reality startled me. Like other authors, however, who are at once very poor and very
clever, his poverty was his own fault. When he received any money, he disappeared, and was
understood to spend it in alehouses. We heard that in Paris he kept
his carriage. I have since met with authors of the same squalid description; but they were
destitute of ability, and had no more right to profess literature as a trade, than alchemy.
It is from these that the common notions about the poverty of the profession are taken. One
of them, poor fellow! might have cut a figure in Smollett. He was a proper ideal author, in rusty black, out at elbows, thin
and pale. He brought me an ode about an eagle; for which the publisher of a magazine, he
said, had had “the inhumanity” to offer him half-a-crown. His necessity for
money he did not deny; but his great anxiety was to know whether, as a poetical
composition, his ode was not worth more. “Is that poetry,
Sir?” cried
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he: “that’s what I want to
know—is that poetry?” rising from his chair, and
staring and trembling in all the agony of contested excellence.
My brother John, at the beginning of
the year 1805, set up a paper, called the “News,” and I went to live with him in
Brydges-street, and write the theatricals in it. It was he that
invented the round window in the office of that paper, to attract attention. I say, the
paper was his own, but it is a singular instance of my incuriousness, that I do not know to
this day, and most likely never did, whether he had any share in it or not. Upon
reflection, my impression is, that he had not. At all events, he was the printer and
publisher, and he occupied the house.
It was the custom at that time for editors of papers to be intimate with
actors and dramatists. They were often proprietors, as well as editors; and, in that case,
it was not expected that they should escape the usual intercourse, or wish to do so. It was
thought a feather in the cap of all parties; and with their feathers they tickled one
another. The newspaper man had consequence in the green-room, and plenty of tickets for his
friends; and he dined at amusing tables. The dramatist secured a good-natured critique in
his journal, sometimes got it written himself, or, according to Mr. Reynolds, was even himself the author of it. The actor, if he was of
any eminence, stood upon the same ground of reciprocity; and not to know a pretty actress,
would have been a want of the knowing in general. Upon new performers, and upon writers not
yet introduced, a journalist was more impartial; and sometimes, where the proprietor was in
one interest more than another, or for some personal reason grew offended with an actor, or
set of actors, a criticism would occasionally be hostile, and even severe. An editor, too,
would
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now and then suggest to his employer the policy of exercising
a freer authority, and obtain influence enough with him to show symptoms of it. I believe
Mr. Bell’s editor, who was more clever, was
also more impartial than most critics; though the publisher of the “British Theatre,” and patron of the
“Della Cruscans,” must have been hampered with literary intimacies. The best
chance for an editor, who wished to have any thing like an opinion of his own, was the
appearance of a rival newspaper with a strong theatrical connexion. Influence was here
threatened with diminution. It was to be held up on other grounds; and the critic was
permitted to find out, that a bad play was not good, or an actress’s petticoat of the
lawful dimensions.
Puffing and plenty of tickets were, however, the system of the day. It was
an interchange of amenities over the dinner-table; a flattery of power on the one side, and
puns on the other; and what the public took for a criticism on a play, was a draft upon the
box-office, or reminiscences of last Thursday’s salmon and lobster-sauce.
Things are altered now. Editors of newspapers (with one or two scandalous
exceptions, and they make a bullying show of independence) are of a higher and more
independent order; and proprietors are wealthier, and leave their editors more to
themselves. Tickets are accepted from the theatres; but it is upon an understanding that
theatrical criticism of any sort is useful to both parties. At the time when the
“News” was set up, there was no
such thing, strictly speaking, as impartial newspaper criticism; there was hardly any
criticism at all—I mean, any attempt at it, or articles of any length. The best
critiques were to be found in weekly papers, because their corruption was of less
importance. For the most part the etiquette was, to write as short and as favourable a
paragraph on the new piece as could be; to say that Bannister was
|
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 403 |
“excellent,” and
Mrs. Jordan “charming;” to notice
the “crowded house,” or invent it, if necessary; and to conclude by observing,
that “the whole went off with éclat.” If a lord was in the boxes, he was
noticed as well as the actors;—a thing never done now, except as a help to a minor
theatre. Lords may sit by dozens in the boxes at Covent Garden, and
an editor take no more notice of them than chorus-singers. For the rest, it was a critical
religion in those times to admire Mr. Kemble; and at
the period in question, Master Betty had appeared,
and been hugged to the hearts of the town as the young Roscius.
We saw that independence in theatrical criticism would be a great
novelty. We announced it, and nobody believed us:—we stuck to it, and the town
believed every thing we said. The proprietors of the “News,” of whom I knew so little that I cannot recollect
with certainty any one of them, very handsomely left me to myself. My retired and
scholastic habits kept me so; and the pride of success confirmed my independence with
regard to others. I was then in my twentieth year, an early period at that time for a
writer. The usual exaggeration of report made me younger than I was; and after being a
“young Roscius“ poetical, I was now
looked upon as one critical. To know an actor personally, appeared to me a vice not to be
thought of; and I would as lief have taken poison as accepted a ticket from the theatres.
Good God! To think of the grand opinion I had of myself in those days, and what little
reason I had for it! Not to accept the tickets was very proper, considering that I bestowed
more blame than praise. There was also more good-nature than I supposed in not allowing
myself to know any actors; but the vanity of my position had greater weight with me than
any thing else, and I must have proved it to discerning eyes by the small quantity of
information I brought to my task, and the ostentation with
404 |
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which I
produced it. I knew almost as little of the drama, as the young
Roscius himself. Luckily I had the advantage of him in knowing how unfit he
was for his office; and probably he thought me as much so, though he could not have argued
upon it; for I was in the minority respecting his merits, and the balance just then
trembling on the beam; the “News,” I believe,
hastened the settlement of the question. I wish with all my heart we had let him alone, and
he had got a little more money. However, he obtained enough to create him a provision for
life. His position, which appeared so brilliant at first, had a remarkable cruelty in it.
Most men begin life with struggles, and have their vanity sufficiently knocked about the
head and shoulders, to make their kinder fortunes the more welcome. Mr.
Betty had his sugar first, and his physic afterwards. He began life with a
double childhood, with a new and extraordinary felicity added to the natural enjoyments of
his age; and he lived to see it speedily come to nothing, and to be taken for an ordinary
person. I am told that he acquiesces in his fate, and agrees that the town were mistaken.
If so, he is no ordinary person still, and has as much right to our respect for his good
sense, as he is declared on all hands to deserve it for his amiableness. I have an anecdote
of him to both purposes, which exhibits him in a very agreeable light. A living writer,
who, if he had been criticising in another what he did himself, would have attributed it to
an overweening opinion of his good word, happened to be at a party where Mr.
Betty was present; and in coming away, when they were all putting on their
great coats, he thought fit to compliment the dethroned favourite of the town, by telling
him that he recollected him in old times, and had been “much pleased with him.”
Mr. Betty, who appears to have shown all the address which the
other wanted, looked at his unlucky memorialist, as much as to say “You |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 405 |
don’t tell me so!” and then starting into a tragical
attitude, exclaimed “Oh, memory! memory!”
I was right about Master Betty,
and I am sorry for it; though the town was in fault, not he. I think I was right also about
Mr. Kemble; but I have no regret upon that
score. He flourished long enough after my attacks on his majestic dryness and deliberate
nothings; and Mr. Kean would have taken the public by
storm, whether they had been prepared for him or not:
“One touch of nature makes the whole world kin.” |
Mr. Kemble faded before him, like a tragedy ghost. I never denied the
merits which that actor possessed. He had the look of a Roman; made a very good ideal,
though not a very real Coriolanus, for his pride was
not sufficiently blunt and unaffected; and in parts that suited his natural deficiency,
such as Penruddock and the Abbé de l’Epée, would have been altogether admirable and
interesting, if you could have forgotten that their sensibility, in his hands, was not so
much repressed, as wanting. He was no more to be compared to his sister, than stone is to
flesh and blood. There was much of the pedagogue in him. He made a great fuss about
trifles; was inflexible on a pedantic reading: in short, was rather a teacher of elocution
than an actor; and not a good teacher, on that account. There was a merit in his idealism,
as far as it went. He had, at least, faith in something classical and scholastic, and he
made the town partake of it; but it was all on the surface—a hollow trophy: and I am
persuaded, that he was a very dull person, and had no idea in his head but of a stage
Roman, and the dignity he added to his profession.
406 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. |
|
But if I was right about Mr.
Kemble, whose admirers I plagued enough, I was not equally so about the
living dramatists, whom I plagued more. I laid all the deficiencies of the modern drama to
their account, and treated them like a parcel of mischievous boys, of whom I was the
schoolmaster and whipper-in. I forgot that it was I who was the boy, and that they knew
twenty times more of the world than I did. Not that I mean to say their comedies were
excellent, or that my commonplaces about the superior merits of Congreve and Sheridan were not well
founded: but there was more talent in their “five-act farces” than I supposed;
and I mistook, in great measure, the defect of the age,—its dearth of dramatic
character,—for that of the writers who were to draw upon it. It is true, a great wit,
by a laborious process, and the help of his acquirements, might extract a play or two from
it, as was Sheridan’s own case; but there was a great deal of
imitation even in Sheridan, and he was fain to help himself to a
little originality out of the characters of his less formalized countrymen, his own
included. It is remarkable, that the three most amusing dramatists of the last age,
Sheridan, Goldsmith, and
O’Keeffe, were all Irishmen, and all had
characters of their own. Sheridan, after all, was Swift’s Sheridan come to life again in the person of
his grandson, with the oratory of Thomas Sheridan,
the father, superadded and brought to bear. Goldsmith, at a
disadvantage in his breeding, but full of address with his pen, drew upon his own
absurdities and mistakes, and filled his dramas with ludicrous perplexity.
O’Keeffe was all for whim and impulse, but not without a
good deal of conscience; and, accordingly, in his plays we have a sort of young and
pastoral taste of life in the very midst of its sophistications. Animal spirits, quips and
cranks, credulity, and good intention, are triumphant throughout, and make a delicious
mixture. It is a great credit
|
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 407 |
to
O’Keeffe, that he ran sometimes close upon the borders of
the sentimental drama, and did it not only with impunity but advantage: but sprightliness
and sincerity enable a man to do every thing with advantage. It is a pity that as much
cannot be said of Mr. Colman, who, after taking more
license in his writings than any body, has become a Licenser ex
officio, and seems inclined to license nothing but cant. When this writer got into
the sentimental, he made a sad business of it, for he had no faith in sentiment. He mouthed
and overdid it, as a man does when he is telling a lie. At a farce he was admirable; and
remains so, whether writing or licensing. Morton
seemed to take a colour from the writers all round him, especially from
O’Keeffe and the sentimentalists. His sentiment was more in
earnest than Mr. Colman’s, yet somehow not happy either. There
was a gloom in it, and a smack of the Old Bailey. It was best when
he put it in a shape of humour, as in the paternal and inextinguishable tailorism of Old Rapid in a Cure for the Heart-Ache.
Young Rapid, who complains that his father
“sleeps so slow,” is also a pleasant fellow and worthy of
O’Keeffe. He is one of the numerous crop that sprang up from
Wild Oats, but not in so natural a soil. The character of the
modern drama at that time was singularly commercial; nothing but gentlemen in distress, and
hard landlords, and generous interferers, and fathers who got a great deal of money, and
sons who spent it. I remember the whole wit of Mr.
H——’s play ran upon prices, bonds, and post-obits. You
might know what the pit thought of their pound-notes by the ostentatious indifference with
which the heroes of the pieces gave them away, and the admiration and pretended approval
with which the spectators observed it. To make a present of a hundred pounds was as if a
man had uprooted and given away an Egyptian pyramid.
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. |
|
Mr. Reynolds was not behindhand with his brother
dramatists, in drawing upon the taste of the day for gains and distresses. It appears, by
his Memoirs, that he had too much reason
for so doing. He was perhaps the least ambitious, and the least vain, (whatever charges to
the contrary his animal spirits might have brought on him,) of all the writers of that
period. In complexional vivacity he certainly did not yield to any of them; his comedies,
if they were fugitive, were genuine representations of fugitive manners, and went merrily
to their death; and there is one of them, the “Dramatist,” founded upon something more
lasting, which promises to remain in the collections, and deserves it: which is not a
little to say of any writer. I never wish for a heartier laugh than I have enjoyed, since I
grew wiser, not only in seeing, but in reading the vagaries of his dramatic hero, and his
mystifications of “Old Scratch.” When I read the good-humoured Memoirs of this
writer the other day, I felt quite ashamed of the ignorant and boyish way in which I used
to sit in judgment upon his faults, without being aware of what was good in him; and my
repentance was increased by the very proper manner in which he speaks of his critics,
neither denying the truth of their charges in letter, nor admitting them altogether in
spirit; in fact, showing that he knew very well what he was about, and that they,
whatsoever they fancied to the contrary, did not. Mr. Reynolds,
agreeably to his sense and good-humour, never said a word to his critics at the time.
Mr. Thomas Dibdin, not quite so wise, wrote me a
letter, which Incledon, I am told, remonstrated with
him for sending, saying, it would do him no good with the “d— boy.” And
he was right. I published it, with an answer; and only thought that I made dramatists
“come bow to me.” Mr. Colman attacked me
in a prologue, which by a curious chance Fawcett
spoke
|
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 409 |
right in my teeth, the box I sat in happening to be directly
opposite him. I laughed at the prologue; and only looked upon Mr.
Colman as a great monkey, pelting me with nuts, which I ate. Attacks of this
kind were little calculated to obtain their end with a youth who persuaded himself that he
wrote for nothing but the public good; who mistook the impression which any body of
moderate talents can make with a newspaper, for the result of something peculiarly his own;
and who had just enough scholarship to despise the want of it, or what appeared to be the
want of it, in others. I do not pretend to think that the criticisms in the “News” had no merit at all. They showed an
acquaintance with the style of Voltaire, Johnson, and others; were not unagreeably sprinkled with
quotation; and, above all, were written with more care and attention than was customary
with newspapers at that time. The pains I took to round a period with nothing in it, or to
invent a simile that should appear offhand, would have done honour to better stuff. On
looking over the articles the other day, for the first time perhaps these twenty years, I
found them less absurd than I had imagined; and began to fear that, with all their
mistakes, my improvement since had not been free from miscalculation. If so, God knows how
I should have to criticise myself twenty years hence! But there is a time of life, at which
we cannot well experience more, at least so as to draw any healthy and useful deductions
from our experience: and when a man has come to this, he is as wise, after his fashion, as
he ever will be. The world require neither the ill-informed confidence of youth, nor the
worse diffidence or obstinacy of old age, to teach them; but a comparison of mutual
experiences; enough wisdom for acknowledging, that we are none of us as wise or as happy as
we might be; and a little more (which is the great point to arrive at) for 410 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
setting to work and trying if we cannot be otherwise. Methinks we
have been beating blindly upon this point long enough, and might as well open our eyes to
it.
THE EXAMINER.—ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR’S IMPRISONMENT.
At the beginning of the year 1808, my brother John and myself set up the weekly paper of the Examiner, in joint partnership. The spirit of
the theatrical criticism continued the same as in the News, for
several years; by which time reflection, and the society of better critics, had made me
wiser. In politics I soon got interested, as a man; though I never could bear them, as a
writer. It was against the grain that I was encouraged to begin them; and against the grain
I ever afterwards sat down to write, except when the subject was of a very general
description and I could introduce philosophy and the belles lettres. People accused me of
conspiring with Cobbett and my gallant namesake,
Henry Hunt; when the fact is, I never beheld
either of them: so private a public man have I been. I went criminally late to my political
article; gave a great deal of trouble to printers and newsmen, for which I am heartily
sorry; and hastened back as fast as I could to my verses and books, among which I had
scarcely a work upon politics. The progress of society has since deeply interested me, and
I should do better now, because I have better learnt the value of time, and politics have
taken with me a wider and kindlier aspect: but owing to a dispute of a very painful nature,
in which every body thought himself in the right,
|
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 411 |
and was perhaps
more or less in the wrong, I have long ceased to have any hand in the
Examiner, and latterly to have any property in it. I shall therefore say nothing
more of the paper, except that I was very much in earnest in all I wrote; that I was in a
perpetual fluctuation, during the time, of gay spirits and wretched health, which conspired
to make me a sensitive observer, and a very bad man of business; and that I think precisely
as I did on all subjects when I last wrote in it:—with this difference,—that I
am inclined to object to the circumstances that make the present state of society what it
is, still more; and to individuals who are the creatures of those circumstances, not at
all.
I proceed to the story of my imprisonment; which concerns others as well
as myself, and contains some delineations of character; but as it has been told before in
the same words, I shall print it with marks of quotation. I need not add, after what has
been said at the close of the last paragraph, that the exordium would have been a little
different now had it been newly written: but I let it stand, because it was written as
conscientiously and with as free a spirit, as it would be written still. I no longer think
I have a right to quarrel with individuals or their characters, any more than they have
with one’s own; and besides objecting to the right or utility of the thing, I have
observed that those are loudest against others, who can the least bear to have any thing
said of themselves; which is a fault I am willing to value myself upon not being charged
with. Enough remains, in all conscience, to oppose and object to, if we prefer our utility
to our spleen; and quite enough to show we are independent, and not likely to be bribed.
“Some of my readers may remember that my brother and myself were
sentenced to a two years’ imprisonment for a libel on the Prince Regent; I say, without hesitation, a libel; since the word means no
more, now-a-
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
days, either for a man or against him, than its
original signification of ‘a little book.’ Let those thank themselves that such
is the case, who by their own confusion of terms and penalties, and their application of
one and the same word to the lowest private scandal and the highest impulses of public
spirit, have rendered honest men not ashamed of it. It is remarkable, that the same Whig
Judge (Lord Ellenborough) who had directed the Jury to
find us innocent on a prior occasion, when we were indicted for saying that ‘of
all Monarchs since the Revolution, the successor of George the
Third (then reigning) would have the finest opportunity of becoming
nobly popular,’ had now the task of giving them a very different intimation,
because we thought that the Regent had not acted up to his opportunities. I was provoked to
write the libel by the interest I took in the disappointments of the Irish nation, which
had very particular claims on the promises of his Royal Highness; but what, perhaps,
embittered it most in the palate of that illustrious Personage, was its contradiction of an
awkward panegyric which had just appeared on him from the pen of some foolish person in the
‘Morning Post,’ calling him, at
his time of life, a charmer of all hearts and an Adonis of loveliness. At another time, I
should have laughed at this in a rhyme or two, and remained free; the courts of law having
a judicious instinct against the reading of merry rhymes; but the two things coming
together, and the Irish venting their spleen pretty stoutly over their wine at the dinner
on St. Patrick’s Day, (indeed they could not well be more explicit, for they groaned
and hissed when his name was mentioned,) I wrote an attack equally grave and vehement, and
such as every body said would be prosecuted. Little did I foresee, that, in the course of a
few years, this same people, the Irish, would burst into an enthusiasm of joy and
confidence, merely because the illustrious Personage |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 413 |
paid them a
visit! I will not say they were rightly served, in finding that nothing came of it, for I
do not think so; especially as we are not bound to take the inhabitants of a metropolis as
representatives of the wretched millions in other parts of the country, who have since been
in worse state than before. But this I may be allowed to say, that if ever I regretted
having gone to prison in their behalf, it was then and then only.
“Between the verdict and the passing of sentence, a circumstance
occurred, not of so singular a nature, perhaps, as it may seem. We were given to
understand, through the medium of a third person, but in a manner emphatically serious and
potential, that if we would abstain in future from commenting upon the actions of the royal
Personage, means would be found to prevent our going to prison. The same offer was
afterwards repeated, as far as the payment of a fine was concerned, upon our going thither.
I need not add, that we declined both. We do not mean to affirm, that these offers came
directly or indirectly from the quarter in which they might be supposed to originate; but
we know the immediate quarter from which they did come; and this we may affirm, that of all
the ‘two hundred and fifty particular friends,’ who dined on one occasion at
Carlton House, and delighted the public with that amazing record
of attachment, his Royal Highness had not one more
zealous or liberal in his behalf.
“The expectation of a prison was in one respect very formidable to
me; for I had been a long time in a bad state of health; and when notice was given that we
were to be brought up for judgment, I had just been advised by the physician to take
exercise every day on horseback, and go down to the sea-side. I was resolved, however, to
do no disgrace either to the courage which I really possessed, or
414 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
to an example which I can better speak of in any other place than this. I accordingly put my countenance in its best trim: I made a point of
wearing my best apparel; put on my new hat and gloves, and descended into the legal
arena to be sentenced gallantly. As an instance of the imagination which I am
accustomed to mingle with every thing, I was at that time reading a little work, to which
Milton is indebted, the Comus of Erycius
Puteanus; and this, which is a satire on ‘Bacchuses and their
revellers,’ I pleased myself with having in my pocket. It is
necessary, on passing sentence for a libel, to read over again the words that composed
it. This was the business of Lord
Ellenborough, who baffled the attentive audience in a very ingenious manner
by affecting every instant to hear a noise, and calling upon the Officers of the Court to
prevent it. Mr. Garrow, the Attorney-General, (who
had succeeded Sir Vicary Gibbs at a very cruel
moment, for the indictment had been brought by that irritable person, and was the first
against us which took effect,) behaved to us with a politeness that was considered
extraordinary. Not so Mr. Justice Grose, who
delivered the sentence. To be didactic and old womanish belonged to his office; but to
lecture us on pandering to the public appetite for scandal, was what we could not so easily
bear. My brother, as I had been the writer, expected
me, perhaps, to be the spokesman; and speak I certainly should have done, had not I been
prevented by the dread of a hesitation in my speech, to which I had been subject when a
boy, and the fear of which (perhaps idly, for I hesitate least among strangers, and very
rarely at all) has been the main cause, I believe, that I have appeared and acted in public
less than any other public man. There is reason to think, that
Lord Ellenborough was still less easy than ourselves. He
knew that we were acquainted with his visits to Carlton-house and
Brighton, (sympathies not eminently decent in a Judge,) and |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 415 |
the good things he had obtained for his kinsmen, and we could not
help preferring our feelings at the moment to those which induced him to keep his eyes
fixed on his papers, which he did almost the whole time of our being in Court, never
turning them once to the place on which we stood. There were divers points besides those,
on which he had some reason to fear that we might choose to return the lecture of the
Bench. He did not even look at us, when he asked, in the course of his duty, whether it was
our wish to make any remarks. I answered, that we did not wish to make any there, and Sir Nash proceeded to pass sentence.
At the sound of two years’ imprisonment in separate jails, my brother and myself
instinctively pressed each other’s arm. It was a heavy blow: but the pressure that
acknowledged it, encouraged the resolution to bear it; and I do not believe either of us
interchanged a word afterwards on the subject.
“We parted in hackney-coaches for our respective abodes,
accompanied by two tipstaves apiece. I cannot help smiling to think of a third person whom
I had with me, when I contrast his then situation with his present: but he need not be
alarmed. I will not do him the injustice either of hurting or recommending him by the
mention of his name. He was one of the best-natured fellows in the world, and I dare say he
is so still; but, as Strap says, ‘Non omnia possumus omnes.’
The tipstaves prepared me for a singular character in my jailer. His name
was Ives. I was told he was a very self-willed personage, not the more
accommodating for being in a bad state of health, and that he called every body Mister. ‘In short,’ said one of the tipstaves, ‘he
is one as may be led, but he’ll never be druv.’
The sight of the prison-gate and the high wall was a dreary business. I
thought of my horseback and the downs of Brighton; but congratulated
myself, at all events, that I had come thither with a good consci-
416 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
ence. After waiting in the prison-yard as long as if it had been the antiroom of a
minister, I was at length ushered into the presence of the great man. He was in his
parlour, which was decently furnished, and had a basin of broth before him, which he
quitted on my appearance, and rose with much solemnity to meet me. He seemed about fifty
years of age; had a white night-cap on, as if he was going to be hung; and a great red
face, which looked ready to burst with blood. Indeed, he was not allowed by his physician
to speak in a tone above a whisper. The first thing he said was, ‘Mister,
I’d ha’ given a matter of a hundred pounds, that you had not come to this
place—a hundred pounds!’ The emphasis which he laid on the word
‘hundred’ was enormous. I forget what I answered. I endeavoured, as usual, to
make the best of things; but he recurred over and over again to the hundred pounds; and
said he wondered, for his part, what the Government meant by sending me there, for the
prison was not a prison fit for a gentleman, He often repeated this opinion afterwards,
adding, with a peculiar nod of his head, ‘and Mister, they knows it.’ I
said, that if a gentleman deserved to be sent to prison, he ought not to be treated with a
greater nicety than any one else: upon which he corrected me, observing very properly,
(though, as the phrase is, it was one word for the gentleman and two for his own
apartments,) that a person who had been used to a better mode of lodging and living than
‘low people,’ was not treated with the same justice, if forced to live exactly
as they did. I told him his observation was very true; which gave him a favourable opinion
of my understanding: for I had many occasions of remarking, that, abstractedly considered,
he looked upon nobody whomsoever as his superior, speaking even of the members of the Royal
Family as persons whom he knew very well, and estimated no more than became him. |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 417 |
One Royal Duke had lunched in his parlour, and another he had laid
under some polite obligation. ‘They knows me,’ said he, ‘very well,
Mister; and, Mister, I knows them.’ This concluding sentence he uttered with
great particularity and precision. He was not proof, however, against a Greek Pindar, which he happened to light upon one day among my
books. Its unintelligible character gave him a notion that he had got somebody to deal
with, who might really know something which he did not. Perhaps the gilt leaves and red
morocco binding had their share in the magic. The upshot was, that he always showed himself
anxious to appear well with me, as a clever fellow, treating me with great civility on all
occasions but one, when I made him very angry by disappointing him in a money amount. The
Pindar was a mystery that staggered him. I remember very well,
that giving me a long account one day of something connected with his business, he happened
to catch with his eye the shelf that contained it, and whether he saw it or not, abruptly
finished by observing, ‘But, Mister, you knows all these things as well as I
do.’ Upon the whole, my new acquaintance was as strange a person as I ever
met with. A total want of education, together with a certain vulgar acuteness, conspired to
render him insolent and pedantic. Disease sharpened his tendency to violent fits of
passion, which threatened to suffocate him; and then in his intervals of better health, he
would issue forth, with his cock-up-nose and his hat on one side, as great a fop as a
jockey. I remember his coming to my rooms, about the middle of my imprisonment, as if on
purpose to insult over my ill health with the contrast of his own convalescence, putting
his arms in a gay manner a-kimbo, and telling me I should never live to go out, whereas he
was riding about as stout as ever, and had just been in the country. He died before I left
prison. The word jail, in deference to the way in 418 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
which it is sometimes spelt, he called gole;
and Mr. Brougham he always spoke of as Mr. Bruffam. He one day apologized for this mode of pronunciation, or
rather gave a specimen of his vanity and self-will, which will show the reader at once the
high notions a jailer may entertain of himself: ‘I find,’ said he,
‘that they calls him Broom; but, Mister,’ (assuming
a look from which there was to be no appeal,) ‘I calls him Bruffam!”
“Finding that my host did not think the prison fit for me, I asked
if he would let me have an apartment in his house. He pronounced it impossible; which was a
trick to enhance the price. I could not make an offer to please him; and he stood out so
long, and, as he thought, so cunningly, that he subsequently overreached himself by his
trickery; as the readers will see. His object was to keep me among the prisoners, till he
could at once sicken me of the place, and get the permission of the magistrates to receive
me into his house; which was a thing he reckoned upon as a certainty. He thus hoped to
secure himself in all quarters; for his vanity was almost as strong as his avarice; he was
equally fond of getting money in private, and of the approbation of the great men he had to
deal with in public; and it so happened, that there had been no prisoner, above the poorest
condition, before my arrival, with the exception of Colonel
Despard. From abusing the prison, he then suddenly fell to speaking well of
it, or rather of the room occupied by the Colonel; and said that another corresponding with
it would make me a capital apartment. ‘To be sure,’ said he, ‘there is
nothing but bare walls, and I have no bed to put in it.’ I replied, that of
course I should not be hindered from having my own bed from home. He said, ‘No;
and if it rains,’ observed he, ‘you have only to put up with want of light
for a time.’ ‘What!’
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 419 |
exclaimed I,
‘are there no windows?’ ‘Windows, Mister!’ cried he;
‘no windows in a prison of this sort; no glass, Mister; but excellent shutters.’
“It was finally agreed, that I should sleep for a night or two in a
garret of the jailer’s house, till my bed could be got ready in the prison and the
windows glazed. A dreary evening followed, which, however, let me completely into the
man’s character, and showed him in a variety of lights, some ludicrous and others as
melancholy. There was a full-length portrait, in the room, of a little girl, dizened out in
her best. This, he told me, was his daughter, whom he had disinherited for disobedience. I
tried to suggest a few reflections to him, capable of doing her service; but disobedience,
I found, was an offence doubly irritating to his nature, on account of his sovereign habits
as a jailer; and seeing his irritability likely to inflame the plethora of his countenance,
I desisted. Though not allowed to speak above a whisper, he was extremely willing to talk;
but at an early hour I pleaded my own state of health, and retired to bed.
“On taking possession of my garret, I was treated with a piece of
delicacy, which I never should have thought of finding in a prison. When I first entered
its walls, I had been received by the under-jailer, a man who appeared an epitome of all
that was forbidding in his office. He was short and very thick, had a hook nose, a great
severe countenance, and a bunch of keys hanging on his arm. A friend once stopped short at
sight of him, and said, in a melancholy tone, ‘And this is the jailer!’ Honest
old Cave! thine outside would have been unworthy of thee, if upon
farther acquaintance I had not found it a very hearty outside,—ay, and, in my eyes, a
very good-looking one, and as fit to contain the milk of human kindness that was in thee,
as the husk of a
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cocoa. Was, did I say? I hope it is in thee still;
I hope thou art alive to read this paper, and to perform, as usual, a hundred kind offices,
as exquisite in their way as they are desirable and unlooked for. To finish at once the
character of this man,—I could never prevail on him to accept any acknowledgment of
his kindness, greater than a set of tea-things, and a piece or two of old furniture which I
could not well carry away. I had indeed the pleasure of leaving him in possession of a room
I had papered; but this was a thing unexpected, and which neither of us had supposed could
be done. Had I been a Prince, I would have forced on him a pension. Being a journalist, I
made him accept an Examiner weekly, which, I trust, he still lives to relish his Sunday pipe with.
“This man, in the interval between my arrival and introduction to
the head jailer, had found means to give me farther information respecting my new
condition, and to express the interest he took in it. I thought little of his offers at the
time. He behaved with the greatest air of deference to his principal; moving as fast as his
body would allow him, to execute his least intimation; and holding the candle to him while
he read, with an obsequious zeal. But he had spoken to his wife about me, and his wife I
found to be as great a curiosity as himself. Both were more like the romantic jailers drawn
in some of our modern plays, than real Horsemonger-lane
palpabilities. The wife, in her person, was as light and fragile as the husband was sturdy.
She had the nerves of a fine lady, and yet went through the most unpleasant duties with the
patience of a martyr. Her voice and look seemed to plead for a softness like their own, as
if a loud reply would have shattered her. Ill health had made her a Methodist, but this did
not hinder her sympathy with an invalid who was none, or her love for her husband, who was
as little
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 421 |
of a saint as need be. Upon the whole, such an
extraordinary couple, so apparently unsuitable, and yet so fitted for one another; so
apparently vulgar on one side, and yet so naturally delicate on both; so misplaced in their
situation, and yet for the good of others so admirably put there, I have never met with,
before or since.
It was the business of this woman to lock me up in my garret; but she did
it so softly the first night, that I knew nothing of the matter. The night following, I
thought I heard a gentle tampering with the lock. I tried it, and found it fastened. She
heard me as she was going downstairs, and said the next day, “Ah, Sir, I thought I
should have turned the key, so as for you not to hear it; but I found you
did.” The whole conduct of this couple towards us, from first to last, was of a
piece with this singular delicacy.
“My bed was shortly put up, and I slept in my new room. It was on
an upper story, and stood in a corner of the quadrangle, on the right hand as you enter the
prison-gate. The windows (which had now been accommodated with glass, in addition to their
“excellent shutters”) were high up, and barred; but the room was large and
airy, and there was a fireplace. It was designed for a common room for the prisoners on
that story; but the cells were then empty. The cells were ranged on either side of the
arcade, of which the story is formed, and the room opened at the end of it. At night-time
the door was locked; then another on the top of the staircase, then another on the middle
of the staircase, then a fourth at the bottom, a fifth that shut up the little yard
belonging to that quarter, and how many more, before you got out of the gates, I forget:
but I do not exaggerate when I say there were at least ten or eleven. The first night I
slept there, I listened to them, one after the other, till the weaker part of my
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heart died within me. Every fresh turning of the key seemed a
malignant insult to my love of liberty. I was alone, and away from my family; I, who have
never slept from home above a dozen times in my life, and then only from necessity.
Furthermore, the reader will bear in mind that I was ill. With a great flow of natural
spirits, I was subject to fits of nervousness, which had latterly taken a more continued
shape. I felt one of them coming on, and having learned to anticipate and break the force
of it by sudden exercise, I took a stout walk of I dare say fourteen or fifteen miles, by
pacing backwards and forwards for the space of three hours. This threw me into a state in
which rest, for rest’s sake, became pleasant. I got hastily into bed, and slept
without a dream till morning. By the way, I never dreamt of prison but twice all the time I
was there, and my dream was the same on both occasions.
“It was on the second day of my imprisonment that I saw my
wife, who could not come to me before. To say
that she never reproached me for these and the like taxes upon our family prospects, is to
say little. A world of comfort for me was in her face. There is a note in the fifth volume
of my Spenser, which I was then reading, in these
words:—February 4th, 1813.’ The line to which it refers is this:—
‘Much dearer be the things, which come through hard distresse.’ |
“I now applied to the magistrates for permission to have my wife
and children with me, which was granted. Not so my request to move into the jailer’s
house. Mr. Holme Sumner, on occasion of a petition
from a subsequent prisoner, told the House of Commons, that my room had a view over the
Surrey hills, and that I was very well content with it. I could
not feel obliged to him for this postliminious piece of enjoy-
|
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 423 |
ment,
especially when I remembered that Mr. Holme Sumner had done all in his
power to prevent my removal out of the room, precisely (as it appeared to us) because it
looked upon nothing but the felons, and because I was not contented. In fact, you could not
see out of the windows at all, without getting on a chair; and then, all that you saw was
the miserable men, whose chains had been clanking from daylight. The perpetual sound of
these chains wore upon my spirits, in a manner to which my state of health allowed me
reasonably to object. The yard also in which I exercised was very small. The jailer
proposed that I should be allowed to occupy apartments in his house, and walk occasionally
in the prison garden; adding, that I should certainly die if I had not; and his opinion was
seconded by that of the medical man. Mine host was sincere in this, if in nothing else.
Telling us, one day, how warmly he had put it to the magistrates, and insisted that I
should not survive, he turned round upon me, and, to the Doctor’s astonishment,
added, ‘nor, Mister, will you.’ I believe it was the opinion of many; but
Mr. Holme Sumner argued, perhaps, from his own sensations, which
were sufficiently iron. Perhaps he concluded also, like a proper ministerialist, that if I
did not think fit to flatter the magistrates a little, and play the courtier, my wants
could not be very great. At all events, he came up one day with the rest of them, and after
bowing as well as he could to my wife, and piteously pinching the cheek of an infant in her
arms, went down and did all he could to prevent our being comfortably situated.
The Doctor then proposed that I should be removed into the prison
infirmary; and this proposal was granted. Infirmary had, I confess, an awkward sound even
to my ears. I fancied a room shared with other sick persons, not the best fitted for
companions; but the good-natured
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doctor (his name was
Dixon) undeceived me.* The infirmary was divided into four wards,
with as many small rooms attached to them. The two upper wards were occupied, but the two
on the ground floor had never been used: and one of these, not very providently (for I had
not yet learned to think of money) I turned into a noble room. I
papered the walls with a trellis of roses; I had the ceiling coloured with clouds and
sky; the barred windows were screened with Venetian blinds; and when my bookcases
were set up with their busts, and flowers and a pianoforte made their appearance, perhaps
there was not a handsomer room on that side the water. I took a pleasure, when a stranger
knocked at the door, to see him come in and stare about him. The surprise on issuing from
the Borough, and passing through the avenues of a jail, was dramatic. Charles Lamb declared there was no other such room except
in a fairy tale.
“But I had another surprise; which was a garden. There was a little
yard outside, the room, railed off from another belonging to the neighbouring ward. This
yard I shut in with green palings, adorned it with a trellis, bordered it with a thick bed
of earth from a nursery, and even contrived to have a grass-plot. The earth I filled with
flowers and young trees. There was an apple-tree, from which we managed to get a pudding
the second year. As to my flowers, they were allowed to be perfect. A poet from
Derbyshire† told me he had seen no such
heart’s-ease. I bought the ‘Parnaso Italiano’ while in prison, and used often to think of a passage
in it, while looking at this miniature piece of horticulture:—
* I may venture to speak of him with this grateful epithet, for I
verily believe he thought me dying, and he never interchanged a word with me except
on the matter in question. |
† Thomas Moore; with
whom and Lord Byron I was too angry, when I
wrote this article, to mention them as visitors of me by name. |
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————————Mio picciol orto, A me sei vigna, e campo, e selva, e prato.—Baldi.
|
————————My little garden, To me thou ’rt vineyard, field, and meadow, and wood. |
Here I wrote and read in fine weather, sometimes under an awning. In autumn, my
trellises were hung with scarlet runners, which added to the flowery investment. I used to
shut my eyes in my arm-chair, and affect to think myself hundreds of miles off. But my
triumph was in issuing forth of a morning. A wicket out of the garden led into the large
one belonging to the prison. The latter was only for vegetables; but it contained a
cherry-tree, which I saw twice in blossom. ***
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
“I entered prison the third of February, and removed to my new
apartments the 16th of March, happy to get out of the noise of the chains. When I sat
amidst my books, and saw the imaginary sky overhead and my paper roses about me, I drank in
the quiet at my ears, as if they were thirsty. The little room was my bed-room. I
afterwards made the two rooms change characters, when my wife lay in. Permission for her
continuance with me at that period was easily obtained of the Magistrates, among whom a
new-comer made his appearance. This was another good-natured man—the late Earl of Rothes, then Lord Leslie. He heard me with kindness;
and his actions did not belie his countenance. The only girl I have among seven children
was born in prison.* I cannot help blessing her when I speak of it. Never shall I forget my
sensations: for I was obliged to play the physician
* The reader will be good enough to bear in mind, that this
account of my imprisonment is quoted from another publication. I have now eight
children, three of whom are girls. |
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
myself, the hour having taken us by surprise. But her mother found
many unexpected comforts; and during the whole time she was in bed, which happened to be in
very fine weather, the garden door was set open, and she looked upon the trees and flowers.
A thousand recollections rise within me at every fresh period of my imprisonment, such as I
cannot trust myself with dwelling upon.
“These rooms, and the visits of my friends, were the bright side of
my captivity. I read verses without end, and wrote almost as many. I had also the pleasure
of hearing that my brother had found comfortable
rooms in Coldbath-fields, and a host who really deserved that name
as much as a jailer could. The first year of my imprisonment was a long pull up-hill; but
never was metaphor so literally verified, as by the sensation at the turning of the second.
In the first year, all the prospect was that of the one coming: in the second, the days
began to be scored off, like those of children at school preparing for a holiday. When I
was fairly settled in my new apartments, the jailer (I beg pardon of his injured
spirit—I ought to have called him Governor) could hardly express his spleen at my
having escaped his clutches, his astonishment was so great. Besides, though I treated him
handsomely, he had a little lurking fear of the Examiner upon him;
so he contented himself with getting as much out of me as he could, and boasting of the
grand room which he would very willingly have prevented my enjoying. My friends were
allowed to be with me till ten o’clock at night, when the under-turnkey, a young man,
with his lantern, and much ambitious gentility of deportment, came to see them out. I
believe we scattered an urbanity about the prison, till then unknown. Even W. H. (Mr. Hazlitt, who there first did me the pleasure of a
visit) would stand interchanging amenities at the threshold, which I had great difficulty
in
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 427 |
making him pass. I know not which kept his hat off with the
greater pertinacity of deference, I to the diffident cutter-up of Dukes and Kings, or he to
the amazing prisoner and invalid who issued out of a bower of roses. There came T. B. (my
old friend and schoolfellow, Barnes,) who always
reminds me of Fielding. It was he that introduced me
to A. (Alsager) the kindest of neighbours, a man of
business, who contrived to be a scholar and a musician. He loved his leisure, and yet would
start up at a moment’s notice to do the least of a prisoner’s biddings. Other
friends are dead since that time, and others gone. I have tears for the kindest of them;
and the mistaken shall not be reproached, if I can help it. But what return can I make to
the L’s (Lambs), who came to comfort me in all
weathers, hail or sunshine, in daylight or in darkness, even in the dreadful frost and snow
of the beginning of 1814? I am always afraid of talking about them, lest my tropical
temperament should seem to render me too florid. What shall I say to Dr.
G. one of the most liberal of a generous profession, who used to come so
many times into that out-of-the-way world to do me good? Great disappointment, and
exceeding viciousness, may talk as they please of the badness of human nature; for my part,
I am on the verge of forty, and I have seen a good deal of the world, the dark side as well
as the light, and I say that human nature is a very good and kindly thing, and capable of
all sorts of excellence. Art thou not a refutation of all that can be said against it,
excellent Sir John Swinburne? another friend whom I
made in prison, and whose image, now before my imagination, fills my whole frame with
emotion. I could kneel before him and bring his hand upon my head, like a son asking his
father’s blessing. It was during my imprisonment that another S. (Mr. Shelley) afterwards my friend of friends, now no more,
made me a princely offer, which at 428 |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
that time I stood in no need of.
I will take this opportunity of mentioning, that some other persons, not at all known to
us, offered to raise money enough to pay the fine of £1000. We declined it, with
proper thanks; and it became us to do so. But, as far as my own feelings were concerned, I
have no merit; for I was destitute, at that time, of even a proper instinct with regard to
money. It was not long afterwards that I was forced to call upon friendship for its
assistance; and nobly was it afforded me! Why must I not say every thing upon this subject,
showing my improvidence for a lesson, and their generosity for a comfort to
mankind?*—To some other friends, near and dear, I may not even return thanks in this
place for a thousand nameless attentions, which they make it a business of their existence
to bestow on those they love. I might as soon thank my own heart. Their names are trembling
on my pen, as that is beating at the recollection. But one or two others, whom I have not
seen for years, and who by some possibility (if indeed they ever think it worth their while
to fancy any thing on the subject) might suppose themselves forgotten, I may be suffered to
remind of the pleasure they gave me. A third S. (M. S. who afterwards
saw us so often near London) is now, I hope, enjoying the tranquillity he so richly
deserves; and so, I trust, is a fourth, C. S. whose face, or rather
something like it (for it was not easy to match her own), I am continually meeting with in
the country of her ancestors. Her veil, and her baskets of flowers, used to come through
the portal, like light.
“I must not omit the honour of a visit from the venerable Mr. Bentham, who is justly said to unite the wisdom of a
sage with the simplicity of a child. He found me playing at battledore, in which he took a
part, and with his usual eye towards improvement, suggested an amendment in the
constitution of shuttle-cocks. I remember the surprise of
* I have since said it, in this book. |
|
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 429 |
the Governor at his local knowledge and vivacity. ‘Why,
Mister,’ said he, ‘his eye is everywhere at once.’
“It was intimated to me that Mr.
Southey intended to pay me a visit. I showed a proper curiosity to see the
writer who had helped to influence my opinions in favour of liberty; but, in the mean time,
there was a report that he was to be Poet Laureat. I contradicted this report in the Examiner with some warmth. Unluckily, Mr.
Southey had accepted the office the day before; and the consequence was, he
never made his appearance. At this period he did me the honour to compare me with Camille Desmoulins. He has since favoured me with sundry
lectures and cuttings-up for adhering to his own doctrine. They say he is not sorry. I am
sure I am not; and there is an end of the matter. (Little T. L.
H. is his humble servant, but cannot conceive how he has incurred his
commiseration).
“All these comforts were embittered by unceasing ill health, and by
certain melancholy reveries, which the nature of the place did not help to diminish. During
the first six weeks, the sound of the felons’ chains, mixed with what I always took
for horrid execrations or despairing laughter, was never out of my ears. When I went into
the Infirmary, which stood by itself between the inner jail and the prison walls, gallowses
were occasionally put in order by the side of my windows, and afterwards set up over the
prison gates, where they were still visible. The keeper one day, with an air of mystery,
took me into the upper ward, for the purpose, he said, of gratifying me with a view of the
country from the roof. Something prevented his showing me this; but the spectacle he did
show me I shall never forget. It was a stout country girl, sitting in an absorbed manner,
her eyes fixed on the fire. She was handsome, and had a little hectic spot in either cheek,
the effect of some gnawing emotion. He told me, in a whisper, that she was there
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
for the murder of her bastard child. I could have knocked the
fellow down for his unfeelingness in making a show of her: but, after all, she did not see
us. She heeded us not. There was no object before her, but what produced the spot in her
cheek. The gallows, on which she was executed, must have been brought out within her
hearing;—but perhaps she heard that as little. To relieve the reader, I will give him
another instance of the delicacy of my friend the under-jailer. He always used to carry up
her food to the poor girl himself; because, as he said, he did not think it a fit task for
younger men. This was a melancholy case. In general, the crimes were not of such a
staggering description, nor did the criminals appear to take their situation to heart. I
found by degrees, that fortune showed fairer play than I had supposed to all classes of
men, and that those who seemed to have most reason to be miserable, were not always so.
Their criminality was generally proportioned to their want of thought. My friend
Cave, who had become a philosopher by the force of his situation,
said to me one day, when a new batch of criminals came in, ‘Poor ignorant
wretches, Sir!’ At evening, when they went to bed, I used to stand in the
prison garden, listening to the cheerful songs with which the felons entertained one
another. The beaters of hemp were a still merrier race. Doubtless the good hours and simple
fare of the prison contributed to make the blood of its inmates run better, particularly
those who were forced to take exercise. At last, I used to pity the debtors more than the
criminals; yet even the debtors had their gay parties and jolly songs. Many a time (for
they were my neighbours) have I heard them roar out the old ballad in Beaumont and Fletcher:— ‘He that drinks and goes to bed sober, Falls, as the leaves do, and dies in October.’ |
To say the truth, there was an obstreperousness in their mirth, that |
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | 431 |
looked more melancholy than the thoughtlessness of the
lighter-feeding felons.
On the 3d of February, 1815, I was free. When my family, the preceding
summer, had been obliged to go down to Brighton for their health, I
felt ready to dash my head against the wall, at not being able to follow them. I would
sometimes sit in my chair, with this thought upon me, till the agony of my impatience burst
out at every pore. I would not speak of it, if it did not enable me to show how this kind
of suffering may be borne, and in what sort of way it terminates. All fits of nervousness
ought to be anticipated as much as possible with exercise. Indeed, a proper healthy mode of
life would save most people from these effeminate ills, and most likely restore even those
who inherit them.—It was now thought that I should dart out of my cage like a bird,
and feel no end in the delight of ranging. Bat partly from ill-health, and partly from
habit, the day of my liberation brought a good deal of pain with it. An illness of a long
standing, which required very different treatment, had by this time been burnt in upon me
by the iron that enters into the soul of the captive, wrap it in flowers as he may; and I
am ashamed to say, that after stopping a little at the house of my friend A., I had not the courage to continue looking at the
shoals of people passing to and fro, as the coach drove up the Strand. The whole business
of life appeared to me a hideous impertinence. The first pleasant sensation I experienced
was when the coach turned into the New-road, and I beheld the old hills of my affection
standing where they used to do, and breathing me a welcome.
“It was very slowly that I recovered any thing like a sensation of
health. The bitterest evil I suffered was in consequence of having been confined so long in
one spot. The habit stuck to me, on my return home, in a very extraordinary manner, and
made, I fear, some of my
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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE. | |
friends think me ungrateful. They did me
an injustice; but it was not their fault; nor could I wish them the bitter experience which
alone makes us acquainted with the existence of strange things. This weakness I outlived;
but I have never properly recovered the general shock given my constitution. My natural
spirits, however, have always struggled hard to see me reasonably treated. Many things give
me exquisite pleasure, which seem to affect other men but in a very minor degree; and I
enjoyed, after all, such happy moments with my friends, even in prison, that in the midst
of the beautiful climate in which I am now writing,* I am sometimes in doubt whether I
would not rather be there than here.”
On leaving prison, I published the Story of Rimini, and became a worse newspaper man than before. Ill health
prevented my attending the theatres and writing the theatrical articles; and at length,
instead of throwing into the Examiner what forces
remained to me, in some new shape, (as I ought to have enabled myself to do,) I was
impelled by necessity to publish a small weekly paper, on the plan of the periodical
essayists. From this (though it sold very well for a publication which no pains were taken
to circulate) I reaped more honour than profit; and the Indicator (I fear) is the best
of my works:—so hard is it for one who has grown up in the hope of being a poet, to
confess that the best things he has done have been in prose. The popularity of that work,
however, evinced by the use made of it in others, and, above all, the good opinion
expressed of it by such men as Mr. Lamb and Mr. Hazlitt, have long served to reconcile me to this
discovery. I have more than consoled myself by thinking that it is not impossible it may be
found some day or other in the train of a body of writers, among whom I am “proud to
be less:” and it has enabled me perhaps to come
* This account was written in Italy. |
to a true estimate of my station as an author, which I take to be
somewhere between the prose of those town-writers and the enthusiasm of the old poets; not,
indeed, with any thing like an approach to the latter, except in my love of them; nor with
any pretence to know half as much of wit and the town as the former did; but not altogether
unoriginal in a combination of the love of both, nor in the mixed colours of fancy and
familiarity which it has enabled me to throw over some of the commonplaces of life. But
enough of this attempt at a self-estimate, always perhaps difficult, and, at any rate, sure
to be disputed. There are things I care more for in the world than myself, let me be
thought of as I may. So I proceed to new adventures.
THE AUTHOR’S VISIT TO ITALY, RESIDENCE THERE, AND RETURN TO
ENGLAND.
The reader has seen what it was that induced me to take a voyage
to Italy. It was not very discreet to go many hundred miles by sea in winter-time with a
large family; but a voyage was thought cheaper than a journey by land. Even that, however,
was a mistake. It was by Shelley’s advice that
I acted: and, I believe, if he had recommended a balloon, I should have been inclined to
try it. “Put your music and your books on board a vessel,” (it was thus that
he wrote to us,) “and you will have no more trouble.” The sea was to
him a pastime; he fancied us bounding over the waters, the merrier for being tossed; and
thought that our will would carry us through any thing, as it ought to do, seeing that we
brought with us nothing but good things,—books, music, and sociality. It is true, he
looked to our coming in autumn, and not in winter; and so we should have done, but for the
delays
of the captain. We engaged to embark in September, and did
not set off till November the 16th.
I have often thought that a sea-voyage, which is generally the dullest
thing in the world, both in the experiment and the description, might be turned to very
different account on paper, if the narrators, instead of imitating the dulness of their
predecessors, and recording that it was four o’clock p.m.
when they passed Cape St. Vincent, and that on such and such-a-day
they beheld a porpus or a Dutchman, would look into the interior of the floating-house they
inhabited, and tell us about the seamen and their modes of living; what adventures they
have had,—their characters and opinions,—how they eat, drink, and sleep,
&c.; what they do in fine weather, and how they endure the sharpness, the squalidness,
and inconceivable misery of bad. With a large family around me to occupy my mind, I did not
think of this till too late: but I am sure that this mode of treating the subject would be
interesting; and what I remember to such purpose, I will set down.
Our vessel was a small brig of a hundred and twenty tons burden, a
good tight sea-boat, nothing more. Its cargo consisted of sugar; but it took in
also a surreptitious stock of gunpowder, to the amount of fifty barrels, which was destined
for Greece. Of this intention we knew nothing, till the barrels were sent on board from a
place up the river; otherwise, so touchy a companion would have been objected to, my
wife, who was in a shattered state of health,
never ceasing to entertain apprehensions on account of it, except when the storms that came
upon us presented a more obvious peril. There were nine men to the crew, including the
mate. We numbered as many souls, though with smaller bodies, in the cabin, which we had
entirely to ourselves; as well we might, for it was small enough. On the afternoon of the
15th of November (1821),
we took leave of some dear friends, who
accompanied us on board; and next morning were awakened by the motion of the vessel, making
its way through the shipping in the river. The new life in which we thus, as it were, found
ourselves enclosed, the clanking of iron, and the cheerly cries of the seamen, together
with the natural vivacity of the time of day, presented something animating to our
feelings; but while we thus moved off, not without encouragement, we felt that the friend
whom we were going to see was at a great distance, while others were very near, whose hands
it would be a long while before we should touch again, perhaps never. We hastened to get up
and busy ourselves; and great as well as small found a novel diversion in the spectacle
that presented itself from the deck, our vessel threading its way through the others with
gliding bulk.
The next day it blew strong from the South-east, and even in the river
(the navigation of which is not easy) we had a foretaste of the alarms and bad weather that
awaited us at sea. The pilot, whom we had taken in over-night, (and who was a jovial fellow
with a whistle like a blackbird, which, in spite of the dislike that sailors have to
whistling, he was always indulging,) thought it prudent to remain at anchor till two in the
afternoon; and at six, a vessel meeting us carried away the jib-boom, and broke in one of
the bulwarks. My wife, who had had a respite from the most alarming part of her illness,
and whom it was supposed that a sea-voyage, even in winter, might benefit, again
expectorated blood with the fright; and I began to regret that I had brought my family into
this trouble.—Even in the river we had a foretaste of the sea; and the curse of being
at sea to a landman is, that you know nothing of what is going forward, and can take no
active part in getting rid of your fears, or in “lending a hand.” The business
of these small
vessels is not carried on with the orderliness and
tranquillity of greater ones, or of men-of-war. The crew are not very wise; the captain
does not know how to make them so; the storm roars; the vessel pitches and reels; the
captain, over your head, stamps and swears, and announces all sorts of catastrophes. Think
of a family hearing all this, and parents in alarm for their children!
On Monday, the 19th, we passed the Nore, and
proceeded down Channel amidst rains and squalls. We were now out at sea; and a rough taste
we had of it. I had been three times in the Channel before, once in hard weather; but I was
then a bachelor, and had only myself to think of. Let the reader picture to his imagination
the little back-parlour of one of the shops in Fleet-street, or the Strand, attached or let
into a great moving vehicle, and tumbling about the waves from side to side, now sending
all the things that are loose, this way, and now that. This will give him an idea of a
cabin at sea, such as we occupied. It had a table fastened down in the middle; places let
into the walls on each side, one over the other, to hold beds; a short, wide, sloping
window, carried off over a bulk, and looking out to sea; a bench, or locker, running under
the bulk from one side of the cabin to the other; and a little fireplace opposite, in which
it was impossible to keep a fire on account of the wind. The weather, at the same time, was
bitterly cold, as well as wet. On one side the fireplace was the door, and on the other a
door leading into a petty closet dignified with the title of the state-room. In this room
we put our servant, the captain sleeping in another closet outside. The births were
occupied by the children, and my wife and myself lay, as long as we could manage to do so,
on the floor. Such was the trim, with boisterous wet weather, cold days, and long evenings,
on which we set out on our sea-adventure.
At six o’clock in the evening of the 19th, we came to in the Downs,
in a line with Sandown Castle. The wind during the night increasing
to a gale, the vessel pitched and laboured considerably; and the whole of the next day it
blew a strong gale, with hard squalls from the westward. The day after, the weather
continuing bad, the captain thought proper to run for Ramsgate, and
took a pilot for that purpose. Captains of vessels are very unwilling to put into harbour,
on account of the payment they have to make, and the necessity of supporting the crew for
nothing while they remain. Many vessels are no doubt lost on this account; and a wonder is
naturally expressed, that men can persist in putting their lives into jeopardy in order to
save a few pounds. But when we come to know what a seaman’s life is, we see that
nothing but the strongest love of gain (whether accompanied or not by the love of spending)
could induce a man to take a voyage at all; and he is naturally anxious to save, what he
looks upon as the only tangible proof, that he is not the greatest fool in existence. His
life, he thinks, is in God’s keeping; but his money is in his own. To be sure, a
captain who has been to sea fifty times, and has got rich by it, will go again, storms or
vows to the contrary notwithstanding, because he does not know what to do with himself on
shore; but unless he had the hope of adding to his stock, he would blunder into some other
way of business, rather than go, as he would think, for nothing. Occupation is his real
necessity, as it is that of other money-getters; but the mode of it, without the visible
advantage, he would assuredly give up. I never met with a seaman (and I have put the
question to several) who did not own to me, that he hated his profession. One of them, a
brave and rough subject, told me, that there was not a “pickle” of a
midshipman, not absolutely a fool, who would not confess that he had rather eschew a second
voyage, if he had but the courage to make the avowal.
I know not what the Deal pilot, whom we took on
board in the Downs, thought upon this point; but if ever there was a bold fellow, it was
he; and yet he could eye a squall with a grave look. I speak not so much from what he had
to do on the present occasion, though it was a nice business to get us into
Ramsgate harbour: but he had the habit of courage in his face,
and was altogether one of the most interesting-looking persons I have seen. The
Deal boatmen are a well-known race; reverenced for their
matchless intrepidity, and the lives they have saved. Two of them came on board the day
before, giving opinions of the weather, which the captain was loth to take, and at the same
time insinuating some little contraband notions, which he took better. I thought how little
these notions injured the fine manly cast of their countenances, than which nothing could
be more self-possessed and even innocent. They seemed to understand the first principles of
the thing, without the necessity of enquiring into it; their useful and noble lives
standing them in stead of the pettier ties and sophisms of the interested. Our pilot was a
prince, even of his race, He was a tall man in a kind of frock-coat, thin but powerful,
with high features, and an expression of countenance fit for an Argonaut. When he took the
rudder in hand, and stood alone, guiding the vessel towards the harbour, the crew being all
busied at a distance from him, and the captain, as usual, at his direction, he happened to
put himself into an attitude the most graceful as well as commanding conceivable; and a new
squall coming up in the horizon, just as we were going to turn in, he gave it a look of
lofty sullenness, threat, as it were, for threat,—which was the most magnificent
aspect of resolution I ever beheld. Experience and valour assumed their rights, and put
themselves on a par with danger. In we turned, to the admiration of the spectators who had
come down to the pier, and to the satisfaction of all on board, except the poor captain,
who, though it was his own doing, seemed, while gallantly
congratulating the lady, to be eyeing, with sidelong pathos, the money that was departing
from him.
We stopped, for a change of weather, nearly three weeks at
Ramsgate, where we had visits from more than one London friend,
to whom I only wish we could give a tenth part of the consolation when they are in trouble,
which they afforded us. At Ramsgate I picked up Condorcet’s View of the Progress of Society, which I read with a
transport of gratitude to the author, though it had not entered so deeply into the matter
as I supposed. But the very power to persevere in hopes for mankind, at a time of life when
individuals are in the habit of reconciling their selfishness and fatigue by choosing to
think ill of them, is a great good in any man, and achieves a great good if it act only
upon one other person. A few such instances of perseverance would alter the world. For some
days we remained on board, as it was hoped that we should be able to set sail again.
Ramsgate harbour is very shallow; and though we lay in the
deepest part of it, the vessel took to a new and ludicrous species of dance, grinding and
thumping upon the chalky ground. The consequence was, that the metal pintles of the rudder
were all broken, and new ones obliged to be made; which the sailors told us was very lucky,
as it proved the rudder not to be in good condition, and it might have deserted us at sea.
We lay next a French vessel, smaller than our own, the crew of which became amusing
subjects of remark. They were always whistling, singing, and joking. The men shaved
themselves elaborately, and cultivated heroic whiskers; strutting up and down, when at
leisure, with their arms folded, and the air of naval officers. A woman or two, with
kerchiefs and little curls, completed the picture. They all seemed very merry and
good-humoured. At length, tired of waiting on board, we took a quiet lodging at the
other end of the town, and were pleased to find ourselves sitting
still, and secure of a good rest at night. It is something, after being at sea, to find
oneself not running the fork in one’s eye at dinner, or suddenly sliding down the
floor to the other end of the room. My wife was in a very weak state; but the rest she took
was deep and tranquil, and I resumed my walks. Few of the principal bathing-places have any
thing worth looking at in the neighbourhood, and Ramsgate has less than most.
Pegwell Bay is eminent for shrimps. Close by is Sir William Garrow, and a little farther on is Sir William Curtis. The sea is a grand sight, but it
becomes tiresome and melancholy,—a great monotonous idea. I was destined to see it
grander, and dislike it more.
On Tuesday the 11th of December, we set forth again, in company with
nearly a hundred vessels, the white sails of which, as they shifted and presented
themselves in different quarters, made an agreeable spectacle, exhibiting a kind of noble
minuet. My wife was obliged to be carried down to the
pier in a sedan; and the taking leave, a second time, of a dear friend, rendered our new
departure a melancholy one. I would have stopped and waited for summertime, had not
circumstances rendered it advisable for us to persevere; and my wife herself fully agreed
with me, and even hoped for benefit, as well as a change of weather. Unfortunately, the
promise to that effect lasted us but a day. The winds recommenced the day following, and
there ensued such a continuity and vehemence of bad weather as rendered the winter of 1821
memorable in the shipping annals. It strewed the whole of the north-western coasts of
Europe with wrecks. The reader may remember that winter: it was the one in which
Mount Hecla burst out again into flame, and Dungeness
lighthouse was struck with lightning. The mole at
Genoa was dilapidated. Next year there were between
14 and 15,000 sail less upon Lloyd’s books; which, valued at
an average at £1500, made a loss of two millions of money;—the least of all the
losses, considering the feelings of survivors. Fifteen hundred sail (colliers) were wrecked
on the single coast of Jutland.
Of this turmoil we were destined to have a sufficient experience; and I
will endeavour to give the reader a taste of it, as he sits comfortably in his arm-chair.
He has seen what sort of cabin we occupied. I will now speak of the crew and their mode of
living, and what sort of trouble we partook in common. He may encounter it himself
afterwards if he pleases, and it may do him good; but again I exhort him not to think of
taking a family with him.
Our captain, who was, also proprietor of the vessel, had been master of a
man-of-war, and was more refined in his manners than captains of small merchantmen are used
to be. He was a clever seaman, or he would not have occupied his former post; and I dare
say he conducted us well up and down Channel. The crew, when they were exhausted, accused
him of a wish of keeping us out at sea, to save charges,—perhaps unjustly; for he
became so alarmed himself, or was so little able to enter into the alarms of others, that
he would openly express his fears before my wife and children. He was a man of connexions
superior to his calling; and the consciousness of this, together with success in life, and
a good complexion and set of features which he had had in his time, rendered him, though he
was getting old, a bit of a coxcomb. When he undertook to be agreeable, he assumed a
cleaner dress, and a fidgetty sort of effeminacy, which contrasted very ludicrously with
his old clothes and his doleful roughness during a storm. While it was foul weather, he was
roaring and swearing at the men, like a proper captain of a brig, and then grumbling, and
saying, “Lord bless us and
save us!” in the cabin. If a
glimpse of promise re-appeared, he put on a coat and aspect to correspond, was constantly
putting compliments to the lady, and telling stories of other fair passengers whom he had
conveyed charmingly to their destination. He wore powder; but this not being sufficient
always to conceal the colour of his hair, he told us it had turned grey when he was a
youth, from excessive fright in being left upon a rock. This confession made me conclude
that he was a brave man, in spite of his exclamations. I saw him among his kindred, and he
appeared to be an object of interest to some respectable maiden sisters, whom he treated
kindly, and for whom all the money, perhaps, that he scraped together, was intended. He was
chary of his “best biscuit,” but fond of children; and was inclined to take me
for a Jonah for not reading the Bible, while he made love to the maid-servant. Of such
incongruities are people made, from the Great Captain to the small!
Our mate was a tall handsome young man, with a countenance of great
refinement for a seaman. He was of the humblest origin: yet a certain gentility was natural
in him, as he proved by a hundred little circumstances of attention to the women and
children, when consolation was wanted, though he did not do it ostentatiously or with
melancholy. If a child was afraid, he endeavoured to amuse him with stories. If the women
asked him anxiously how things were going on, he gave them a cheerful answer; and he
contrived to show by his manner that he did not do so in order to make a show of his
courage at their expense. He was attentive without officiousness, and cheerful with quiet.
The only fault I saw in him, was a tendency to lord it over a Genoese boy, an apprentice to
the captain, who seemed ashamed of being among
the crew, and
perhaps gave himself airs. But a little tyranny will creep into the best natures, if not
informed enough, under the guise of a manly superiority; as may be seen so often in upper
boys at school. The little Genoese was handsome, and had the fine eyes of the Italians.
Seeing he was a foreigner, when we first went on board, we asked him whether he was not an
Italian, He said, no he was a Genoese. It is the Lombards, I believe, that are more
particularly understood to be Italians, when a distinction of this kind is made; but I
never heard it afterwards. He complained to me one day, that he wanted books and poetry; and said that the crew were a “brutta gente.” I afterwards met him in
Genoa, when he looked as gay as a lark, and was dressed like a
gentleman. His name was a piece of music,—Luigi Rivarola. There
was another foreigner on board, a Swede, as rough a subject and Northern, as the Genoese
was full of the “sweet South.” He had the reputation of being a capital seaman,
which enabled him to grumble to better advantage than the others. A coat of the
mate’s, hung up to dry, in a situation not perfectly legal, was not to be seen by him
without a comment. The fellow had an honest face withal, but brute and fishy, not unlike a
Triton’s in a picture. He gaped up at a squall, with his bony look, and the hair over
his eyes, as if he could dive out of it in case of necessity. Very different was a fat,
fair-skinned carpenter, with a querulous voice, who complained on all occasions, and in
private was very earnest with the passengers to ask the captain to put into port. And very
different again from him was a jovial strait-forward seaman, a genuine Jack Tar, with a
snub nose and an under lip thrust out, such as we see in caricatures. He rolled about with
the vessel, as if his feet had suckers; and he had an oath and a jest every morning for the bad weather. He said he would have been
“d—d” before he had come to sea this time, if he had known what sort of
weather it was to be; but it was not so bad for him, as for the gentlefolks with their
children.
The crew occupied a little cabin at the other end of the vessel, into
which they were tucked in their respective cribs, like so many herrings. The weather was so
bad, that a portion of them, sometimes all, were up at night, as well as the men on watch.
The business of the watch is to see that all is safe, and to look out for vessels ahead. He
is very apt to go to sleep, and is sometimes waked with a pail of water chucked over him.
The tendency to sleep is very natural, and the sleep in fine weather delicious. Shakspeare may well introduce a sailor boy sleeping on the
topmast, and enjoying a luxury that wakeful kings might envy. But there is no doubt that
the luxury of the watcher is often the destruction of the vessel. The captains themselves,
glad to get to rest, are careless. When we read of vessels run down at sea, we are sure to
find it owing to negligence. This was the case with regard to the steam-vessel, the Comet,
which excited so much interest the other day. A passenger, anxious and kept awake, is
surprised to see the eagerness with which every seaman, let the weather be what it may,
goes to bed. when it comes to his turn. Safety, if they can have it; but sleep at all
events. This seems to be their motto. If they are to be drowned, they would rather have the
two beds together, the watery and the worsted. Dry is too often a term inapplicable to the
latter. In our vessel, night after night, the wet penetrated into the seamen’s
births; and the poor fellows, their limbs stiff and aching with cold, and their hands
blistered with toil, had to get into beds as wretched as if a pail of water had been thrown
over them.
Such were the lives of our crew from the 12th till the 22nd of December,
during which time we were beaten up and down Channel, twice touching the Atlantic, and
driven back again like a hunted ox. One of the gales lasted, without intermission,
fifty-six hours; blowing all the while, as if it would “split its cheeks.” The
oldest seaman on board had never seen rougher weather in Europe. In some parts of the
world, both East and West, there is weather of sudden and more outrageous violence; but
none of the crew had experienced tempests of longer duration, nor more violent for the
climate. The worst of being at sea in weather like this, next to your inability to do any
thing, is the multitude of petty discomforts with which you are surrounded. You can retreat
into no comfort, great or small. Your feet are cold; you can take no exercise on account of
the motion of the vessel; and a fire will not keep in. You cannot sit in one posture. You
lie down, because you are sick; or if others are more sick, you must keep your legs as well
as you can, to help them. At meals, the plates and dishes slide away, now to this side, now
that; making you laugh, it is true; but you laugh more out of satire than merriment. Twenty
to one you are obliged to keep your beds, and chuck the cold meat to one another; or the
oldest and strongest does it for the rest, desperately remaining at table, and performing
all the slides, manœuvres, and sudden rushes, which the fantastic violence of the
cabin’s movements has taught him. Tea, (which, for the refreshment it affords in toil
and privation, may be called the traveller’s wine) is taken as desperately as may be,
provided you can get boiling water; the cook making his appearance, when he can, with his
feet asunder, clinging to the floor, and swaying to and fro with the kettle. (By the by, I
have not mentioned our cook; he was a Mulatto, a merry knave, constantly drunk. But the
habit of drinking, added to a quiet and sly habit of uttering his
words, had made it easy to him to pretend sobriety when he was most intoxicated; and I
believe he deceived the whole of the people on board, except ourselves. The captain took
him for a special good fellow, and felt particularly grateful for his refusals of a glass
of rum; the secret of which was, he could get at the rum whenever he liked, and was never
without a glass of it in his œsophagus. He stood behind you at meals, kneading the
floor with his feet, as the vessel rolled; drinking in all the jokes, or would-be jokes,
that were uttered; and laughing like a dumb goblin. The captain, who had eyes for nothing
but what was right before him, seldom noticed his merry devil; but if you caught his eye,
there he was, shaking his shoulders without a word, while his twinkling eyes seemed to run
over with rum and glee. This fellow, who swore horrid oaths in a tone of meekness, used to
add to my wife’s horrors by descending, drunk as he was, with a lighted candle into
the “Lazaret,” which was a hollow under the cabin, opening with a trapdoor, and
containing provisions and a portion of the gunpowder. The portion was small, but
sufficient, she thought, with the assistance of his candle, to blow its up. Fears for her
children occupied her mind from morning till night, when she sank into an uneasy sleep.
While she was going to sleep I read, and did not close my eyes till towards morning,
thinking (with a wife by my side, and seven children around me) what I should do in case of
the worst. My imagination, naturally tenacious, and exasperated by ill health, clung, not
to every relief, but to every shape of ill that I could fancy. I was tormented with the
consciousness of being unable to divide myself into as many pieces as I had persons
requiring assistance; and must not scruple to own that I suffered a constant dread, which
appeared to me very unbecoming a man of spirit. However, I expressed no sense of it to any
body. I did my best to do my duty and keep up the spirits of those
about me; and your nervousness being a great dealer in your joke fantastic, I succeeded
apparently with all, and certainly with the children. The most uncomfortable thing in the
vessel was the constant wet. Below it penetrated, and on deck you could not appear with dry
shoes but they were speedily drenched. Mops being constantly in use at sea, (for seamen are
very clean in that respect, and keep their vessel as nice as a pet infant,) the sense of
wet was always kept up, whether in wetting or drying; and the vessel, tumbling about,
looked like a wash-house in a fit. We had a goat on board, a present from a kind friend,
anxious that we should breakfast as at home. The storms frightened away its milk, and Lord
Byron’s dog afterwards bit off its ear. But the ducks had the worst of it. These were
truly a sight to make a man hypochondriacal. They were kept in miserable narrow coops, over
which the sea constantly breaking, the poor wretches were drenched and beaten to death.
Every morning, when I came upon deck, some more were killed, or had their legs and wings
broken. The captain grieved for the loss of his ducks, and once went so far as to add to
the number of his losses by putting one of them out of its misery; but nobody seemed to
pity them otherwise. This was not inhumanity, but want of thought. The idea of pitying
live-stock when they suffer, enters with as much difficulty into a head uneducated to that
purpose, as the idea of pitying a diminished piece of beef or a stolen pig. I took care not
to inform the children how much the creatures suffered. My family, with the exception of
the eldest boy, who was of an age to acquire experience, always remained below; and the
children, not aware of any danger, (for I took care to qualify what the captain said, and
they implicitly believed me) were as gay, as confinement and uneasy beds would allow them
to be. With the poor ducks I made them out-rageously merry one
night, by telling them to listen when the next sea broke over us, and they would hear
Mr. P., an acquaintance of theirs, laughing. The noise they made
with their quacking, when they gathered breath after the suffocation of the salt water, was
exactly like what I said: the children listened, and at every fresh agony there was a
shout. Being alarmed one night by the captain’s open expression of his apprehension,
I prepared the children for the worst that might happen, by telling them that the sea
sometimes broke into a cabin, and then there was a dip over head and ears for the
passengers, after which they laughed and made merry. The only time I expressed apprehension
to any body was to the mate, one night when we were wearing ship off the Scilly
rocks, and every body was in a state of anxiety. I asked him, in case of
the worst, to throw open the lid of the cabin-stairs, that the sea might pour in upon us as
fast as possible. He begged me not to have any sad thoughts, for he said I should give them
to him, and he had none at present. At the same time, he turned and severely rebuked the
carpenter, who was looking doleful at the helm, for putting notions into the heads of the
passengers. The captain was unfortunately out of hearing.
I did wrong, at that time, not to “feed better,” as the
phrase is. My temperance was a little ultra-theoretical and excessive; and the mate and I
were the only men on board who drank no spirits. Perhaps there were not many men out in
those dreadful nights in the Channel, who could say as much. The mate, as he afterwards let
me know, felt the charge upon him too great to venture upon an artificial state of courage;
and I feared that what courage was left me, might be bewildered. The consequence was, that
from previous illness and constant excitation, my fancy was sickened into a kind of
hypochondriacal investment
and shaping of things about me. A little
more, and I might have imagined the fantastic shapes which the action of the sea is
constantly interweaving out of the foam at the vessel’s side, to be sea-snakes, or
more frightful hieroglyphics. The white clothes that hung up on pegs in the cabin, took, in
the gloomy light from above, an aspect like things of meaning; and the winds and rain
together, as they ran blind and howling along by the vessel’s side, when I was on
deck, appeared like frantic spirits of the air, chasing and shrieking after one another,
and tearing each other by the hair of their heads. “The grandeur of the
glooms” on the Atlantic was majestic indeed: the healthiest eye would have seen
them with awe. The sun rose in the morning, at once fiery and sicklied over; a livid gleam
played on the water, like the reflection of lead; then the storms would recommence; and
during partial clearings off, the clouds and fogs appeared standing in the sky, moulded
into gigantic shapes, like antediluvian wonders, or visitants from the zodiac; mammoths,
vaster than have yet been thought of; the first ungainly and stupendous ideas of bodies and
legs, looking out upon an unfinished world. These fancies were ennobling, from their
magnitude. The pain that was mixed with some of the others, I might have displaced by a
fillip of the blood.
Two days after we left Ramsgate, the wind blowing
violently from the south-west, we were under close-reefed topsails; but on its veering to
westward, the captain was induced to persevere, in hopes that by coming round to the
north-west, it would enable him to clear the Channel. The ship laboured very much, the sea
breaking over her; and the pump was constantly going.
The next day, the 14th, we shipped a great deal of water, the pump going
as before. The foretopsail and foresail were taken in, and the
storm staysail set; and the captain said we were “in the hands of God.” We now
wore ship to southward.
On the 15th, the weather was a little moderated, with fresh gales and
cloudy. The captain told us to-day how his hair turned white in a shipwreck; and the mate
entertained us with an account of the extraordinary escape of himself and some others from
an American pirate, who seized their vessel, plundered and made it a wreck, and confined
them under the hatches, in the hope of their going down with it. They escaped in a rag of a
boat, and were taken up by a Greek vessel, which treated them with the greatest humanity.
The pirate was afterwards taken, and hung at Malta, with five of his
men. This story, being tragical without being tempestuous, and terminating happily for our
friend, was very welcome, and occupied us agreeably. I tried to get up some ghost stories
of vessels, but could hear of nothing but the Flying
Dutchman: nor did I succeed better on another occasion. This dearth of
supernatural adventure is remarkable, considering the superstition of sailors. But their
wits are none of the liveliest to be acted upon; and then the sea blunts while it
mystifies; and the sailor’s imagination, driven in, like his body, to the vessel he
inhabits, admits only the petty wonders that come directly about him in the shape of
storm-announcing fishes and birds. His superstition is that of a blunted and not of an
awakened ignorance. Sailors had rather sleep than see visions.
On the 16th, the storm was alive again, with strong gales and heavy
squalls. We set the fore storm staysail anew, and at night the jollyboat was torn from the
stern.
The afternoon of the 17th brought us the gale that lasted fifty-six
hours, “one of the most tremendous,” the captain said, “that he had
ever witnessed.” All the sails were taken in, except the
close-reefed topsail and one of the trysails. At night, the wind being at south-west, and
Scilly about fifty miles north by east, the trysail sheet was carried away, and the boom
and sail had a narrow escape. We were now continually wearing ship. The boom was unshipped,
as it was; and it was a melancholy sight to see it lying next morning, with the sail about
it, like a wounded servant who had been fighting. The morning was occupied in getting it to
rights. At night we had hard squalls with lightning.
We lay to under main-topsail until the next morning, the 19th, when at
ten o’clock we were enabled to set the reefed foresail, and the captain prepared to
run for Falmouth; but finding he could not get in till night, we
hauled to the wind, and at three in the afternoon wore ship to southwestward. It was then
blowing heavily; and the sea, breaking over the vessel, constantly took with it a part of
the bulwark. I believe we had long ceased to have a duck alive. The poor goat had contrived
to find itself a corner in the long-boat, and lay frightened and shivering under a piece of
canvass. I afterwards took it down in the cabin to share our lodging with us; but not
having a birth to give it, it passed but a sorry time, tied up and slipping about the
floor. At night we had lightning again, with hard gales, the wind being west and
north-west, and threatening to drive us on the French coast. It was a grand thing, through
the black and turbid atmosphere, to see the great fiery eye of the lighthouse at the Lizard
Point; it looked like a good genius with a ferocious aspect. Ancient mythology would have
made dragons of these noble structures,—dragons with giant glare, warning the seaman
off the coast.
The captain could not get into Falmouth: so he
wore ship, and stood to the westward with fresh hopes, the wind having veered a little to
the north; but, after having run above fifty miles to the south and west, the wind veered
again in our teeth, and at two o’clock on the 20th, we were reduced to a close-reefed
main-topsail, which, being new, fortunately held, the wind blowing so hard that it could
not be taken in without the greatest risk of losing it. The sea was very heavy, and the
rage of the gale tremendous, accompanied with lightning. The children on these occasions
slept, unconscious of their danger. My wife slept too, from exhaustion. I remember, as I
lay awake that night, looking about to see what help I could get from imagination, to
furnish a moment’s respite from the anxieties that beset me, I cast my eyes on the
poor goat; and recollecting how she devoured some choice biscuit I gave her one day, I got
up, and going to the cupboard took out as much as I could find, and occupied myself in
seeing her eat. She munched the fine white biscuit out of my hand, with equal appetite and
comfort; and I thought of a saying of Sir Philip
Sidney’s, that we are never perfectly miserable when we can do a
good-natured action.
I will not dwell upon the thoughts that used to pass, through my mind
respecting my wife and children. Many times, especially when a little boy of mine used to
weep in a manner equally sorrowful and good-tempered, have I thought of Prospero and his infant Miranda in the boat,—“me and thy crying self;” and many
times of that similar divine fragment of Simonides, a
translation of which, if I remember, is to be found in the “Adventurer.” It seemed as if I had no right to bring
so many little creatures into such jeopardy, with peril to their lives and all future
enjoyment; but sorrow and trouble suggested other
reflections
too:—consolations, which even to be consoled with is calamity. However, I will not
recall those feelings any more. Next to tragical thoughts like these, one of the modes of
tormenting oneself at sea, is to raise those pleasant pictures of contrast, dry and
firm-footed, which our friends are enjoying in their warm rooms and radiant security at
home. I used to think of them one after the other, or several of them together, reading,
chatting, and laughing, playing music, or complaining that they wanted a little movement
and must dance; then retiring to easy beds amidst happy families; and perhaps, as the wind
howled, thinking of us. Perhaps, too, they thought of us sometimes in the midst of their
merriment, and longed for us to share it with them. That they did so, is certain; but, on
the other hand, what would we not have given to be sure of the instant at which they were
making these reflections; and how impossible was it to attain to this, or to any other
dry-ground satisfaction! Sometimes I could not help smiling to think how Munden would have exclaimed, in the character of Croaker, “We shall all be blown up!” The
gunpowder I seldom thought of. I had other fish to fry: but it
seemed to give my feet a sting sometimes, as I remembered it in walking the deck. The
demand for dry land was considerable. That is the point with landsmen at
sea;—something unwet, unconfined, but, above all, firm, and that enables you to take
your own steps, physical and moral. Panurge has it
somewhere in Rabelais, but I have lost the passage.
But I must put an end to this unseasonable mirth.—“A large
vessel is coming right down upon us;—lights—lights!” This was the cry at
eleven o’clock at night, on the 21st December, the gale being tremendous, and the sea
to match. Lanthorns were handed up from the cabin,
and, one after
the other, put out. The captain thought it was owing to the wind and the spray; but it was
the drunken steward, who jolted them out as he took them up the ladder. We furnished more,
and contrived to see them kept in; and the captain afterwards told me that we were the
salvation of his vessel. The ship, discerning us just in time, passed ahead, looking very
huge and terrible. Next morning, we saw her about two miles on our lee-bow, lying to under
trysails. It was an Indiaman. There was another vessel, a smaller, near us in the night. I
thought the Indiaman looked very comfortable, with its spacious and powerful body: but the
captain said we were better off a great deal in our own sea-boat; which turned out to be
too true, if this was the same Indiaman, as some thought it, which was lost the night
following off the coast of Devonshire. The crew said, that in one of
the pauses of the wind they heard a vessel go down. We were at that time very near land. At
tea-time the keel of our ship grated against something, perhaps a shoal. The captain
afterwards very properly made light of it; but at the time, being in the act of raising a
cup to his mouth, I remember. He turned prodigiously grave, and, getting up, went upon
deck.
Next day, time 22nd, we ran for Dartmouth, and
luckily succeeding this time, found ourselves, at 12 o’clock at noon, in the middle
of Dartmouth harbour.—
“Magno telluris amore Egressi, optata potiuntur Troës arena.” |
“The Trojans, worn with toils, and spent with woes, Leap on the welcome land, and seek their wish’d repose.” |
Dryden had never been at sea, or he would not have
translated the passage in that meek manner. Virgil knew
better; and besides, he had the proper ancient hydrophobia to
endear his fancy to the dry ground. He says, that the Trojans had got an absolute affection for terra firma, and that they now
enjoyed what they had longed for. Virgil, it must be confessed, talks
very tenderly of the sea for an epic poet. Homer
grapples with it in a very different style. The Greek would hardly have recognized his old
acquaintance Micas in that pious and frightened
personage, who would be designated, I fear, by a modern sailor, a psalm-singing milksop.
But Homer, who was a traveller, is the only poet among the ancients,
who speaks of the sea in a modern spirit. He talks of brushing the waves merrily; and
likens them, when they are dark, to his Chian wine. But Hesiod, though he relates with a modest grandeur that he had once been to
sea, as far as from Aulis to Chalcis, is
shocked at the idea of any body’s venturing upon the water except when the air is
delicate and the water harmless. A spring voyage distresses him, and a winter he holds to
be senseless. Moschus plainly confesses, that the very
sight of the ocean makes him retreat into the woods; the only water he loves being a
fountain to listen to, as he lies on the grass. Virgil took a trip to
Athens, during which he may be supposed to have undergone all
the horrors which he holds to be no disgrace to his hero. Horace’s distress at his friend’s journey, and amazement at the
hardhearted rascal who could first venture to look upon the sea on ship-board, are well
known. A Hindoo could not have a greater dread of the ocean. Poor Ovid, on his way to the place of his exile, wonders how he can write a
line. These were delicate gentlemen at the court of Augustus; and the ancients, it may be said, had very small and bad vessels,
and no compass. But their moral courage appears to have been as poor in this matter as
their physical. Nothing could have given a Roman a more exalted idea of Cæsar’s courage, than his famous speech
to the pilot:—“You carry Cæsar and his
fortunes!” The poets, who take another road to glory, and think no part of humanity
alien from them, spoke out in a different manner. Their office being to feel with all, and
their nature disposing them to it, they seem to think themselves privileged to be bold or
timid, according to circumstances; and doubtless they are so, imagination being the moving
cause in both instances. They perceive also, that the boldest of men are timid under
circumstances in which they have no experience; and this helps the agreeable insolence of
their candour. Rochester said, that every man would
confess himself a coward, if he had but courage enough to do so;—a saying worthy of
an ingenious debauchee, and as false with respect to individuals, as it is perhaps true
with regard to the circumstances, under which any one may find himself. The same person who
shall turn pale in a storm at sea, shall know not what it is to fear the face of man; and
the most fearless of sailors shall turn pale (as I have seen them do) even in storms of an
unusual description. I was once in a scuffle with a party of fishermen on the Thames, when,
in the height of their brutal rage, they were checked and made civil by the mention of the
word law. Rochester talked like the shameless coward that he had made
himself; but even Sir Philip Sidney, the flower of
chivalry, who would have gone through any danger out of principle, (which, together with
the manly habits that keep a man brave, is the true courage,) does not scruple to speak,
with a certain dread, of ships and their strange lodgings.
“Certainly,” says he, in his “Arcadia,” (Book II.) “there is no danger
carries with it more horror, than that which grows in those floating kingdoms. For that
dwelling-place is unnatural to mankind;
and then the terribleness
of the continual motion, the desolation of the far being from comfort, the eye and the ear
having ugly images ever before them, doth still vex the mind, even when it is best armed
against it.”
Ariosto, a soldier as well as poet, who had fought
bravely in the wars, candidly confesses that he is for taking no sea voyages, but is
content to explore the earth with Ptolemy, and travel in
a map. This, he thinks, is better than putting up prayers in a storm. (Satire 3. Chi vuol andar intorno,
&c.) But the most amusing piece of candour on this point is that of Berni, in his “Orlando Innamorato,” one of the models of the Don Juan style. Berni was a good fellow, for a rake; and bold enough, though a courtier, to
refuse aiding a wicked master in his iniquities. He was also, stout of body, and a great
admirer of stout achievements in others, which he dwells upon with a masculine relish. But
the sea he cannot abide. He probably got a taste of it in the
Adriatic, when he was at Venice. He is a
fine describer of a storm, and puts a hero of his at the top of one in a very elevated and
potent manner: (See the description of Rodomonte, at
the beginning of one of his cantos.) But in his own person, he disclaims all partnership
with such exaltations; and earnestly exhorts the reader, on the faith of his experience,
not to think of quitting dry land for an instant.
“Se vi poteste un uomo immaginare, Il qual non sappia quel che sia paura; E se volete un bel modo trovare Da spaventar ogni anima sicura; Quando e fortuna, mettetel’ in mare. Se non lo teme, se non se ne cura, Colui per pazzo abbiate, e non ardito, Perch’ è diviso da la morte un dito. |
“È un’ orribil cosa il mar crocciato: È meglio udirlo, che farne la prova. Creda ciascun a chi dentro v’ è stato; E per provar, di terra non si mova.” Canto 64, st. 4. |
Reader, if you suppose that there can be, In nature, one that’s ignorant of fear And if you’d show the man, as prettily As possible, how people can feel queer,— When there ’s a tempest, clap him in the sea. If he ’s not frightened, if he doesn’t care, Count him a stupid idiot, and not brave, Thus with a straw betwixt him and the grave. |
A sea in torment is a dreadful thing: Much better lie and listen to, than try it. Trust one who knows its desperate pummelling; And while on terra firma, pray stick by it. |
Full of Signor Berni’s
experience, and having, in the shape of our children, seven more reasons than he had to
avail ourselves of it, we here bade adieu to our winter voyage, and resolved to put forth
again in a better season. It was a very expensive change of purpose, and cost us more
trouble than I can express; but I had no choice, seeing my wife was so ill. A few days afterwards, she was obliged to have forty
ounces of blood taken from her at once, to save her life.
Dartmouth is a pretty, forlorn place, deserted of its importance.
Chaucer’s “Schippman” was born there, and it still produces excellent seamen;
but, instead of its former dignity as a port, it looks like a petty town deserted of its
neighbourhood, and left to grow wild and solitary. The beautiful vegetation immediately
about it, added to the bare hills in the background, completes this look of forlornness,
and produces an
effect like that of the grass growing in the
streets of a metropolis. The harbour is landlocked with hills, and wood, and a bit of an
old castle at the entrance; forming a combination very picturesque. Among the old families
remaining in that quarter, the Prideaux, relations of the ecclesiastical historian, live in this town; and going up a solitary street
on the hill-side, I saw on a door the name of Wolcot, a memorandum of a different sort.
Peter Pindar’s family, like the
divine’s, are from Cornwall.
We left Dartmouth, where no ships were in the
habit of sailing for Italy, and went to Plymouth; intending to set
off again with the beginning of spring, in a vessel bound for Genoa. But the mate of it,
who, I believe, grudged us the room we should deprive him of, contrived to tell my
wife a number of dismal stories, both of the ship
and its captain, who was an unlucky fellow that seemed marked by fortune. Misery had also
made him a Calvinist,—the most miserable of all ways of getting comfort; and this was
no additional recommendation. To say the truth, having a pique against my fears on the
former occasion, I was more bent on allowing myself to have none on the present; otherwise,
I should not have thought of putting forth again till the fine weather was complete. But
the reasons that prevailed before, had now become still more imperative; my wife being
confined to her bed, and undergoing repeated bleedings: so, till summer we waited.
Plymouth is a proper modern commercial town, unpicturesque in
itself, with an overgrown suburb, or dock, which has become a town distinct, and other
suburbs carrying other towns along the coast. But the country up the river is beautiful;
and Mount-Edgecumbe is at hand, with its enchanted island, like a
piece of old poetry by the side of new money-getting. Lord
Lyttleton,
in some pretty verses, has introduced the
gods, with Neptune at their head, and the nymphs of land and sea, contesting for the
proprietorship of it;—a dispute which Jupiter settles by saying,
that he made Mount-Edgecumbe for them all. But the best compliment
paid it was by the Duke de Medina Sidonia, admiral of
the Spanish Armada, who, according to Fuller, marked
it out from the sea, as his territorial portion of the booty. “But,” says
Fuller, “he had catched a great cold, had he had no other
clothes to wear than those which were to be made of a skin of a bear not
killed.” In the neighbourhood is a seat of the Carews, the family of the
historian of Cornwall,
and kinsmen of the poet. Near it, on the other side
of the river, was the seat of the Killigrews; another family which
became celebrated in the annals of wit and poetry.* The tops of the two mansions looked at
one another over the trees. In the grounds of the former is a bowling-green, the scene of a
once fashionable amusement, now grown out of use; which is a pity. Fashion cannot too much
identify itself with what is healthy; nor has England been “merry England,”
since late hours and pallid faces came into vogue. But our sedentary thoughts, it is to be
hoped, will help to their own remedy, and in the end leave us better off than before.
The sea upon the whole had done me good, and I found myself able to write
again, though by driblets. We lived very quietly at Stonehouse,
opposite Mount-Edgecumbe, nursing our hopes for a new voyage, and
expecting one of a very different complexion in sailing towards an Italian summer. My wife
kept her bed almost the whole
time, and lost a great deal of blood; but the repose, together with
the sea-air, was of service to her, and enabled her to receive benefit on resuming our
journey. Thus quietly we lived, and thus should have continued, agreeably to both of our
inclinations; but some friends of the Examiner heard of our being in the neighbourhood, and
the privatest of all public men (if I may be ranked among the number) found himself
complimented by his readers, face to face, and presented with a silver cup. I then had a
taste of the Plymouth hospitality, and found it friendly and cordial
to the last degree, as if the seaman’s atmosphere gave a new spirit to the love of
books and liberty. Nor, as the poet would say, was music wanting; nor fair faces, the crown
of welcome. Besides the landscapes in the neighbourhood, I had the pleasure of seeing some
beautiful ones in the painting-room of Mr. Rogers, a
very clever artist and intelligent man, who has travelled, and can think for himself. But
my great Examiner friend, who has since become a
personal one, was Mr. Hine, now master of an academy
near the Metropolis, and the most attentive and energetic person of his profession that I
ever met with. My principal visitors indeed at Plymouth consisted of
schoolmasters;—one of those signs of the times, which has not been so ill regarded
since the accession of a lettered and liberal minister to the government of this country,
as they were under the supercilious ignorance, and (to say the truth) well-founded alarm of
his footmanlike predecessors.
The Devonshire people, as far as I had experience
of them, were pleasant and good-humoured. Queen
Elizabeth said of their gentry, that they were “all born courtiers
with a becoming confidence.” I know not how that may be, though she had a
good specimen in Sir Walter
Raleigh, and a startling one in Stukeley.* But the private history of modern times might
exhibit instances of natives of Devonshire winning their way into
regard and power by the force of a well-constituted mixture of sweet and strong; and it is
curious, that the milder climate of that part of England should have produced more
painters, perhaps, of a superior kind, than any other two counties can show. Drake, Jewel,
Hooker, and old Fortescue, were also Devonshire-men; William
Browne, the most genuine of Spenser’s disciples; and Gay,
the enjoying and the goodhearted, the natural man in the midst of the sophisticate.
We left Plymouth on the 13th of May, 1822,
accompanied by some of our new friends who would see us on board; and set sail in a fresh
vessel, on our new summer voyage, a very different one from the last. Short acquaintances
sometimes cram as much into their intercourse, as to take the footing of long ones; and our
parting was not without pain. Another shadow was cast on the female countenances by the
observation of our boatman, who, though an old sailor who ought to have known better, bade
us remark how heavily laden our ship was, and how deep she lay in the water: so little can
ignorance afford to miss an opportunity of being important. Our new captain, and, I
believe, all his crew, were Welsh, with the exception of one sailor, an unfortunate
Scotchman, who seemed pitched among them to have his nationality put to the torture. Jokes
were unceasingly cracked on the length of his person, the oddity
* See his wild history in Fuller, p. 34, as above. “So confident was his
ambition,” says the biographer, “that he blushed not to tell
Queen Elizabeth, that he preferred
rather to be sovereign of a mole-hill, than the highest subject to the greatest
king in Christendom; adding, moreover, that he was assured he should be a
prince before his death. ‘I hope,’ said Queen
Elizabeth, ‘that I shall hear from you when you are stated
in your principality.’—‘I will write unto you,’ quoth
Stukeley.—‘In what
language?’ said the Queen. He returned, ‘In the style of
princes—To our Dear Sister.’” |
of his dialect, and the uncouth manner in which he stood at the
helm. It was a new thing to hear Welshmen cutting up the barbarism of the
“Modern Athens;” but they had the advantage of the
poor fellow in wit, and he took it with a sort of sulky patience, that showed he was not
destitute of one part of the wisdom of his countrymen. To have made a noise would have been
to bring down new shouts of laughter; so he pocketed the affronts as well as he might, and
I could not help fancying that his earnings lay in the same place more securely than most
of those about him. The captain was choleric and brusque, a
temperament which was none the better for an inclination to plethora; but his enthusiasm in
behalf of his brother tars, and the battles they had fought, was as robust as his frame;
and he surprised me with writing verses on the strength of it. Very good heart and impart verses they were too, and would have cut
as good a figure as any in one of the old magazines. While he read them, he rolled the
r’s in the most rugged style, and looked as if he could have run them down the
throats of the enemy. The objects of his eulogy he called “our gallant herroes.”
We took leave of Plymouth with a fine wind at
North-east; and next day, on the confines of the Channel, spoke the Two Sisters, of
Guernsey, from Rio Janeiro. On a long
voyage, ships lose their longitude; and our information enabled the vessel to enter the
Channel with security. Ships approaching and parting from one another, present a fine
spectacle, shifting in the light, and almost looking conscious of the grace of their
movements. Sickness here began to prevail again among us, with all but myself, who am never
sea-sick. I mention it in order to notice a pleasant piece of thanks which I received from
my eldest boy, who, having suffered dreadfully in the former voyage, was grateful for my
not having allowed him to eat butter in the
interval. I know not
whether my paternity is leading me here into too trifling a matter; but I mention the
circumstance, because there may be intelligent children among my readers, with whom it may
turn to account.
We were now on the high Atlantic, with fresh health and hopes, and the
prospect of an easy voyage before us. Next night, the 15th, we saw, for the first time, two
grampuses, who interested us extremely with their unwieldy gambols. They were very
large,—in fact, a small kind of whale; but they played about the vessel like kittens,
dashing round, and even under it, as if in scorn of its progress. The swiftness of fish is
inconceivable. The smallest of them must be enormously strong: the largest are as gay as
the least. One of these grampuses fairly sprang out of the water, bolt upright. The same
day, we were becalmed in the Bay of Biscay;—a pleasant
surprise. A calm in the Bay of Biscay, after what we had read and
heard of it, sounded to us like repose in a boiling cauldron. But a calm, after all, is not
repose: it is a very unresting and unpleasant thing, the ship taking a great gawky motion
from side to side, as if playing the buffoon; and the sea heaving in huge oily-looking
fields, like a carpet lifted. Sometimes it looks striped into great ribbons; but the sense
of it is always more or less unpleasant, and to impatient seamen must be torture.
The next day we were still becalmed. A small shark played all day long
about the vessel, but was shy of the bait. The sea was swelling, and foul with putrid
substances, which made us think what it would be if a calm continued a month. Mr. Coleridge has touched upon that matter, with the hand
of a master, in his “Ancient
Mariner.” (Here are three words in one sentence beginning with M and ending with R; to the great horror of
Mr. Wordsworth, provided he does me the honour
of reading me. But the compliment to Mr.
Coleridge shall be the greater, since it is at my own expense.) During a
calm, the seamen, that they may not be idle, are employed in painting the vessel:—an
operation that does not look well amidst the surrounding aspect of sickness and faintness.
The favourite colours are black and yellow; I believe, because they are the least
expensive. They are certainly the most ugly.
On the 17th, we had a fine breeze at north-east. There is great enjoyment
in a beautiful day at sea. You quit all the discomforts of your situation for the comforts;
interchange congratulations with the seamen, who are all in good humour; seat yourself at
ease on the deck, enjoy the motion, the getting on, the healthiness of the air; watch idly
for new sights; read a little, or chat, or give way to a day-dream; then look up again, and
expatiate on the basking scene around you, with its ripples blue or green, and
gold,—what the old poet beautifully calls the innumberable smile of the waters.
“Ποντιων
τε χυματων Ανηζιφμον
γελασμα” |
The appearance of another vessel sets conjecture alive:—it is “a
Dane,” “a Frenchman,” “a Portuguese,” and these words have a
new effect upon us, as if we became intimate with the country to which they belong. A more
striking effect of the same sort is produced by the sight of a piece of land;—it is
Flamborough Head, Ushant, Cape
Ortegal:—you see a part of another country, one perhaps on which you
have never set foot; and this is a great thing: it gives you an advantage: others have read
of Spain or Portugal; you have seen it, and are a grown man and a traveller, compared with
those little children of books. These novelties affect the dullest;
but to persons of any imagination and such as are ready for any pleasure or consolation
that nature offers them, they are like pieces of a new morning of life. The world seems
begun again, and our stock of knowledge recommencing on a new plan.
Then at night-time, there are those beautiful fires on the water, by the
vessel’s side, upon the nature of which people seem hardly yet agreed. Some take them
for animal decay, some for living animals, others for electricity. Perhaps all have to do
with it. In a fine blue sea, the foam caused by the vessel at night, seems full of stars:
the white ferment, with the golden sparkles in it, is beautiful beyond conception. You look
over, and devour it with your eyes, as you would so much ethereal syllabub. Finally, the
stars in the firmament issue forth, and the moon, always the more lovely the farther you
get south; or when there is no moon on the sea, the shadows at a little distance become
grander and more solemn, and you watch for some huge fish to lift himself in the middle of
them,—a darker mass, breathing and spouting water.
The fish appear very happy. Some are pursued indeed, and others pursue;
there is a world of death as well as life going on. The mackarel avoids the porpus, and the
porpus eschews the whale; there is the sword-fish, who runs a-muck; and the shark, the
cruel scavenger. These are startling commonplaces: but it is impossible, on reflection, to
separate the idea of happiness from that of health and activity. The fishes are not sick or
sophisticate; their blood is pure, their strength and agility prodigious; and a little
peril, for aught we know, may serve to keep them moving, and give a relish to their
vivacity. I looked upon the sea as a great tumbling wilderness, full of sport. To eat fish
at sea, however, hardly looked fair, though it was the fairest
of occasions: it seemed as if, not being an inhabitant, I had no right to the produce. I
did not know how the dolphins might take it. At nighttime, lying in a bed beneath the level
of the water, I fancied sometimes that a fellow looked at me as he went by with his great
sidelong eyes, gaping objection. It was strange, I thought, to find oneself moving onward
cheek by jowl with a porpus, or yawning in concert with a shark.
On the 21st, after another two days of calm, and one of rain, we passed
Cape Finisterre. There was a heavy swell and rolling. Being now
on the Atlantic, with not even any other name for the part of it that we sailed over to
interrupt the widest association of ideas, I thought of America, and Columbus, and the chivalrous squadrons that set out from
Lisbon, and the old Atlantis of Plato, formerly supposed to exist off the coast of Portugal.
It is curious, that the Portuguese have a tradition to this day, that there is an island
occasionally seen off the coast of Lisbon. The story of the
Atlantis looks like some old immemorial tradition of a country
that has really existed; nor is it difficult to suppose that there was formerly some great
tract of land, or even continent, occupying these now watery regions, when we consider the
fluctuation of things, and those changes of dry to moist, and of lofty to low, which are
always taking place all over the globe. Off the coast of Cornwall,
the mariner, it has been said, now rides over the old country of
Lyones, or whatever else it was called, if that name be
fabulous; and there are stories of doors and casements, and other evidences of occupation,
brought up from the bottom. These indeed have lately been denied, or reduced to nothing:
but old probabilities remain. In the Eastern seas, the gigantic work of creation is visibly
going on, by
means of those little creatures, the coral worms; and
new lands will as assuredly be inhabited there after a lapse of centuries, as old ones have
vanished in the West. “So, in them all, raignes mutabilitie.” |
22. Fine breeze to-day from the N.E. A great shark went by. One longs to
give the fellow a great dig in the mouth. Yet he is only going “on his
vocation.” Without him, as without the vultures on land, something would be amiss. It
is only moral pain and inequality which it is desirable to alter,—that which the mind
of man has an invincible tendency to alter.
To-day the seas reminded me of the “marmora
pelagi,” of Catullus. They
looked, at a little distance, like blue water petrified. You might have supposed, that by
some sudden catastrophe, the great ocean had been turned into stone; and the mighty
animals, whose remains we find in it, fixed there for ever. A shoal of porpuses broke up
the fancy. Waves might be classed, as clouds have been; and more determination given to
pictures of them. We ought to have waves and wavelets, billows, fluctuosities, &c., a
marble sea, a sea weltering. The sea varies its look at the immediate side of the vessel,
according as the progress is swift or slow. Sometimes it is a crisp and rapid flight,
hissing; sometimes an interweaving of the foam in snake-like characters; sometimes a heavy
weltering, shouldering the ship on this side and that. In what is called “the trough
of the sea,” which is a common state to be in during violent weather, the vessel
literally appears stuck and labouring in a trough, the sea looking on either side like a
hill of yeast. This was the gentlest sight we used to have in the Channel; very different
from our summer amenities.
A fine breeze all night, with many porpuses. Porpuses are supposed to
portend a change of weather, of some sort, bad or good: they are not prognosticators of bad
alone. At night there was a “young May moon,” skimming between the dark clouds,
like a slender boat of silver. I was upon deck, and found the watcher fast asleep. A vessel
might have tipped us all into the water, for any thing that he knew, or perhaps cared.
There ought to be watchers on board ship, exclusively for that office. It is not to be
expected that sailors, who have been up and at work all day, should not sleep at night,
especially out in the air. It is as natural to these children of the sea, as to infants
carried out of doors. The sleeper, in the present instance, had a pail thrown over him one
night, which only put him in a rage, and perhaps made him sleep out of spite next time. He
was a strong, hearty Welsh lad, healthy and good-looking, in whose veins life coursed it so
happily, that, in order to put him on a par with less fortunate constitutions, fate seemed
to have brought about a state of warfare between him and the captain, who thought it
absolutely necessary to be always giving him the rope’s end. Poor
John used to dance and roar with the sting of it, and take care to
deserve it better next time. He was unquestionably “very aggravating,” as the
saying is; but, on the other hand, the rope was not a little provoking.
23. A strong breeze from the N. and N. E., with clouds and rain. The foam
by the vessel’s side was full of those sparkles I have mentioned, like stars in
clouds of froth. On the 24th, the breeze increased, but the sky was fairer, and the moon
gave a light. We drank the health of a friend in England, whose birthday it was; being
great observers of that part of religion. The 25th brought us beautiful weather, with a
wind right from the north, so that we ran down the remainder of the
coast of Portugal in high style. Just as we desired it too, it changed to N. W., so as to
enable us to turn the Strait of Gibraltar merrily. Cape
St. Vincent, (where the battle took place,) just before you come to
Gibraltar, is a beautiful lone promontory jutting out upon the
sea, and crowned with a convent: it presented itself to my eyes the first thing when I came
upon deck in the morning,—clear, solitary, blind-looking; feeling, as it were, the
sea air and the solitude for ever, like something between stone and spirit. It reminded me
of a couplet, written not long before) of —“Ghastly castle, that eternally Holds its blind visage out to the lone sea.” |
Such things are beheld in one’s day-dreams, and we almost start to find them
real. Between the Cape and Gibraltar were some fishermen, ten or
twelve in a boat, fishing with a singular dancing motion of the line. These were the first
“Southrons” we had seen in their own domain; and they interested us
accordingly. One mall took off his cap. In return for this politeness, the sailors joked
them in bad Portuguese, and shouted with laughter at the odd sound of their language when
they replied. A seaman, within his ship and his limited horizon, thinks he contains the
whole circle of knowledge. Whatever gives him a hint of any thing else, he looks upon as
absurdity; and is the first to laugh at his own ignorance, without knowing it, in another
shape. That a Portuguese should not be able to speak English, appears to him the most
ludicrous thing in the world; while, on his part, he affects to think it a condescension to
speak a few rascally words of Portuguese, though he is in reality very proud of them. The
more ignorance and inability, the more pride and intolerance. A servant-maid whom we took
with us to Italy, could not “abide” the disagreeable sound of Tuscan; and professed to change the word grazie into grochy, because it was prettier.
All this corner of the Peninsula is rich in ancient and modern interest.
There is Cape St. Vincent, just mentioned;
Trafalgar, more illustrious; Cadiz, the
city of Geryon; Gibraltar, and
the other pillar of Hercules; Atlantis, Plato’s Island, which he puts hereabouts; and the
Fortunate Islands, Elysian Fields, or
Gardens of the Hesperides, which, under different appellations,
and often confounded with one another, lay in this part of the Atlantic, according to
Pliny. Here, also, if we are to take Dante’s word for it, Ulysses found a grave, not unworthy of his life in the “Odyssey.” Milton ought to have come this way from Italy, instead of twice going
through France: he would have found himself in a world of poetry, the unaccustomed grandeur
of the sea keeping it in its original freshness, unspoilt by the commonplaces that beset us
on shore: and his descriptions would have been still finer for it. It is observable, that
Milton does not deal much in descriptions of the ocean, a very
epic part of poetry. He has been at Homer and Apollonius, more than at sea. In one instance, he is content
with giving us an ancient phrase in one half of his line, and a translation of it in the
other:
“On the clear hyaline,—the glassy sea.” |
The best describer of the sea, among our English poets, is Spenser, who was conversant with the Irish Channel. Shakspeare, for an inland poet, is wonderful; but his
astonishing sympathy with every thing, animate and inanimate, made him lord of the
universe, without stirring from his seat. Nature brought her shows to him like a servant,
and drew back for his eye the curtains of time and place. Milton and
Dante speak of the ocean as of a great plain.
Shakspeare talks as if he had ridden upon it, and felt its
unceasing motion.
“The still-vext
Bermoothes.” |
What a presence is there in that epithet He draws a rocky
island with its waters about it, as if he had lived there all his life; and he was the
first among our dramatists to paint a sailor,—as he was to lead the way in those
national caricatures of Frenchmen, Scotchmen, and Irishmen. says Prospero,— “Weak masters though ye be, I have be-dimmed The noon-tide sun, called forth the mutinous winds, And ’twixt the green sea and the azur’d vault Set roaring war.” |
He could not have said it better, had he been buffeted with all the blinding and
shrieking of a Channel storm. As to Spenser, see his comparisons of
“billows in the Irish sounds;” his “World of waters, wide and deep,” |
in the first book,—much better than “the ocean floor” (suol marino) of Dante; and all the sea-pictures, both fair and stormy, in
the wonderful twelfth canto of Book the Second, with its fabulous ichthyology, part of
which I must quote here for the pleasure of poetical readers: for the seas ought not to be
traversed without once adverting to these other shapes of their terrors— “All dreadfull pourtraicts of deformitie; Spring-headed hydras, and sea-shouldering whales; Great whirle-pooles which all fishes make to flee; Bright scolopendras, armed with silver scales; Mighty monoceros with immeasured tayles.* |
* This is the smisurato of the Italians. In
the “Orlando Innamorato,”
somebody comes riding on a smisurato cavallone, an immeasurable horse. |
“The dreadfull fish that hath deserved the name Of Death, and like him looks in dreadfull hew; The griesly wasserman, that makes his game The flying ships with swiftness to pursew; The horrible sea-satyre, that doth shew His fearefull face in time of greatest storm; Huge ziffius, whom mariners eschew No less than rocks, as travellers informe; |
(How he loads his verses with a weight of apprehension, as if it was all
real!)
And greedy rosmarines, with visages deforme. |
“All these, and thousand thousands many more, And more deformed monsters, thousand-fold, With dreadfull noise and hollow rumbling rore Came rushing, in the fomy waves enroll’d, Which seemed to fly, for feare them to behold. No wonder if these did the knight appall; For all that here on earth we dreadfull hold, Be but as bugs to fearen babes withall, Compared to the creatures in the sea’s entr’all.” |
Five dreadfulls in the course of three stanzas,
and not one too many, any more than if a believing child were talking to us.
Gibraltar has a noble look, tall, hard, and independent. But you do
not wish to live there:—it is a fortress, and an insulated rock, and this is but a
prison. The inhabitants feed luxuriously, with the help of their fruits and smugglers.
The first sight of Africa is an achievement. Voyagers in our situation
are obliged to be content with a mere sight of it; but that is much. They have seen another
quarter of the globe. “Africa!” They look at it, and repeat the word, till the
whole burning and savage territory, with its black inhabitants and its lions, seems put
into their possession. Ceuta
and Tangier bring the old Moorish times
before you; “Ape’s Hill,” which is pointed out,
sounds fantastic and remote, “a wilderness of monkies;” and as all shores, on
which you do not clearly distinguish objects, have a solemn and romantic look, you get rid
of the petty effect of those vagabond Barbary States that occupy the coast, and think at
once of Africa, the country of deserts and wild beasts, the “dry-nurse of
lions;” as Horace, with a vigour beyond
himself, calls it.
At Gibraltar you first have a convincing proof of
the rarity of the southern atmosphere, in the near look of the Straits, which seem but a
few miles across, though they are thirteen.
But what a crowd of thoughts face one on entering the Mediterranean!
Grand as the sensation is, in passing through the classical and romantic memories of the
sea off the western coast of the Peninsula, it is little compared with this. Countless
generations of the human race, from three quarters of the world, with all the religions,
and the mythologies, and the genius, and the wonderful deeds, good and bad, that have
occupied almost the whole attention of mankind, look you in the face from the galleries of
that ocean-floor, rising one above another, till the tops are lost in heaven. The water at
your feet is the same water that bathes the shores of Europe, of Africa, and of
Asia,—of Italy and Greece, and the Holy Land, and the lands of chivalry and romance,
and pastoral Sicily, and the Pyramids, and old
Crete, and the Arabian city of Al Cairo,
glittering in the magic lustre of the Thousand and
One Nights. This soft air in your face, comes from the grove of
“Daphne by Orontes;”
these lucid waters, that part from before you like oil, are the same from which
Venus arose, pressing them out of her hair. In that quarter
Vulcan fell—
“Dropt from the zenith like a falling star:” |
and there is Circe’s
Island, and Calypso’s, and the promontory of
Plato, and Ulysses wandering, and Cymon and
Miltiades fighting, and Regulus crossing the sea to Carthage, and “Damasco and Morocco, and
Trebisond; And whom Biserta sent from Afric shore, By Fontarabia.” |
The mind hardly separates truth from fiction in thinking of all these things, nor does
it wish to do so. Fiction is Truth in another shape, and gives as close embraces. You may
shut a door upon a ruby, and render it of no colour; but the colour shall not be the less
enchanting for that, when the sun, the poet of the world, touches it with his golden pen.
What we glow at and shed tears over, is as real as love and pity.
At night the moon arose in a perfection of serenity, and restored the
scene to the present moment. I could not help thinking, however, of Anacreon (poets are of all moments), and fancying some
connexion with moonlight in the very sound of that beautiful verse in which he speaks of
the vernal softness of the waves:—
I write the verse in English characters, that every reader may taste it. All our Greek beauties why should schools engross? |
I used to feel grateful to Fielding and
Smollett, when a boy, for writing their Greek in
English. It is like catching a bit of a beautiful song, though one does not know the words.
27. Almost a calm. We proceeded at no greater rate than a mile an hour. I
kept repeating to myself the word Mediterranean; not the word in prose, but the word in
verse, as it stands at the beginning of the line:
“And the sea Mediterranean.” |
We saw the mountains about Malaga, topped with snow.
Velez Malaga is probably the place at which Cervantes landed on his return from captivity at
Algiers. (See Don
Quixote, Vol. ii. p. 208. Sharpe’s
edition.) I had the pleasure of reading the passage, while crossing the line betwixt the
two cities. It is something to sail by the very names of Granada and
Andalusia. There was a fine sunset over the hills of
Granada. I imagined it lighting up the
Alhambra. The clouds were like great wings of gold and yellow
and rose-colour, with a smaller minute sprinkle in one spot, like a shower of glowing
stones from a volcano. You see very faint imitations of such lustre in England. A heavy dew
succeeded; and a contrary wind at south-east, but very mild. At night, the reflection of
the moon on the water was like silver snakes.
We had contrary winds for several days in succession, but nothing to
signify after our winter. On the 28th we saw a fire at night on the coast of
Granada, and similar lights on the hills. The former was perhaps
made by smugglers, the latter in burning charcoal or heath. A gull came to us next day,
hanging in the air, like the dove in the picture, a few yards distance from the trysail,
and occasionally dipping in the water for fish. It had a small head, and long beak, like a
snipe’s; wings tipped with black. It reminded us of Mr.
Coleridge’s poem; which my eldest boy, in the teeth of his
father’s rhymes, has the impu-
dence to think (now, as he did
then) the finest poem in the world. We may say of the “Ancient Mariner,” what is only to be said of the
very finest poems, that it is equally calculated to please the imaginations of the most
childlike boy and the profoundest man; extremes, which meet in those superhuman places; and
superhuman, in a sense exquisitely human, as well as visionary. I believe Mr.
Coleridge’s young admirer would have been as much terrified at
shooting this albatross, as the one the poet speaks of; not to mention that he could not be
quite sure it was a different one.
30. Passed Cape de Gata. My wife was very ill, but gladly observed that illness itself
was not illness, compared to what she experienced in the winter voyage. She never
complained, summer or winter. It is very distressing not to be able to give perfect comfort
to patients of this generous description. The Mediterranean Sea, after the Channel, was
like a bason of gold fish; but when the winds are contrary, the waves of it have a short
uneasy motion, that fidget the vessel, and make one long for the nobler billows of the
Atlantic. The wind too was singularly unpleasant,—moist and feverish. It continued
contrary for several days, but became more agreeable, and sunk almost into a calm on the 3d
of June. It is difficult for people on shore, in spite of their geographical knowledge, not
to suppose that the view is very extensive at sea. Intermediate objects being out of the
way, and the fancy taking wing like the dove of Noah, they imagine the
“ocean-floor,” as the poets call it, stretching in an interminable level all
round, or bounded by an enormous horizon; whereas, the range of vision is limited to a
circumference of about fourteen miles, and the uninterrupted concave of the horizon all
round, completes the look of enclosure and limitation. A man on the top of a moderate hill,
may see four or five times as far as from the
mainmast of a
man-of-war. In the thin atmosphere of the south, the horizon appears to be still more
circumscribed. You seem to have but a few miles around you, and can hardly help fancying
that the sea is on a miniature scale, proportioned to its delicacy of behaviour.
On the day above-mentioned, we saw the land between Cape St.
Martin and Alicant. The coast hereabouts is all of
the same rude and grey character. From this night to the next it was almost a calm, when a
more favourable wind sprang up at east-south-east. The books with which I chiefly amused
myself in the Mediterranean, were “Don
Quixote,” (for reasons which will be obvious to the reader,)
“Ariosto” and “Berni,” (for similar reasons, their heroes having to
do with the coasts of France and Africa,) and Bayle’s admirable “Essay on Comets,” which I picked up at Plymouth.
It is the book that put an end to the superstition about comets. It is full of amusement,
like all his dialectics; and holds together a perfect chain-armour of logic, the handler of
which may also cut his fingers with it at every turn, almost every link containing a double
edge. A generation succeeds quietly to the good done it by such works, and its
benefactor’s name is sunk in the washy, churchwarden pretensions of those whom he has
enriched. As to what seems defective in Bayle on the score of natural
piety, the reader may supply that. A benevolent work, tending to do away real dishonour to
things supernatural, will be no hindrance to any benevolent addition which others can bring
it; nor would Bayle, with his good-natured face, and the scholarly
simplicity of his life, have found fault with it. But he was a soldier, after his fashion,
with the qualities, both positive and negative, fit to keep him one; and some things must
be dispensed with, in such a case, on the side of what is desirable, for the sake of the
part
that is taken in the overthrow of what is detestable, Him whom
inquisitors hate, angels may love.
All day, on the 5th, we were off the island of
Yvica. The wind was contrary again till evening.
Yvica was about ten miles off, when nearest. It has a barren look,
with its rock in front. Spain was in sight; before and beyond, Cape St.
Martin. The high land of Spain above the clouds had a look really
mountainous. After having the sea to ourselves for a long while, we saw a vessel in our own
situation, beating to wind and tide. Sympathy is sometimes cruel as well as kind. One likes
to have a companion in misfortune. At night fell a calm.
6th. It was a grand thing this evening, to see on one side of us the
sunset, and on the other night already on the sea.
“Ruit oceano nox.” It is not true that there
is no twilight in the south, but it is very brief; and before the day is finished on one
side, night is on the other. You turn, and behold it unexpectedly,—a black shade that
fills one end of the horizon, and seems at once brooding and coming on. One sight like
this, to a Hesiod or a Thales, is sufficient to fill poetry for ever with those images of
brooding, and of raven wings, and the birth of Chaos, which are associated with the
mythological idea of night. To-day we hailed a ship bound for Nice,
which would not tell us the country she came from. Questions put by one vessel to another
are frequently refused an answer, for reasons of knavery or supposed policy. It was curious
to hear our rough and informal captain speaking through his trumpet with all the precision
and loud gravity of a preacher. There is a formula in use on these occasions, that has an
old and scriptural effect. A ship descried, appears to the sailors like a friend visiting
them in prison. All hands are interested: all eyes turn to the same quarter; the business
of the vessel is suspended; and such as have licence to do so,
crowd on the gangway; the captain, with an air of dignity, having his trumpet brought him.
You think that “What cheer, ho!” is to follow, or “Well, my lads, who are
you; and where are you going?” Not so: the captain applies his mouth with a pomp of
preparation, and you are startled with the following primitive shouts, all uttered in a
high formal tone, with due intervals between, as if a Calvinistic Stentor were questioning
a man from the land of Goshen. “What is your name?” “Whence come you?” “Whither are you bound?” |
After the question “What is your name?” all ears are bent to listen. The
answer comes, high and remote, nothing perhaps being distinguished of it but the vowels.
The “Sall-of-Hym,” you must translate into the Sally of
Plymouth. “Whence come you?” All ears bent again.
“Myr” or “Mau,” is Smyrria or Malta.
“Whither are you bound?” All ears again. No answer. “D—d if
he’ll tell,” cries the captain, laying down at once his trumpet and his
scripture.
7th. Saw the Colombrettes, and the land about
Torfosa. Here commences the classical ground of Italian romance.
It was on this part of the west of Spain, that the Paynim chivalry used to land, to go
against Charlemagne. Here Orlando played the tricks that got him the title of Furioso; and from the
port of Barcelona, Angelica and
Medoro took ship for her dominion of
Cathay. I confess I looked at these shores with a human
interest, and could not help fancying that the keel of our vessel was crossing a real line,
over which knights and lovers had passed. And so they have, both real and fabulous; the
former not less romantic, the latter scarcely less real; to thousands, indeed, much more
so;
for who knows of hundreds of real men and women, that have
crossed these waters, and suffered actual passion on those shores and hills? and who knows
not Orlando and all the hard blows he gave, and the
harder blow than all given him by two happy lovers; and the lovers themselves, the
representatives of all the young love that ever was? I had a grudge of my own against
Angelica, looking upon myself as jilted by those
fine eyes which the painter has given her in the English picture; for I took her for a more
sentimental person; but I excused her, seeing her beset and tormented by all those very
meritorious knights, who thought they earned a right to her by hacking and hewing; and I
more than pardoned her, when I found that Medoro,
besides being young and handsome, was a friend and a devoted follower. But what of that?
They were both young and handsome; and love, at that time of life, goes upon no other
merits, taking all the rest upon trust in the generosity of its wealth, and as willing to
bestow a throne as a ribbon, to show the all-sufficiency of its contentment. Fair speed
your sails over the lucid waters, ye lovers, on a lover-like sea! Fair speed them, yet
never land; for where the poet has left you, there ought ye, as ye are, to be living for
ever—for ever gliding about a summer-sea, touching at its flowery islands, and
reposing beneath its moon.
The blueness of the water about these parts was excessive, especially in
the shade next the vessel’s side. The gloss of the sunshine was there taken off, and
the colour was exactly that of the bottles sold in the shops with gold stoppers. In the
shadows caused by the more transparent medium of the sails, an exquisite radiance was
thrown up, like light struck out of a great precious stone. These colours, contrasted with
the yellow of the horizon at sunset, formed one of those spectacles of beauty, which it is
difficult to believe not intended to delight many more spec-
tators
than can witness them with human eyes. Earth and sea are full of gorgeous pictures, which
seem made for a nobler and certainly a more numerous admiration, than is found among
ourselves. Individuals may roam the loveliest country for a summer’s day, and hardly
meet a person bound on the same enjoyment as themselves. Does human nature flatter itself
that all this beauty was made for its dull and absent eyes, gone elsewhere to poke about
for pence? Or, if so, is there not to be discerned in it a new and religious reason for
being more alive to the wholesome riches of nature, and less to those carking cares and
unneighbourly emulations of cities?
8th. Calm till evening, when a fairer wind arose, which continued all
night. There was a divine sunset over the mouth of the Ebro,—majestic, dark-embattled
clouds, with an intense sun venting itself above and below like a Shekinah, and the rest of
the heaven covered with large flights of little burnished and white clouds. It was what is
called in England a mackarel sky,—an appellation which may serve to show how much
inferior it is to a sky of the same mottled description in the south. All colours in the
north are comparatively cold and fishy. You have only to see a red cap under a
Mediterranean sun, to be convinced that our painters will never emulate those of Italy as
our poets have done. They are birds of a different clime, and are modified accordingly.
They do not live upon the same lustrous food, and will never show it in their plumage.
Poetry is the internal part, or sentiment, of what is material; and therefore, our thoughts
being driven inwards, and rendered imaginative by these very defects of climate which
discolour to us the external world, we have had among us some of the greatest poets that
ever existed. It is observable, that the greatest poets of Italy came from
Tuscany, where there is a great deal of inclemency in the
seasons. The
painters were from Venice,
Rome, and other quarters; some of which, though more northern,
are more genially situated. The hills about Florence made Petrarch and Dante well
acquainted with winter; and they were also travellers, and unfortunate. These are mighty
helps to reflection. Titian and Raphael had nothing to do but to paint under a blue sky
half the day, and play with their mistress’s locks all the rest of it. Let a painter
in cloudy and bill-broking England do this, if he can.
9th. Completely fair wind at south-west. Saw
Montserrat. The sun, reflected on the water from the lee
studding-sail, was like shot silk. At half-past seven in the evening, night was risen in
the east, while the sun was setting opposite. “Black night has come up
already,” said the captain. A fair breeze all night and all next day, took us on at
the rate of about five miles an hour, very refreshing after the calms and foul winds. We
passed the Gulf of Lyons still more pleasantly than we did the
Bay of Biscay, for in the latter there was a calm. In both of
these places, a little rough handling is generally looked for. A hawk settled on the
main-yard, and peered about the birdless main.
11. Light airs not quite fair, till noon, when they returned and were
somewhat stronger. (I am thus particular in my daily notices, both to complete the
reader’s sense of the truth of my narrative, and to give him the benefit of them in
case he goes the same road.) The land about Toulon was now visible,
and then the Hieres Islands, a French paradise of oranges and sweet
airs—
“Cheer’d with the grateful smell, old Ocean
smiles.”— |
The perfume exhaling from these, and other flowery coasts is no fable, as every one
knows who has passed Gibraltar and the coast of
Genoa. M. le Franc de
Pompignan, in some verses of the commonest French
manufacture, tells us, with respect to the Hieres Islands, that
Vertumnus, Pomona, Zephyr, &c. “reign
there always,” and that the place is “the asylum of their loves, and the throne
of their empire.” Very private and public! “Vertumne, Pomone, Zéphyre
Avec Flore y règnent toujours; C’est l’asyle lie leurs amours, Et le trone de leur empire.” |
It was the coast of Provence we were now looking
upon, the land of the Troubadours. It seemed but a short cut over to Tripoli, where
Geoffrey Rudel went to look upon his mistress
and die. But our attention was called off by a less romantic spectacle, a sight unpleasant
to an Englishman,—the union flag of
Genoa and Sardinia hoisted on a boat. An
independent flag of any kind is something; a good old battered and conquered one is much;
but this bit of the Holy Alliance livery, patched up among his brother servants, by poor
Lord Castlereagh, and making its bow in the very
seas where Andrew Doria feasted an Emperor and
refused a sovereignty, was a baulk, of a very melancholy kind of burlesque. The Sardinian
was returning with empty wine casks from the French coast; a cargo, which, at the hour of
the day when we saw it, probably bore the liveliest possible resemblance to the heads whom
he served. The wind fell in the evening, and there was a dead calm all night. At eleven
o’clock, a grampus was heard breathing very hard, but we could not see it on account
of the mists, the only ones we had experienced in the Mediterranean. These sounds of great
fish in the night-time are very imposing, the creature displacing a world of water about
it, as it dips and rises at intervals on its billowy path.
12th. During the night we must have crossed the path which Bonaparte took to Antibes from
Elba. We went over it as unconsciously as he now travels round
with the globe in his long sleep. Talking with the captain to-day, I learnt that his
kindred and he monopolize the whole employment of his owner, and that his father served in
it thirty-three years out of fifty. There is always something respectable in continuity and
duration, where it is maintained by no ignoble means. If this family should continue to be
masters and conductors of vessels for two or three generations more, especially in the same
interest, they will have a sort of moral pedigree to show, far beyond those of many proud
families, who do nothing at all because their ancestors did something a hundred years back.
I will here set down a memorandum, with regard to vessels, which may be useful. The one we
sailed in was marked A. I. in the shipping list: that is to say, it stood in the first
class of the first rank of sea-worthy vessels; and it is in vessels of this class that
people are always anxious to sail. In the present instance, the ship was worthy of the rank
it bore: so was the one we buffeted the Channel in; or it would not have held out. But this
mark of prime worthiness, A. I., a vessel is allowed to retain only ten years; the
consequence of which is, that many ships are built to last only that time; and goods and
lives are often entrusted to a weak vessel, instead of one which, though twice as old, is
in twice as good condition. The best way is to get a friend who knows something of the
matter, to make inquiries; and the seaworthiness of the captain himself, his standing with
his employers, &c. might as well be added to the list.
13th. The Alps! It was the first time I had
seen mountains. They had a fine sulky look, up aloft in the sky,—cold, lofty, and
distant. I
used to think that mountains would impress me but
little; that by the same process of imagination reversed, by which a brook can be fancied a
mighty river, with forests instead of verdure on its banks, a mountain could be made a
mole-hill, over which we step. But one look convinced me to the contrary. I found I could
elevate, better than I could pull down, and I was glad of it. It was not that the sight of
the Alps was necessary to convince me of “the being of a God,” as it is said to
have done Mr. Moore, or to put me upon any
reflections respecting infinity and first causes, of which I have had enough in my time;
but I seemed to meet for the first time a grand poetical thought in a material
shape,—to see a piece of one’s book-wonders realized,—something very
earthly, yet standing between earth and heaven, like a piece of the antediluvian world
looking out of the coldness of ages. I remember reading in a Review a passage from some
book of travels, which spoke of the author’s standing on the sea-shore, and being led
by the silence, and the abstraction, and the novel grandeur of the objects around him, to
think of the earth, not in its geographical divisions, but as a planet in connexion with
other planets, and rolling in the immensity of space. With these thoughts I have been
familiar, as I suppose every one has been who knows what solitude is, and has an
imagination, and perhaps not the best health. But we grow used to the mightiest aspects of
thought, as we do to the immortal visages of the moon and stars: and therefore the first
sight of the Alps, though much less things than any of these, and a toy, as I thought, for
imagination to recreate itself with after their company, startles us like the disproof of a
doubt, or the verification of an early dream,—a ghost, as it were, made visible by
daylight, and giving us an enormous sense of its presence and materiality.
In the course of the day, we saw the table-land about
Monaco. It brought to my mind the ludicrous distress of the
petty prince of that place, when on his return from interchanging congratulations with his
new masters—the legitimates, he suddenly met his old master, Napoleon, on his return from Elba. Or
did he meet him when going to Elba? I forget which; but the
distresses and confusion of the Prince were at all events as certain, as the superiority
and amusement of the great man. In either case, this was the natural division of things,
and the circumstances would have been the same. A large grampus went by, heaping the water
into clouds of foam. Another time, we saw a shark with his fin above water, which, I
believe, is his constant way of going. The Alps were now fully and closely seen, and a
glorious sunset took place. There was the greatest grandeur and the loveliest beauty. Among
others was a small string of clouds, like rubies with facets, a very dark tinge being put
here and there, as if by a painter, to set off the rest. Red is certainly the colour of
beauty, and ruby the most beautiful of reds. It was in no commonplace spirit that Marlowe, in his list of precious stones, called them
“beauteous rubies,” but with exquisite gusto —
“Bags of fiery opals, sapphires, amethysts, Jacinths, hard topas, grass-green emeralds, Beauteous rubies, sparkling diamonds,” &c. |
They come upon you, among the rest, like the women of gems. All these colours we had
about us in our Mediterranean sunsets; and as if fortune would add to them by a freak of
fancy, a little shoal of fish, sparkling as silver, leaped out of the water this afternoon,
like a sprinkle of shillings. They were the anchovies, or Sardinias, that we eat. They give a burlesque title to the sovereign of these seas, whom the
Tuscans call “King of the Sardinias.”
We were now sailing up the angle of the Gulf of
Genoa, its shore looking as Italian as possible, with groves and
white villages. The names too were alluring,—Oneglia,
Albenga, Savoria; the last, the birthplace of a sprightly poet,
(Frugoni,) whose works I was acquainted with.
The breeze was the strongest we had had yet, and not quite fair, but we made good head
against it; the queen-like city of Genoa, crowned with white
palaces, sat at the end of the Gulf, as if to receive us in state; and at two
o’clock, the waters being as blue as the sky, and all hearts rejoicing, we entered
our Italian harbour, and heard Italian words.
Luckily for us, these first words were Tuscan. A pilot-boat came out.
Somebody asked a question which we did not hear, and the captain replied to it.
“Va bene,” said the pilot
in a fine open voice, and turned the head of the boat with a tranquil dignity.
“Va bene,” thought I, indeed. “All goes
well” truly. The words are delicious, and the omen good. My family have arrived so
far in safety; we have but a little more voyage to make, a few steps to measure back in
this calm Mediterranean; the weather is glorious; Italy looks like what we expected; in a
day or two we shall hear of our friends: health and peace are before us, pleasure to others
and profit to ourselves; and it is hard if we do not enjoy again, before long, the society
of all our friends, both abroad and at home. In a day or two we received a letter from
Mr. Shelley, saying that winds and waves, he
hoped, would never part us more.
I intended to put below, in a note, what remarks I had made in another
publication, respecting the city of Genoa; but they have been
re-published in the compilation noticed in this work, purporting to
be an account of the “Life and Times of Lord
Byron.” It is a compliment a little on the side of the free order of
things, but such as I have never been inclined to complain of, especially where the
compiler, as in the present instance, is polite in his petty larceny, and helps himself to
your property in the style of Du Val.
In the harbour of Genoa, we lay next a fine
American vessel, the captain of which, I thought, played the great man in a style beyond
any thing I had seen in our English merchantmen. On the other side of us, was an
Englishman, as fragile as the other was stout-built. Yet the captain, who was a strange
fish, with a dialect more uncouth than any of us had heard, talked of its weathering the
last winter capitally, and professed not to care any thing for a gale of wind, which he
called a “gal o’ wined.” We here met with our winter vessel, looking as
gay and summery as you please, and having an awning stretched over the deck, under which
the captain politely invited us to dine. I went, and had the pleasure of meeting our friend
the mate, and a good-natured countryman, residing at Genoa, who
talked much of a French priest whom he knew, and whom he called “the prate.”
Our former companions, in completing their voyage, had had a bad time of it in the gulf of
Lyons, during which the ship was completely under water, the
cook-house and bulwarks, &c. were carried away, and the men were obliged to be taken
aft into the cabin two nights together. We had reason to bless ourselves that my wife was
not there; for this would infallibly have put an end to her.
On the 28th of June, we set sail for Leghorn. The
weather was still as fine as possible, and our concluding trip as agreeable; with the
exception of a storm of thunder and lightning one night, which was the completest I ever
saw. Our newspaper friend, “the oldest man living,”
ought to have been there to see it. The lightning fell in all parts of the sea, like
pillars; or like great melted fires, suddenly dropt from a giant torch. Now it pierced the
sea, like rods; now fell like enormous flakes or tongues, suddenly swallowed up. At one
time, it seemed to confine itself to a dark corner of the ocean, making formidable shows of
gigantic and flashing lances, (for it was the most perpendicular lightning I ever saw):
then it dashed broadly at the whole sea, as if it would sweep us away in flame; and then
came in random portions about the vessel, treading the waves hither and thither, like the
legs of fiery spirits descending in wrath. I then had a specimen (and confess I was not
sorry to see it) of the fear which could enter even into the hearts of our “gallant
heroes,” when thrown into an unusual situation. The captain, almost the only man
unmoved, or apparently so, (and I really believe he was as fearless on all occasions, as
his native valour, to say nothing of his brandy and water, could make him) was so
exasperated with the unequivocal alarm depicted in the faces of some of his crew, that
be-dashed his hand contemptuously at the poor fellow at the helm, and called him a coward.
For our parts, having no fear of thunder and lightning, and not being fully aware perhaps
of the danger to which vessels are exposed on these occasions, particularly if like our
Channel friend they carry gunpowder (as most of them do, more or less) we were quite at our
ease, compared with our inexperienced friends about us, who had never witnessed any thing
of the like before, even in books. Besides, we thought it impossible for the Mediterranean
to play us any serious trick,—that sunny and lucid basin, which we had beheld only in
its contrast with a northern and a winter sea. Little did we think, that in so short a
space of time, and somewhere about this very spot, a catastrophe would take place, that should put an end to all sweet thoughts both of the
Mediterranean and the South.
Our residence at Pisa and
Genoa has been already described, I must therefore request the
reader to indulge me in a dramatic license, and allow us to grow three years older in the
course of as many lines. By this time he will suppose us leaving
Genoa for Florence. We were obliged to
travel in the height of an Italian summer; which did no good to any of us. The children,
living temperately, and not having yet got any cares on their shoulders, which temperance
could not remove, soon recovered. It was otherwise with the rest; but there is a habit in
being ill, as in every thing else; and we disposed ourselves to go through our task of
endurance, as cheerfully as might be.
In Genoa you heard nothing in the streets but the
talk of money. I hailed it is a good omen in Florence, that the two
first words which caught my ears, were Flowers and Women (Fiori and Donne). The
night of our arrival we put up at an hotel in a very public street, and were kept awake (as
agreeably as fever would let us be) by songs and guitars. It was one of the pleasantest
pieces of the south we had experienced: and, for the moment, we lived in the Italy of
books. One performer, to a jovial accompaniment, sang a song about somebody’s fair
wife (bianca moglie), which set the street in roars of laughter. From
the hotel we went into a lodging in the street of Beautiful Women—Via delle
Belle Donne—a name which it is a sort of tune to pronounce. We there
heard one night a concert in the street; and looking out, saw music-stands, books, &c.
in regular order, and amateurs performing as in a room. Opposite our lodging was an
inscription on a house pur-
porting that it was the Hospital of the
Monks of Vallombrosa. Wherever you turned was music or a graceful
memory. From the Via delle Belle Donne we went to live in the
Piazza Santa Croce, next to the church of that name containing
the ashes of Michael Angelo.
On the other side of it was the monastery, in which Pope Sixtus V. went stooping as if in decrepitude;
“looking,” as he said afterwards, “for the keys of St.
Peter.” We lodged in the house of a Greek, who came from the island of
Andros, and was called Dionysius; a name,
which has existed there perhaps ever since the god who bore it. Our host was a proper
Bacchanalian, always drunk, and spoke faster than I ever heard. He had a “fair
Andrian” for his mother, old and ugly, whose name was
Bella.
The church of Santa Croce would disappoint you as
much inside as out, if the presence of the remains of Great Men did not always cast a
mingled shadow of the awful and beautiful over one’s thought. Any large space also,
devoted to the purposes of religion, though the religion be false, disposes the mind to the
loftiest of speculations. The vaulted sky out of doors appears small, compared with the
opening into immensity represented by that very enclosure,—that larger dwelling than
common, entered by a little door; and we take off our hats, not so much out of earthly
respect, as with the feeling that there should be nothing between our heads and the air of
the next world.
Agreeably to our old rustic propensities, we did not stop long in the
city. We left Santa Croce to live at Maiano,
a village on the slope of one of the Fiesolan hills, about two miles off. I passed there a
very disconsolate time; yet the greatest comfort I experienced in Italy was from living in
that neighbourhood, and thinking, as I went about, of Boccaccio. Boccaccio’s father had a house at
Maiano, sup-
posed to have been situate at
the Fiesolan extremity of the hamlet. That divine writer (whose sentiment outweighed his
levity a hundred fold, as a fine face is oftener serious than it is merry) was so fond of
the place, that he has not only laid the two scenes of the Decameron on each side of it, with the valley his
company resorted to in the middle, but has made the two little streams that embrace
Maiano, the Affrico and the
Mensola, the hero and heroine of his Nimphale Fiesolano. A lover and his
vestal mistress are changed into them, after the fashion of Ovid. The scene of another of his works is on the banks of the
Mugnone, a river a little distant: and the Decameron is full of the neighbouring villages. Out of the windows of one side
of our house, we saw the turret of the Villa Gherardi, to which his
“joyous company” resorted in the first instance;—a house belonging to the
Macchiavelli was nearer, a little to the left;
and further to the left, among the blue hills, was the white village of
Settignano, where Michael
Angelo was born. The house is still remaining in possession of the family.
From our windows on the other side we saw, close to us, the Fiesole
of antiquity and of Milton, the site of the
Boccaccio-house before-mentioned still closer, the Valley of Ladies
at our feet; and we looked over towards the quarter of the Mugnone
and of a house of Dante, and in the distance beheld the
mountains of Pistoia. Lastly, from the terrace in front,
Florence lay clear and cathedralled before us, with the scene of
Redi’s Bacchus
rising on the other side of it, and the Villa of Arcetri,
illustrious for Galileo.
But I stuck to my Boccaccio
haunts, as to an old home. I lived with the divine human being, with his friends of the
Falcon and the Basil, and my own not unworthy melancholy; and went about the flowering
lanes and hills, solitary indeed, and sick to the heart, but not unsus-
tained. In looking back to such periods of one’s existence,
one is surprised to find how much they surpass many occasions of mirth, and what a rich
tone of colour their very darkness assumes, as in some fine old painting. My almost daily
walk was to Fiesole, through a path skirted with wild myrtle and
cyclamen; and I stopped at the cloister of the Doccia, and sat on
the pretty melancholy platform behind it, reading, or looking through the pines down to
Florence. In the Valley of Ladies, I
found some English trees (trees not vine and olive) and even a meadow; and these, while I
made them furnish me with a bit of my old home in the north, did no injury to the memory of
Boccaccio, who is of all countries, and finds his home wherever we do ourselves, in love,
in the grave, in a desert island.
But I had other friends too not far off, English, and of the right sort.
My friend, Mr. Brown, occupied for a time the little
convent of St. Baldassare, near Maiano, where
he represented the body corporate of the former possessors with all the joviality of a
comfortable natural piety. The closet in his study, where the church treasures had most
likely been kept, was filled with the humanities of modern literature, not less Christian
for being a little sceptical: and we had a zest in fancying that we discoursed of love and
wine in the apartments of the Lady Abbess. I remember I had the pleasure of telling an
Italian gentleman there the joke attributed to the Reverend Mr.
Sydney Smith, about sitting next a man at table, who had “a
seven-parson power;” and he understood it, and rolled with laughter, crying
out—“Oh, ma bello! ma bellissimo!” There, too, I
had the pleasure of dining in company with an English beauty, (Mrs.
W.) who appeared to be such as Boccaccio
might have admired, capable both of mirth and gravity; and she had a child with her that
reflected her graces. The appearance of one of
these young English
mothers among Italian women, is like domesticity among the passions. It is a pity when you
return to England, that the generality of faces do not keep up the charm. You are then too
apt to think, that an Italian beauty among English women would look like poetry among the
sullens.
My friend B. removed to Florence; and together
with the books and newspapers, made me a city visitor. I there became acquainted with
Mr. Landor, to whose talents I had made the
amende honorable the year before; and
with Mr. Kirkup, an English artist, who is poor
enough, I fear, neither in purse nor accomplishment, to cultivate his profession as he
ought; and so beloved by his friends, that they must get at a distance from him before they
can tell him of it. And yet I know not why they should; for a man of a more cordial
generosity, with greater delicacy in showing it, I have never met with: and such men
deserve the compliment of openness. They know how to receive it. To the list of my
acquaintances, I had the honour of adding Lord Dillon,
who in the midst of an exuberance of temperament more than national, conceals a depth of
understanding, and a genuine humanity of knowledge, to which proper justice is not done in
consequence. The vegetation and the unstable ground divert suspicion from the ore beneath
it. I remember his saying something one evening about a very ill-used description of
persons in the London streets, for which Shakspeare
might have taken him by the hand; though the proposition came in so startling a shape, that
the company were obliged to be shocked in self-defence. The gallant Viscount is not the
better for being a Lord. I never knew, or read of a clever man, that was. It makes the most
natural men artificial, and perplexes them with contradictory ambitions. A proper Lord,
being constituted of nothing, judiciously consents to remain so,
and avoids trenching upon realities. I must also take leave to doubt, whether Roscommon will not remain the greatest poet among the
Dillons, notwithstanding the minaccie of
Ezzelino. But his Lordship is not the less worthy of a race of
intelligent men and noble adventurers. He is a cavalier of the old school of the
Meadowses and Newcastles, with something of
the O’Neal superadded; and instead of wasting his words upon
tyrants or Mr. Pitt, ought to have been eternally at
the head of his brigade, charging on his war-horse, and meditating romantic stories.
Mr. Landor, who has long been known to scholars as a
Latin poet beyond the elegance of centos, and has lately shown himself one of our most
powerful writers of prose, is a man of a vehement nature, with great delicacy of
imagination. He is like a stormy mountain pine, that should produce lilies. After indulging
the partialities of his friendships and enmities, and trampling on kings and ministers, he
shall cool himself, like a Spartan worshipping a moon-beam, in the patient meekness of
Lady Jane Grey. I used to think he did wrong in
choosing to write Latin verse instead of English. The opinions he has expressed on that
subject, in the eloquent treatise appended to his Latin poems, will, I am sure, hardly find
a single person to agree with them. But as an individual, working out his own case, I think
he was right in giving way to the inspiration of his scholarship. Independent, learned, and
leisurely, with a temperament, perhaps, rather than a mind, poetical, he walked among the
fields of antiquity, till he beheld the forms of poetry with the eyes of their inhabitants;
and it is agreeable, as a variety, among the crowds of ordinary scholars, especially such
as affect to think the great modern poets little ones because they are not ancient, to have
one who can really fancy and feel with Ovid and Catullus, as well as read them.
Mr. Landor has the veneration for all poetry, ancient or modern, that
belongs to a scholar who is himself a poet. He loves Chaucer and Spenser, as well as
Homer. That he deserves the title, the reader will
be convinced on opening his book of “Idyls,” where the first thing he encounters will be the charming duel
between Cupid and Pan, full of fancy and archness, with a deeper emotion at the end. His
“Lyrics,” with the exception of a pretty vision about
Ceres and her poppies, (which is in the spirit of an Idyl,) do not
appear to me so good: but upon the whole though it is a point on which I am bound to speak
with diffidence, he seems to me by far the best Latin poet we possess, after Milton; more in good taste than the incorrectness and
diffuseness of Cowley; and not to be lowered by a
comparison with the mimic elegancies of Addison.
Vincent Bourne, I conceive to be a genuine hand;
but I know him only in a piece or two.
Mr. Landor was educated at
Rugby, and became afterwards the friend and favourite pupil of
Dr. Parr. With a library, the smallness of which
surprised me, and which he must furnish out, when he writes on English subjects, by the
help of a rich memory,—he lives, among his paintings and hospitalities, in a style of
unostentatious elegance, very becoming a scholar that can afford it. The exile, in which he
chooses to continue at present, is as different from that of his friend Ovid, as his Tristia would have been, had he thought proper to write any. Augustus would certainly have found no whining in him, much
less any worship. He has some fine children, with whom he plays like a real schoolboy,
being, in truth, as ready to complain of an undue knock, as he is to laugh, shout, and
scramble; and his wife (I really do not know whether I ought to take these liberties, but
the nature of the book into which I have been beguiled must excuse me, and ladies must take
the consequence
of being agreeable),—his wife would have made
Ovid’s loneliness quite another thing, with her face radiant
with good-humour. Mr. Landor’s conversation is lively and
unaffected, as full of scholarship or otherwise as you may desire, and dashed now and then
with a little superfluous will and vehemence, when he speaks of his likings and dislikes.
His laugh is in peals, and climbing: he seems to fetch every fresh one from a higher story.
Speaking of the Latin poets of antiquity, I was struck with an observation of his; that
Ovid was the best-natured of them all. Horace’s perfection that way he doubted. He said, that
Ovid had a greater range of pleasurable ideas, and was prepared to
do justice to every thing that came in his way. Ovid was fond of
noticing his rivals in wit and genius, and has recorded the names of a great number of his
friends; whereas Horace seems to confine his eulogies to such as were
rich or in fashion, and well received at court.
When the “Liberal” was put an end to, I had contributed some articles to a new work set
up by my brother, called the “Literary
Examiner.” Being too ill at Florence to continue
these, I did what I could, and had recourse to the lightest and easiest translation I could
think of, which was that of Redi’s “Bacco in Toscana.” I believe it fell
dead-born from the press: Like the wines it recorded, it would not keep. Indeed it was not
very likely that the English public should take much interest in liquors not their own, and
enthusiastic allusions to times and places with which they had no sympathy. Animal spirits
also require to be read by animal spirits, or at least by a melancholy so tempered as to
consider them rather as desirable than fantastic:—perhaps my own relish of the
original was not sprightly enough at the time to do it justice; and, at all events, it is
requisite that what a man does say in his vivacity should not be doubly spoilt in the
conveyance.
Bell’s Edition of Shakspeare, is said to have been the worst edition ever put forth of a
British author. Perhaps the translation of the “Bacchus in Tuscany” was the worst ever printed. It
was mystified with upwards of fifty mistakes.
At Maiano, I wrote the articles which appeared in
the “Examiner,” under the title of the
“Wishing Cap.” It was a very
genuine title. When I put on my cap, and pitched myself in imagination into the thick of
Covent-Garden, the pleasure I received was so vivid,—I
turned the corner of a street so much in the ordinary course of things, and was so tangibly
present to the pavement, the shop-windows, the people, and a thousand agreeable
recollections which looked me naturally in the face, that sometimes when I walk there now,
the impression seems hardly more real. I used to feel as if I actually pitched my soul
there, and that spiritual eyes might have seen it shot over from
Tuscany into York-street, like a rocket. It is much pleasanter,
however, on waking up, to find soul and body together in one’s favourite
neighbourhood: yes, even than among thy olives and vines, Boccaccio! I not only missed “the town” in Italy; I missed my
old trees,—oaks and elms. Tuscany, in point of wood, is
nothing but an olive-ground and vineyard. I saw there, how it was, that some persons when
they return from Italy say it has no wood, and some a great deal. The fact is, that many
parts of it, Tuscany included, has no wood to speak of; and it wants larger trees interspersed with the smaller ones, in the
manner of our hedge-row elms. A tree of a reasonable height is a Godsend. The olives are
low and hazy-looking, like dry sallows. You have plenty of those; but to an Englishman,
looking from a height, they appear little better than brushwood. Then there are no meadows,
no proper green lanes (at least, I saw none), no paths leading over field and style, no
hay-fields in June,
nothing of that luxurious combination of green
and russet, of grass, wild flowers, and woods, over which a lover of Nature can stroll for
hours with a foot as fresh as the stag’s; unvexed with chalk, dust, and an eternal
public path; and able to lie down, if he will, and sleep in clover. In short, (saving a
little more settled weather,) we have the best part of Italy in books, be it what it may;
and this we can enjoy in England. Give me Tuscany in
Middlesex or Berkshire, and the
Valley of Ladies between Harrow and
Jack Straw’s Castle. The proud names and flinty ruins
above the Mensola may keep their distance.
Boccaccio shall build a bower for us, out of his books, of all
that we choose to import; and we will have daisies and fresh meadows besides. An Italian
may prefer his own country after the same fashion; and he is right. I knew a young
Englishwoman, who, having grown up in Tuscany, thought the landscapes of her native country
insipid, and could not imagine how people could live without walks in vineyards. To me
Italy has a certain hard taste in the mouth. Its mountains are too bare, its outlines too
sharp, its lanes too stony, its voices too loud, its long summer too dusty. I longed to
bathe myself in the grassy balm of my native fields. But I was ill, uncomfortable, in a
perpetual fever; and critics, if they are candid, should give us a list of the infirmities,
under which they sit down to estimate what they differ with. What returns of sick and
wounded we should have at the head of some of our periodicals!
Before I left Italy, I had the pleasure of frightening the Tuscan
government by proposing to set up a compilation from the English Magazines. They are rarely
seen in that quarter, though our countrymen are numerous. In the year 1825, two hundred
English families were said to be resident in Florence. In
Rome, visitors, though not families, were more numerous; and the
publication, for little cost, might have been
sent all over Italy.
The plan was to select none but the very best articles, and follow them with an original
one commenting upon their beauties, and making the English in Italy well acquainted with
our living authors. But the Tuscan authorities were fairly struck with consternation.
“You must submit the publication to a censorship.”—“Be it
so.”—“But you must let them see every sheet, before it goes to press, in
order that there may be no religion or politics.”—“Very well:—to
please the reverend censors, I will have no religion: politics also are out of the
question.”—“Ay, but politics may creep in.”—“They shall
not.”—“Ah, but they may creep in, without your being aware; and then what
is to be done?”—“Why, if neither the editor nor the censors are aware, I
do not see that any very vivid impression need be apprehended with regard to the
public.”—“That appears very plausible; but how if the censors do not
understand English?”—“There indeed you have me. All I can say is, that
the English understand the censors, and I see we must drop our intended
work.”—This was the substance of a discourse I had with the bookseller, after
communication with the authorities. The prospectus had been drawn out; the bookseller had
rubbed his hands at it, thinking of the money which the Byrons and Walter Scotts of England were
preparing for him; but he was obliged to give in. “Ah,” said he to me in his
broken English, as he sat in winter-time with cold feet and an irritable face, pretending
to keep himself warm by tantalizing the tip of his fingers over a little basin of
charcoal,—“Ah, you are veree happee in England; you can get so much money as
you please.”
It was a joyful day that enabled us to return to England. I will quote a
letter which a friend has preserved, giving an account of the first part of our journey;
for these things are best told while the impression is most lively. * * * * * * *
“I had a proper Bacchanalian parting with
Florence. A stranger and I cracked a bottle together in high
style. He ran against me with a flask of wine in his hand, and divided it gloriously
between us. It was impossible to be angry with his good-humoured face; so we
complimented one another on our joviality, and parted on the most flourishing terms. In
the evening I cracked another flask, with equal abstinence of inside. Mr. Kirkup (whom you have heard me speak of) made me a
present of a vine stick. He came to Maiano, with Mr. Brown, to take leave of us; so we christened the
stick, as they do a seventy-four, and he stood rod-father.
“We set off next morning at six o’clock. I took leave of
Maiano with a dry eye, Boccaccio and the Valley of Ladies
notwithstanding. But the grave face of Brown (who had stayed all
night, and was to continue doing us good after we had gone, by seeing to our goods and
chattels,) was not so easily to be parted with. I was obliged to gulp down a sensation
in the throat, such as men cannot very well afford to confess “in these
degenerate days,” especially to a lady. So I beg you will have a respect for it,
and know it for what it is. Old Lear and Achilles made nothing of owning to it. But before we get
on, I must make you acquainted with our mode of travelling.
“We go not by post, but by Vettura; that is
to say, by easy stages of thirty or forty miles a day, in a travelling carriage, the
box of which is turned into a chaise, with a calash over it. It is drawn by three
horses, occasionally assisted by mules. We pay about eighty-two guineas English, for
which sum ten of us (counting as six, because of the number of children,) are taken to
Calais; have a breakfast and dinner every day on the road; are provided with five beds
at night, each containing two persons; and are to rest four days during the
journey, without farther expense, in whatever portions and
places we think fit. Our breakfast consists of coffee, bread, fruit, milk, and eggs;
plenty of each: the dinner of the four indispensable Italian dishes, something roast,
something boiled, something fried, and what they call an umido, which is a hash, or something of that sort; together
with vegetables, wine, and fruit. Care must be taken that the Vetturino does not crib
from this allowance by degrees, otherwise the dishes grow fewer and smaller; meat
disappears on a religious principle, it being magro day, on which “nothing is to be had;” and the
vegetables adhering to their friend the meat in his adversity, disappear likewise. The
reason of this is, that the Vetturino has a conflicting interest
within him. It is his interest to please you in hope of other custom; and it his
interest to make the most of the sum of money, which his master allows him for
expenses. Withstand, however, any change at first, and good behaviour may be reckoned
upon. We have as pleasant a little Tuscan to drive us, as I ever met with. He began
very handsomely; but finding us willing to make the best of any little deficiency, he
could not resist the temptation of giving up the remoter interest for the nearer one.
We found our profusion diminish accordingly; and at Turin, after cunningly asking us,
whether we cared to have an inn not of the very highest description, he has brought us
to one of which it can only be said that it is not of the very lowest. The landlord
showed us into sordid rooms on a second story. I found it necessary to be base and make
a noise; upon which little Gigi looked frightened, and the
landlord looked slavish and bowed us into his best. We shall have no more of this. Our
rogue has an excellent temper, and is as honest a rogue, I will undertake to say, as
ever puzzled a formalist. He makes us laugh with his resemblance to Mr. Lamb; whose countenance, a little jovialized, he
engrafts upon an active little body and pair of legs, walking
about in his jack-boots as if they were pumps. But he must have some object in life, to
carry him so many times over the Alps:—this of necessity is money. You may guess
that we could have dispensed with some of the fried and roasted; but to do this, would
be to subject ourselves to other diminutions. Our bargain is reckoned a good one. The
coachmaster says, (believe him who will,) that he could not have afforded it, had he
not been sure at this time of the year, that somebody would take his coach back again;
so many persons come to winter in Italy.
“Well, now that you have all the prolegomena, right and tight,
we will set off again. We were told to look for a barren road from
Florence to Bologna, but were most
agreeably disappointed. The vines and olives disappeared, which was a relief to us.
Instead of these, and the comparatively petty ascents about
Florence, we had proper swelling
Apennines, valley and mountain, with fine sloping meadows of
green, interspersed with wood. We stopped to refresh ourselves at noon at an inn called
Le Maschere, where there is a very elegant prospect, a
mixture of nature with garden ground; and slept at Covigliaio,
where three tall buxom damsels waited upon us, who romped during supper with the
men-servants. One of them had a nicer voice than the others, upon the strength of which
she stepped about with a jaunty air in a hat and feathers, and made the aimable. A Greek came in with a long beard; which he poked
into all the rooms by way of investigation; as he could speak no language but his own.
I asked one of the girls why she looked so frightened; upon which she shrugged her
shoulders and said, “Oh Dio!” as if Blue
Beard had come to put her in his seraglio.
“Our vile inn knocked us up; so I would not write any more
yesterday. Little Gigi came up yesterday evening with a grave
face, to
tell us that he was not aware till that moment of its
being part of his duty, by the agreement, to pay expenses during our days of stopping.
He had not looked into the agreement till then! The rogue! So we lectured him, and
forgave him for his good temper: and he is to be very honest and expensive in future.
This episode of the postilion has put me out of the order of my narration.
“To resume then. Next morning the 11th, we set off at five, and
passed a volcanic part of the Apennines, where a flame issues
from the ground. We thought we saw it. The place is called Pietra
Mala. Here we enter upon the Pope’s territories, as if his
Holiness kept the keys of a very different place from what he pretends. We refreshed at
Poggioli, in sight of a church upon a hill, called the
Monte dei Formicoli. They say all the ants in the
neighbourhood come into the church on a certain day, in the middle of the service, and
make a point of dying during the mass; but the postilion said, that for his part he did
not believe it. Travelling makes people sceptical. The same evening we got to
Bologna, where we finished for the present with mountains,
The best streets in Bologna are furnished with arcades, very
sensible things, which we are surprised to miss in any city in a hot country. They are
to be found, more or less, as you travel northwards. The houses are all kept in
good-looking order, owing, I believe, to a passion the Bolognese have for a gorgeous
anniversary, against which every thing animate and inanimate puts on its best. I could
not learn what it was. Besides tapestry and flowers, they bring out their pictures to
hang in front of the houses. Many cities in Italy disappoint the eye of the traveller.
The stucco and plaister outside the houses gets worn, and, together with the open
windows, gives them a squalid and deserted appearance. But the
name is always something. If Bologna were nothing of a city, it would still be a fine
sound and a sentiment; a thing recorded in art, in poetry, in stories of all sorts. We
passed next day over a flat country, and dined at Modena, which
is neither so good-looking a city, nor so well sounding a recollection as
Bologna: but it is still Modena, the
native place of Tassoni. I went to the cathedral
to get sight of the Secchia which is hung up there, but found the
doors shut; and as ugly a pile of building as a bad cathedral could make. The lions
before the doors, look as if some giant’s children had made them in sport,
wretchedly sculptured, and gaping as if in agony at their bad legs. It was a
disappointment to me not to see the Bucket. The Secchia Rapita is my oldest Italian acquaintance,
and I reckoned upon saying to the hero of it ‘Ah, ha! There you are!’ There
is something provoking and yet something fine too, in flitting in this manner from city
to city. You are vexed at not being able to stop and see pictures, &c.; but you
have a sort of royal taste of great pleasures in passing. The best thing one can do to
get at the interior of any thing in this hurry, is to watch the countenances of the
people. I thought the looks of the Bolognese and Modenese singularly answered to their
character in books. What is more singular, is the extraordinary difference, and
nationality of aspect, in the people of two cities at so little distance from one
another. The Bolognese have a broad steady look, not without geniality and richness.
You can imagine them to give birth to painters. The Modenese are crusty looking and
carking, with a dry twinkle at you, and a narrow mouth. They are critics and satirists,
on the face of them. For my part, I never took very kindly to
Tassoni, for all my young acquaintance with him; and in the
war which he has celebrated, I am now, whatever I was before, decidedly for the
Bolognese.”
On the 12th of September, after dining at Modena,
we slept at Reggio, where Ariosto was born. His father was captain of the citadel. Boiardo, the poet’s precursor, was born at
Scandiano, not far off. I ran, before the gates were shut, to
get a look at the citadel, and was much the better for not missing it. Poets leave a
greater charm than any men upon places they have rendered famous, because they sympathize
more than any other men with localities, and identify themselves with the least beauty of
art or nature,—a turret, an old tree. The river Ilissus at
Athens is found to be a sorry brook; but it runs talking for
ever of Plato and Sophocles.
At Parma, I tore my hair mentally, (much the
pleasantest way,) at not being able to see the Correggios.
Piacenza pleased one to be in it, on account of the name. But a
list of places in Italy is always like a succession of musical chords.
Parma, Piacenza,
Voghera, Tortona,
Felizana,—sounds like these make a road-book a music-book.
At Asti, a pretty place with a “west-end,” full of fine
houses, I went to look at the Alfieri palace, and
tried to remember the poet with pleasure: but I could not like him. To me, his austerity is
only real in the unpleasantest part of it. The rest is affected. The human heart is a tough
business in his hands; and he thumps and turns it about in his short, violent, and pounding
manner, as if it were an iron on a blacksmith’s anvil. He loved liberty like a
tyrant, and the Pretender’s widow like a lord.
The first sight of the Po, and the mulberry-trees, and meadows, and the
Alps, was at once classical, and Italian, and northern; and made us feel that we were
taking a great new step nearer home. Poirino, a pretty little place,
with a name full of pear-trees, presented us with a sight like a passage in Boccaccio. This was a set of Dominican friars with the
chief at their head, issuing out of two coaches, and proceeding along the cor-
ridor of the inn to dinner, each holding a bottle of wine in his
hand, with the exception of the abbot, who held two. The wine was doubtless their own, that
upon the road not being sufficiently orthodox.
Turin is a noble city, like a set of Regent
Streets, made twice as tall. We found here the most military-looking
officers we remember to have seen, fine, tall, handsome fellows, whom the weather had
beaten but not conquered, very gentlemanly, and combining the officer and soldier as
completely as could be wished. They had served under Bonaparte. When I saw them, I could understand how it was that the
threatened Piedmontese revolution was more dreaded by the legitimates than any other
movement in Italy. It was betrayed by the heir-apparent, who is said to be as different a
looking person, as the reader might suppose. The royal aspect in the Sardinias is eminent
among the raffish of the earth.
At Turin was the finest dancer I ever saw, a girl
of the name of De’ Martini. M. Laurent should invite her over. She appeared to me to
unite the agility of the French school, with all that you would expect from the Italian.
Italian dancers are in general as indifferent, as the French are celebrated: but the French
have no mind with their bodies: they are busts in barbers’ shops, stuck upon legs in
a fit. You wonder how any lower extremities so lively can leave such an absence of all
expression in the upper. Now De’ Martini is a dancer all over,
and does not omit her face. She is a body not merely saltatory, as a machine might be, but
full of soul. When she came bounding on the stage, in two or three long leaps like a fawn,
I should have thought she was a Frenchwoman, but the style undeceived me. She came bounding
in front, as if she would have pitched herself into the arms of the pit; then made a sudden
drop, and addressed three enthusiastic courtesies to the pit and
boxes, with a rapidity and yet a grace, a self-abandonment yet a self-possession, quite
extraordinary, and such, as to do justice to it, should be described by a poet uniting the
western ideas of the sex with eastern license. Then she is beautiful both in face and
figure, and I thought was a proper dancer to appear before a pit full of those fine fellows
I have just spoken of. She seemed as complete in her way as themselves. In short, I never
saw any thing like it before; and did not wonder, that she had the reputation of turning
the heads of dozens wherever she went.
At Sant-Ambrogio, a little town between
Turin and Susa, is a proper castle-topped
mountain à la Radcliffe, the only one we had met with. Susa
has some remains connected with Augustus; but
Augustus is nobody, or ought to be nobody, to a traveller in
modern Italy. He, and twenty like him, never gave me one sensation, all the time I was
there; and even the better part of the Romans it is difficult to think of. There is
something formal and cold about their history, in spite of Virgil and Horace, and even in spite of
their own violence, which does not harmonize with the south. And their poets, even the best
of them, were copiers of the Greek poets, not originals like Dante and Petrarch. So we slept at
Susa, not thinking of Augustus, but
listening to waterfalls, and thinking of the Alps.
Next morning we beheld a sight worth living for. We were now ascending
the Alps; and while yet in the darkness before the dawn, we beheld
the sunshine of day basking on the top of one of the mountains, We drank it into our souls,
and there it is for ever. Dark as any hour may be, it seems as if that sight were left for
us to look up to, and feel a hope. The passage of the Alps (thanks
to Bonaparte, whom a mountaineer, with brightness in
his eyes, called “Napoleone di felice me-
moria”) is now as easy as a road in England. You look up towards airy
galleries, and down upon villages that appear like toys, and feel somewhat disappointed at
rolling over it all so easily.
The moment we passed the Alps, we found ourselves
in France. At Lanslebourg, French was spoken, and amorous groups
gesticulated on the papering and curtains. Savoy is a glorious
country, a wonderful intermixture of savage precipices and pastoral meads: but the roads
are still uneven and bad. The river ran and tumbled, as if in a race with our tumbling
carriage. At one time you are in a road like a gigantic rut, deep down in a valley; and at
another, up in the air, wheeling along a precipice, I know not how many times as high as
Saint Paul’s.
At Chambéry I could not resist going to see
the house of Rousseau and Madame de Warens, while the coach stopped. It is up a
beautiful lane, where you have trees all the way, sloping fields on either side, and a
brook; as fit a scene as could be desired. I met some Germans coming away, who
congratulated me on being bound, as they had been, to the house of “Jean
Jacques.” The house itself is of the humbler genteel class, not fitted
to conciliate Mr. Moore; but neat and white, with
green blinds. The little chapel, that cost its mistress so much, is still remaining. We
proceeded through Lyons and Auxerre to
Paris. Beyond Lyons, we met on the road
the statue of Louis XIV. going to that city to overawe
it with royal brass. It was an equestrian statue, covered up, guarded with soldiers, and
looking on the road like some mysterious heap. Don
Quixote would have attacked it, and not been thought mad: so much has
romance done for us. The natives would infallibly have looked quietly on. There was a riot
about it at Lyons, soon after its arrival. Statues rise and fall;
but a little on the other side of Lyons, our postilion exclaimed,
“Monte Bianco!” and turning
round, I beheld, for the
first time, Mont Blanc, which had been hidden from us, when near it,
by a fog. It looked like a turret in the sky, amber-coloured, golden, belonging to the wall
of some etherial world. This, too, is in our memories for ever,—an addition to our
stock,—a light for memory to turn to, when it wishes a beam upon its face.
At Paris we could stop but two days, and I had but
two thoughts in my head; one of the Revolution, the other of the times of Moliere and Boileau. Accordingly, I looked about for the Sorbonne,
and went to see the place where the guillotine stood; where thousands of spirits underwent
the last pang; many guilty, many innocent,—but all the victims of a reaction against
tyranny, such as will never let tyranny be what it was, unless a convulsion of nature
should swallow up knowledge, and make the world begin over again. These are the thoughts
that enable us to bear such sights, and that serve to secure what we hope for.
Paris, besides being a beautiful city in the quarter that
strangers most look to, the Tuileries, Quai de
Voltaire, &c., delights the eye of a man of letters by its heap of
book-stalls. There is a want perhaps of old books; but the new are better than the shoal of
Missals and Lives of the Saints that disappoint the lover of duodecimos on the stalls of
Italy; and the Rousseaus and Voltaires are endless; edition upon edition in all shapes
and sizes, in intellectual battle-array, not to be put down, and attracting armies into
desertion. I thought, if I were a bachelor, not an Englishman, and had no love for old
friends and fields, I could live very well for the rest of my life in a lodging above one
of the bookseller’s shops on the Quai de Voltaire, where I
should look over the water to the Tuileries, and have the
Elysian fields in my eye for my evening walk.
I liked much what little I saw of the French people. They are accused of
vanity; and doubtless they have it, and after a more obvious fashion than other nations;
but their vanity at least includes the wish to please; other people are necessary to them;
they are not wrapped up in themselves; not sulky, not too vain even to tolerate vanity.
Their vanity is too much confounded with self-satisfaction. There is a good deal of
touchiness, I suspect, among them,—a good deal of ready-made heat, prepared to fire
up in case the little commerce of flattery and sweetness is not properly carried on. But
this is better than ill temper, or an egotism not to be appeased by any thing short of
subjection. On the other hand, there is more melancholy than one could expect, especially
in old faces. Consciences in the south are frightened in their old age, perhaps for
nothing. In the north, I take it, they are frightened earlier, perhaps from equal want of
knowledge. The worst in France is, (at least, from all that I saw) that fine old faces are rare. There are multitudes of pretty girls; but the faces of
both sexes fall off deplorably as they advance in life; which is not a good symptom. Nor do
the pretty faces, while they last, appear to contain much depth, or sentiment, or firmness
of purpose. They seem made like their toys, not to last, but to break up. Fine faces in
Italy are as abundant as cypresses. However, in both countries, the inhabitants appeared to
us naturally amiable, as well as intelligent; and without disparagement to the angel faces
which you meet with in England, and some of which are perhaps even finer than any you see
elsewhere, I could not help thinking, that as a race of females, the aspects both of the
French and Italian women announced more sweetness and reasonableness of intercourse, than
those of my fair and serious countrywomen. A Frenchwoman looked as if she wished to please
you at any rate, and to be pleased herself. She is too
conscious;
and her coquetry is said, and I believe with truth, to promise more than an Englishman
would easily find her to perform: but at any rate she thinks of you somehow, and is smiling
and good-humoured. An Italian woman appears to think of nothing, not even herself.
Existence seems enough for her. But she also is easy of intercourse, smiling when you speak
to her, and very unaffected. Now in simplicity of character the Italian appears to we to
have the advantage of the English women, and in pleasantness of intercourse both Italian
and French. When I came to England, after a residence of four years abroad, I was shocked
at the succession of fair sulky faces which I met in the streets of London. They all
appeared to come out of unhappy homes. In truth, our virtues, or our climate, or whatever
it is, sit so uneasily upon us, that it is surely worth while for our philosophy to enquire
whether in some points, or some degree of a point, we are not a little mistaken. Gypseys
will hardly allow us to lay it to the climate.
It was a blessed moment, nevertheless, when we found ourselves among
those dear sulky faces, the countrywomen of dearer ones, not sulky. On the 12th of October,
we set out from Calais in the steamboat, which carried us rapidly to
London, energetically trembling all the way under us, as if its
burning body partook of the fervour of our desire. Here, in the neighbourhood of
London, we are; and may we never be without our old fields again
in this world, or the old “familiar faces” in this world or in the next.
THE END.
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and some of his Contemporaries” in New Monthly Magazine
Vol. NS 22 (January 1828)
Gifted, too, like the subject of his Memoir, with very remarkable talents, he is much more to be relied on, both in
his choice of points of view, and in his manner of handling his subject: he is not likely
to spoil a bon-mot, an epigram, or a conversation and while he can seize all that was
really piquant about his Lordship, he is infinitely above retailing the low gossip and
garbage which same memoir-writers have done, in the true spirit of a waiting-maid or a
lacquey. He possesses, moreover, one eminent qualification for the task which he has
undertaken; he has a stern love of truth; and even his enemies will give him credit for
being uniformly consistent and honest in the expression of his opinions on all subjects. In
his present work he shows himself ready to be devoted as a martyr to Truth, (for that very
word of the book is true, no reader can doubt,) and boldly exposes himself to all the
vituperation of all the slaves who hated and attacked Lord Byron while
living, but who will now come forward with a mock display of generosity, and sympathy with
the illustrious departed, of whom they will represent Mr. Hunt as the
ungrateful reviler. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part I]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 4 (23 January 1828)
Mr. Hunt has done a bold deed
by publishing this work. We are not ourselves quite clear that he was right; but, as he is
doubtless well aware, he has at all events laid himself open to unmeasured
misrepresentation by the literary ruffians from whom he has already suffered so much. The
portion of the book which stands at the beginning, and which is alone particularly
mentioned in the title-page, refers exclusively to Lord
Byron. Mr. Hunt says, and we firmly believe him, that
he has withheld much which might have been told; but he has also told much which many will
think, or say, that he ought to have withheld. He has presented us with a totally different
view of Lord Byron's character from any that has previously appeared
in print, and this not only in general propositions, but by innumerable detailed anecdotes,
which it seems to its quite impossible not to believe, and from which it is equally
impossible not to draw very similar inferences to those which have occurred to
Mr. Hunt.
. . .
[William Jerden?],
“Review of Hunt, Lord Byron and Some of his Contemporaries” in Literary Gazette
No. 575 (26 January 1828)
In this quarto the author exhibits himself as a person of
considerable talent, and of much literary conceit and affectation. But his deeper offence
lies in the essence of the design itself, which appears to us to be one at which an
honourable mind would have revolted. To have gone to enjoy the hospitality of a friend and
taste the bounty of a patron, and after his death to have made that visit (for avowedly
mercenary ends) the source of a long libel upon his memory,—does seem to be very base
and unworthy. No resentment of real or fancied ill usage can excuse, far less justify, such
a proceeding; and (without referring to this particular instance, but speaking generally of
the practice, now too prevalent, of eaves-dropping and word-catching, and watching every
minute action exposed in the confidence of private life, for the purpose of book-making,)
we will say that these personal and posthumous injuries are a disgrace to their
perpetrators and to the press of the country. . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Leigh Hunt's Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. NS 10 (February 1828)
Mr. Leigh Hunt
is so naturally prone to unbosom himself to the public, with whom he always in his
writings strikes up a friendly confidential intercourse, that previous to the appearance of
this work the world was well acquainted with the character of all his friends of public
notoriety—with his opinions on all possible topics, and more particularly with his
opinion of himself. We looked for, and we have found nothing new in this volume, save that
which relates in some way or other to the author’s visit to Italy; for since that
event in his life he has had little opportunity of communicating with his dear friend, his
pensive public, or we should have as little to learn of the latter as of the former part of
his life. It is thus that our attention is chiefly attracted to Mr.
Hunt’s account of Lord Byron; for
he, though not entirely a new acquaintance, only became thoroughly well known to him in
Italy. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
But however we may respect the man for his acquirements, his candour, and
his natural benevolence; however we may sympathise with him through the painful
disappointments, of which he has already numbered too many, we may be allowed, perhaps, to
claim for our literature, and for those who are engaged in supporting it, some portion of
that spirit of dignity and independence, without which they would be deprived of all their
gracefulness and of much of their utility. We are not insensible to the various proofs
which we have lately seen, of a disposition that prevails among certain classes of literary
men, to degrade their pursuits into a mere matter of trade; to produce a given number of
words for a proposed reward; and to praise or to censure according to the interests and
desires of those who employ them. But we own that we were not prepared for the extreme
degree of literary servility—to call it by no severer name—which is stamped
upon the principal pages of the work now before us. Nor does the author attempt to conceal his shame. It would not, perhaps, have been very
difficult for him, by a little address, to make a better appearance in the eye of the
public. It is certain, that if he had spoken less of his obligations to his publisher, and
of his own original plan in the preparation of his volume be would have less exposed
himself, to the censure of the world. He is, however, remarkably communicative upon both
these points, imagining, most probably, that by appearing to have no reservations, his
faults, such as they are, might be more easily forgiven. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
Let us not, however, be unjust to Mr. Leigh
Hunt, contemporary of Lord Byron. We
find, on referring to his preface, that he disclaims, though not with
indignation,—that, alas! he durst not—the catchpenny arrangement of the
title-page now before us, and indeed of the contents of the book itself. Had the bookseller
permitted the author to obey the dictates of his own taste and judgment, the newspapers,
instead of announcing for six months, in every variety of puff direct and puff oblique, the
approaching appearance of ‘Lord Byron and some
of his Contemporaries,’ would have told us in plain terms to expect the
advent of Mr. Leigh Hunt and his following; the
‘pale face rescued from insignificance by thought’ which Mr.
Hunt assures us he carries about with him would have fronted Mr.
Hunt’s title-page; and Mr. Hunt’s
recollections of Lord Byron would have been printed by way of modest
appendix to the larger and more interesting part of the work, namely, the autobiography of
Mr. Hunt.
. . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Literary Chronicle
No. 454 (26 January 1828)
We had given Mr.
Hunt credit for a superiority to petty resentments and vindictive feelings,
and here we find, as far at least as concerns Lord Byron, very little
else. We, who have been refreshing our memories as to all that Mr.
Hunt has, on various occasions, written of Lord Byron,
in which his poetical genius, his liberal politics, his ‘rank worn simply,’ and
his ‘total glorious want of vile hypocrisy,’ were earnestly applauded, cannot
help persuading ourselves that the portrait now presented would have been more favorable,
had the painter been freer from impulses, which it is very natural for him to possess, but
which cannot tend to the interests of the public, or to the development of truth. . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Leigh Hunt's Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. NS 10 (February 1828)
Cause of complaint seems
to have existed between the parties, and the unfortunate death of Mr. Shelley rendered the situation of Mr.
Hunt, in relation to Lord Byron, one of peculiar
delicacy: we cannot allow that these circumstances could in the mind of Mr.
Hunt lead to any wilful misrepresentation; but it is not improbable that
they may have lent an unjust interpretation to circumstances meant to be taken otherwise,
and it is therefore necessary to state in the outset this caution. Mr.
Hunt, too, during their intercourse suffered all the pains of dependance: it
is needless to remark how sensitive and captious such a situation is calculated to make a
man, who if not proud in the ordinary sense of the word, is proud of the levelling claims of genius, and who saw with disgust that such claims
were not allowed to constitute equality with rank and wealth. Mr. Leigh
Hunt’s title to entire belief, when due allowance is made to the
natural influence of these partly unconscious and secretly operating causes, no one will be
hardy enough to deny; and when the denial is made, a look only upon the open, candid,
blushing and animated face of the book itself will be sufficient to contradict it. If ever
internal evidence was strong enough to quell the very thought of a suspicion, an instance
is to be found here. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
He drivels away in
the same mawkish style for several sentences, and what is the upshot? That he would have
written the book long ago, had he not preferred enjoying himself on the money, from time to
time advanced to him by Mr Colburn. He afterwards
acknowledges, “that, had I been rich enough, and could have repaid the handsome
conduct of Mr Colburn, with its proper interest, my first impulse, on
finishing the book, would have been to put it into the fire.” What mean and miserable
contradictions and inconsistencies are crowded and huddled together here! It was for money
that the book was written; he admits it, confesses it, hides it, emblazons it, palliates
it, avows it, and denies it, all in one and the same breath; yet, in the midst of all this
equivocating cowardice, in which he now fears to look the truth in the face, and then
strives to stare her out of countenance, all that he has done is still, in his own ultimate
belief, “wisest, virtuousest, discreetest, best;” and a man of higher
principle, more unimpeachable integrity, and loftier disdain of money, never, on a
summer’s morning at Paddington,
Lisson Grove, or Hampstead, pulled on a pair
of yellow breeches! . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
His readers will
perceive that he doe not attempt to justify his account of Lord
Byron upon any public grounds. There are those who will contend that a
public man is public property, and that it is lawful even to corrupt his servants, in order
to obtain disclosures as to his personal and domestic life; inasmuch as such disclosures
may be rendered subservient to the general good. Mr.
Hunt, however, uses no such argument as this; which, infamous though it be, has
at least a specious and unselfish appearance about it, calculated to gain the assent of the
unthinking part of the multitude. He openly avows that he borrowed money, which he could
not repay, except by violating his native feelings of right and honour, by composing a
work, which, otherwise, he would never have thought of, and which, when composed he would
have put into the fire, if his pecuniary circumstances had enabled him to pursue the
dictates of his heart. The wretched woman who, under the veil of night, offers her
attractions to those who are disposed to pay for them, may tell a similar tale. It is not
her love of vice that drives her into the streets; it is not her horror of virtue; for the
human heart is not so radically vicious—particularly not in woman—as some
philosopher have chosen to represent it: No—she must live—dire necessity urges
her to barter, her person for money, and so she goes on in her career of heartless,
ignominious depravity. Such a being we commonly call a prostitute. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
Now the questions which we feel ourselves bound to ask of Mr. Hunt, are simply these:—Did the personal intercourse
between him and Lord Byron terminate in an avowal on his
(Mr. Hunt’s) part of hostility? And,
Would he have written and published about Lord Byron in the tone and
temper of this work had Lord Byron been alive? Except when vanity more
egregious than ever perverted a human being’s thoughts and feelings interferes, we
give Mr. Hunt some credit for fairness—and if he can answer
these two questions in the affirmative, we frankly admit that we shall think more
charitably, by a shade or two, of this performance than, in the present state of our
information, we are able to do. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
It appears from the
Preface that he had painted a full-length portrait of that perfect gentleman, Mr Hazlitt—but partly to oblige Mr Colburn, if we do not mistake, and partly because he
must have quarrelled—although he says not—with the amiable original, whom he
now accuses of having “a most wayward and cruel temper,” “which has
ploughed cuts and furrows in his face”—“and capable of being inhuman in
some things”—he has not given the picture a place in the
gallery. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and some of his Contemporaries” in New Monthly Magazine
Vol. NS 22 (January 1828)
From the charge of ingratitude, Mr. Leigh
Hunt, in various passages of his book, successfully vindicates himself, and
shows that the obligations which Lord Byron has been
represented to have heaped on him, have been ludicrously exaggerated both in number and
value. Into matters so delicate, however, we do not intend to enter. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
We own that we do not think that in this and other such passages, the
publisher has been fairly dealt with by the author. The latter seems extremely anxious to
shift upon the shoulders of the former, all the blame which can attach to a work of this
description. It is obvious that Mr. Colburn wished,
and very naturally, to obtain a book that would repay him for his advances and other risks;
but it belonged to the author, if he really held any principles of honour sacred, to take
his stand upon them. If he has abandoned them, and that for the sake of the reward which he
was to get for so doing, it is clear that the taint of the transaction belongs, at least,
as much to him who receives, as to him who gives, under circumstances so humiliating. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
We are constrained to add, however, that on this occasion our
‘pensive hearts’ have withstood the influence both of Burgundy and Moselle. To
our fancy, dropping metaphors, this is one of the most melancholy books that any man can
take up. The coxcombries of Mr. Hunt’s style both
of thought and language, were these things new, and were they all, might indeed furnish
inextinguishable laughter to the most saturnine of readers. But we had supped full with
these absurdities long ago, and have hardly been able to smile for more than a moment at
the most egregious specimens of cockneyism which the quarto presents; and even those who
have the advantage of meeting Mr. Leigh Hunt for the first time upon
this occasion, will hardly, we are persuaded, after a little reflection, be able to draw
any very large store of merriment from his pages. It is the miserable book of a miserable
man: the little airy fopperies of its manner are like the fantastic trip and convulsive
simpers of some poor worn out wanton, struggling between famine and remorse, leering
through her tears. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part I]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 4 (23 January 1828)
Mr. Hunt does not appear before the world to give them an
account of events and connections of which they had previously no idea. We have all heard
quite enough of Lord Byron's munificence in receiving
into his house this distinguished gentleman and his family, to make it a prominent portion
of our general idea of his Lordship's character; and after the many statements and
insinuations, loud, long, and bitterly injurious to Mr. Hunt, which
have been founded upon the universal knowledge of this transaction, it seems to its neither
very wonderful nor very blameable, that he should at last come forward himself, and make
public his own defence. It is evident, from the whole tone of the book, that Mr.
Hunt has not stated in it a word which he does not believe. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Literary Chronicle
No. 454 (26 January 1828)
How anxiously we have looked for a work of
this kind, it would, we fear, be considered beneath the should be imperturbable dignity of
a reviewer to confess. We had assigned to Leigh Hunt the office of
Byron’s biographer, conceiving him on many accounts
eminently calculated for the task. His acquaintance with Byron had
been long and tolerably intimate, and, as a literary man, he was well qualified to draw
forth and accurately estimate the essentially mental qualities of his subject. His style of
composition too, seemed to us the more peculiarly adapted to the purpose, inasmuch as its
very defects in this instance resolved themselves into positive advantages,—such, for
example, as what is by many considered us over-fondness for minute details, his anatomy of
the most trivial of circumstances. We expected him to give not a bold sketchy picture,
‘beslabbered o’er with haste,’ but an elaborate portrait in which
‘each particular hair’ should be apparent, which would he not merely pleasing
to the eye, but in which the philosopher and the phrenologist might find ample materials
for deep and correct speculation. We did not look for unqualified eulogium,—we were
aware that truth would require anything but that,—but we imagined Mr.
Hunt to possess too little ascerbity of disposition for the transmutation
into vices worthy of record, what at most can be considered but insignificant overflowings
of bile, and may frequently bear even an advantageous construction. We have been
disappointed: in the present work, as far as it treats of Lord Byron,
we trace nothing of that vein of genuine and warm-hearted philanthropy by which the
writings of Leigh Hunt have been distinguished even more than by their
fancy and originality. . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Leigh Hunt's Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. NS 10 (February 1828)
Of Moore,
Lamb, Campbell, &c., we are familiar with all that the author has said or
would repeat for the last or next twenty years. It is a novelty at any rate for one man of
genius honestly to give a minute and apparently honest account of the real private
character of another: but the privileges of the order to which both parties in fact belong,
may excuse the hardihood and the singularity of the scheme. Posterity invariably attempts
to rake up every peculiarity or characteristic trait from the memory of every great man;
and it is always loudly lamented when neither the investigations of antiquaries nor the
researches of ardent admirers can bring to light all that it is wished to discover.
Mr. Leigh Hunt has saved posterity any trouble in the case of
Lord Byron. We have his portrait here drawn by an acute observer
and a shrewd metaphysician, who had the advantage of living with him on terms of
intimacy—under the same roof. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Is not the tone of this passage insolent, unfeeling, and unmanly? The
writer, with flippant impatience to be insulting to the memory of a dead man, vainly tries,
by a poor perversion of the very ordinary, harmless, and pleasant circumstances, in which
he first saw the “Noble Childe,” to throw over him an air of ridicule, and to
make him and his pastime, to a certain degree, an object of contempt. But the ridicule
recoils on the Cockney. The “latter,” that is “Mr Jackson’s pupil,” that is, Lord Byron, was swimming with somebody for a wager, and that
our classic calls “rehearsing the part of Leander!” To
what passage in the life of Leander does the witling refer? “I
had been bathing, and was standing on the floating machine adjusting my clothes!” Ay,
and a pretty fellow, no doubt, you thought yourself, as you were jauntily buttoning your
yellow breeches. You are pleased to say, “so contenting myself with seeing his
lordship’s head bob up and down in the water, like a buoy, I came away.” Now do
you know, sir, that while you were doing so, a whole young ladies’ ambulating
boarding school were splitting their sides with laughter at the truly laughable style in
which you were jerking out first the right leg and then the left, to get into the yellow
breeches; for your legs and thighs had not been sufficiently dried with the pillow-slip,
and for the while a man with moderate haste might count a hundred, in they could not be
persuaded to go, but ever and anon were exhibited, below the draggled shirt-tails, in most
ludicrous exposure? . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Mr Hunt, however, fears he has gone too far in calling
himself a young man who had written a bad volume of poems; and he mentions that Lord Byron, who soon afterwards called upon him in prison,
thought it a good volume of poems; “to my astonishment he quoted some of the lines,
and would not hear me speak ill of them.” We daresay Mr Hunt was
very easily prevented from speaking ill of them; nor is there much magnanimity in now
announcing how little they were thought of by himself, and how much by Lord
Byron. This is mock-modesty; and, indeed, the would-be careless, but most
careful introduction of himself and his versifying at all, on such an occasion, must, out
of Cockaigne, be felt to be not a little disgusting and characteristic. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
We remember once hearing a midshipman giving an account of the death of
Lord Nelson, which consisted almost entirely of a
description of a musket ball that had lodged in his own buttocks, and been extracted
skilfully, but painfully, some months afterwards, as he lay on a sofa in his father’s
house at Lymington,—an account of the whole domestic economy
of which followed a complimentary character of himself and the surgeon. So is it with
Mr Hunt. He keeps perpetually poking and perking
his own face into yours, when you are desirous of looking only at Lord
Byron’s, nor for a single moment ever seems to have the sense to
suspect that the company are all too much disgusted to laugh at the absurdities of his
egotism. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
Under these circumstances it was, that the author obtained the information which gives a tainted zest to his work. He did
not, be it remembered, meet with Lord Byron on the high
road of life, in the general intercourse of society; had that been the case, he might have
been justified in recording his impressions of a character, that is likely to be enquired
into with some degree of curiosity by posterity. But he never would have enjoyed the
opportunity of seeing Lord Byron in Italy, had it not been for the
noble lord’s kind intentions towards him in the first instance, and in the next
place, for an actual advance of money, sufficient to defray his travelling expences from
England to that country; so that while Mr. Hunt resided in Italy, he
could have been considered in no other light than as a dependant on Lord
Byron. For such a person therefore, to take advantage of his situation, in
order to betray to the world all his noble protector’s errors and foibles, seems to
us nothing short of a domestic treason. But to publish those foibles for the sake of gain,
and to publish nothing but those, for the sake of spleen, indicate a dereliction of
principle, and a destitution of honourable feeling, which we shall not venture to
characterize. . . .
William Howitt,
“Leigh Hunt” in Homes and Haunts of the most eminent British Poets (London: Richard Bentley, 1847) 2 Vols
The occasion of Leigh Hunt’s visit to Italy,
and its results, have been placed before the public, in consequence of their singular
nature, and of the high standing of the parties concerned, in a more prominent position
than any other portion of his life. There has been much blame and recrimination thrown
about on all sides. Mr. Hunt has stated his own case, in his work on
Lord Byron and his Contemporaries. The
case of Lord Byron has been elaborately stated by Mr. Moore, in his Life and Letters of the noble poet. It is not the place
here to discuss the question; but posterity will very easily settle it. My simple opinion
is, that Mr. Hunt had much seriously to complain of, and, under the
circumstances, has made his statement with great candour. The great misfortune for him, as
for the world, was, that almost immediately on his arrival in Italy with his family, his
true and zealous friend, Mr. Shelley, perished From
that moment, any indifferent spectator might have foreseen the end of the connexion with
Lord Byron. He had numerous aristocratic friends, who would, and
who did spare no pains to alarm his pride at the union with men of the determined character
of Hunt and Hazlitt for
progress and free opinion. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part I]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 4 (23 January 1828)
But we confess that we have a good deal of doubt whether Mr.
Hunt has judged rightly as to the wisdom of speaking about Lord
Byron in the tone which he has assumed, considering the importance attached
by the world to the kind of favours received by our author from the aristocratic poet. We
do not question for a moment, that Lord Byron's kindnesses or
ostentations were done after a fashion, which very much tended to merge the sense of
obligation in a feeling of insulted self-respect. We are sure, from all we have ever read
or heard of Mr. Hunt, that he is really accustomed to consider his own
money as of much less consequence than money is commonly held to deserve; and that no man
would think less of the inconvenience of giving away any portion of his worldly goods by
which he could benefit a friend. But he would do well to remember that men will judge him
by their rules, and not by his; and that it is mere folly to afford new weapons against an
honourable reputation to those who have uniformly made so malignant a use of previous
opportunities. . . .
[William Jerden?],
“Review of Hunt, Lord Byron and Some of his Contemporaries” in Literary Gazette
No. 575 (26 January 1828)
In the career of social life where civilised well depend so much on their
fellow men, it must be that the noblest and proudest natures must often bend (we will not
say stoop) to receive benefits: from the king to the beggar, no one ever got through the
world without being obliged to others; and the receiver is as much to be esteemed and
honoured as the giver. But having once accepted the kindness of a friend, there is no after
act on his part, and far less any slight offence, or the mere cessation of bestowing
favours, which can form an apology for turning about to sting and wound your benefactor.
Silence is imposed, even if gratitude should be forgotten. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and some of
His Contemporaries [Concluded]” in Literary Chronicle
No. 455 (2 February 1828)
Of all the grave charges brought against Lord Byron by Mr. Hunt, the only one of real and
unquestionable importance, the only one which can at all account for or justify the
soreness of feeling by which the writer is evidently actuated, is contained in the
following passage:—‘The public have been given to understand that
Lord Byron's purse was at my command, and that I used it according
to the spirit with which it was offered. I did so. Stern necessity,
and a large family, compelled me; and, during our residence at Pisa,
I had from him, or rather from his steward, to whom he always sent me for
the money, and who doled it me out as if my disgraces were being counted, the sum
of seventy pounds!’ There is a meanness and an indelicacy
about this, which tends more to lessen Lord Byron, in our estimation,
than any of the peculiarities, strange and wayward as they were, upon which Mr.
Hunt dwells with such minute severity. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
If we rightly understand the drift of this argument, it means that
Mr. Hunt would have received as much of Lord Byron’s money as his lordship might have thought proper to give,
without feeling himself under the slightest obligation; but that he has since changed his
mind on the subject, ‘in practice at least,’ of which we presume the memoir of
his lordship is a sufficient example. There is much in this passage that savours of
Cobbett’s defence of his non-payment of a
loan advanced to him by Sir Francis Burdett. The
upshot of their common doctrine is this; that, whereas Messrs Cobbett
and Hunt have a high opinion of their own talents; and whereas one is
a political, and the other a miscellaneous writer, and they have not as yet amassed
fortunes by their publications—therefore, considering ‘the present state of
society,’ they need never think of refunding to any person who favours them with
pecuniary assistance! Mr. Hunt would, indeed, have us to believe, that
‘in practice at least,’ he has altered those notions of late, thereby affording
a ray of encouragement to those who might be inclined to imitate Lord
Byron’s generosity. But is he certain that if such persons were to be
found, he would not recur to his favourite doctrine? . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
He had been given to understand, forsooth!
that ‘the attachment was real; that it was rescuing Lord Byron
from worse connexions; and that the lady’s family approved of it.’ Supposing
all this to be true, does it follow that their conduct was the less criminal in the sight
of God—or less reprehensible in the opinion of good men?—But we correct
ourselves; it seems that Mr. Hunt has also a peculiar theory on this
subject, as on that of money. He tells us that he differs, very considerably, ‘with
the notions entertained respecting the intercourse of the sexes, in more countries than
one;’ by which, we suspect, he means that such intercourse ought to be subject to no
laws, human or divine. Truly, we have here a philosopher of the most agreeable
description! . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Leigh Hunt's Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. NS 10 (February 1828)
The portrait will be acknowledged to be one of those which all who do not
know the original subject, from the reality of its look, and the force and nature of its
impression, will pronounce to be a perfect likeness; and they who did know it would place
the question beyond suspicion, unless indeed the picture is too close a resemblance to be
flattering, unless, contrary to the usage of artists, it represents deformities as well as
beauties. The ravages of the small-pox are never copied in a portrait. Biographies are
generally all so much alike, that the changes of a few names and circumstances would make
one pass for another. Eulogies deal in generals, and if a foible is confessed, it is
commonly one possessed by all mankind. Characters are seldom attempted, except by
historians and novelists; in both cases the original dwells only in the author’s
fancy. Viewed in this light, the character of Lord Byron
is perhaps the very first that was ever drawn from life with fidelity and skill; we have
him here as his intimate friends knew him—as those who lived with him felt him to be
by hourly experience. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Dignified historian! Sublime studies! What peering, and prying, what
whisper-listening, what look-eying, what note-jotting, and journalizing must have been
there! What sudden leave-taking of bower, arbour, and parlour, at nod or wink of the
master, whom he served! This was being something worse than a lick-spittle. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
With such a feeling running cold all the while at the bottom of his heart,
does this unfortunate proceed to fill page after page, through a long quarto volume, with
the meatiest details of private gossip,—dirty gabble about men’s wives and
men’s mistresses,—and men’s lackeys, and even the mistresses of the
lackeys (p. 13)—and, inter alia, with anecdotes of the
personal habits of an illustrious poet now no more, such as could never have come to the
knowledge of any man who was not treated by Lord Byron either as a friend or as a menial.
Such is the result of ‘the handsome conduct’ of Mr.
Hunt’s publisher—who, we should not forget, appears to have
exercised throughout* the concoction of this work, a species of authority somewhat new in
the annals of his calling: . . .
[William Jerden?],
“Review of Hunt, Lord Byron and Some of his Contemporaries” in Literary Gazette
No. 575 (26 January 1828)
The connexion between Lord Byron and
persons in rank, in intellect, and in every high quality of soul, so inferior to himself as
the coterie which gathered round him in Italy— and the consequences of that
assemblage, may, we think, be very readily accounted for. Lord Byron,
with the fervour of a young poet, imagined Leigh
Hunt—in prison for libelling his King—a sort of political martyr,
and thus prepossessed in his favour was led to estimate his writings by a fictitious
standard. But this fit of fancy must almost instantly have been dispelled, as the author
shews it to have been, when his lordship came into direct and constant contact with the
pert vulgarity and miserable low-mindedness of Cockney-land. We can picture him (the
haughty aristocrat and impatient bard) with Mrs.
Hunt, as painted by her partial husband, with the whole family of bold
brats, as described by their proud papa, and with that papa himself and the rest of the
accompanying annoyances; and we no longer wonder that the Pisan establishment of congenial spirits, brought together from various parts of the world,
should have turned into a den of disagreeable, envious, bickering, hating, slandering,
contemptible, drivelling, and be-devilling wretches. The elements of such an association
were discord; and the result was, most naturally, spleen and secret enmity in life, and
hate and public contumely after death. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Literary Chronicle
No. 454 (26 January 1828)
Few people, we believe, will discover either delicacy or good taste in the
conduct thus complacently described. In the lady we perceive a very unamiable penchant for
saying disagreeable things, not quite so smart as her affectionate husband fancies them,
and which could have lost none of their deformity when repeated by Mr. Hunt to his lordship. Then again, does it tell against Byron that he was vexed because the children were kept out of
the way? We suspect not, and really cannot help thinking that many of the causes of
difference must have originated with the party now complaining. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Mr Hunt, too, had had his midriff tickled by it out of all
measure,—had treasured it up among other bright and original sallies in the
store-house of his memory, and suddenly, and without warning, brought it out to annihilate
the Noble who had dared to criticise the personal appearance of “some friends of
mine.” Poor Byron, how easily wert thou abashed!
Disgust and scorn must have tied his tongue; just as they sicken the very eyes that run
over the low and loath- some recital by a chuckling Cockney, of
his wife’s unmannerly and unwomanly stupidities, mixed up with the poisonous slaver
of his own impotent malice, rendering page 27 of “Lord Byron and
his Contemporaries, by Leigh Hunt,” the most impertinent piece of printed
paper that ever issued from the press. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
There is another subject upon which we must touch, though with unfeigned
reluctance, and with as much delicacy as we can. It is well known that an intimacy of an
improper description took place between Lord Byron and a
Signora Guiccoli, soon after his
lordship’s arrival in Italy, and that that intimacy continued for a considerable
length of time. Mr. Hunt was aware of this; he knew, therefore, that
the parties were living in a state of double adultery, openly violating the most sacred
duties. Yet he never seems to have hesitated an instant, about introducing Mrs. Hunt and his children to a family thus tainted in all
its relations. He complains of having been treated by Lord Byron, on
some oc-casions, with disrespect; we ask, what better
treatment did he deserve, after degrading himself and his children, by such mean
compliances? . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
During this period Lord Byron wrote
occasional letters to Mr Hunt, some of which are highly
complimentary, but they soon wax somewhat cool—“My dear
Hunt,” changes into “Dear Hunt,” “Yours,
most affectionately,” drops off—and it is plain enough that his Lordship is
getting sick and ashamed of the connexion. No wonder. The tone and temper of Mr
Hunt’s character, manners, and pursuits, as given by himself, must
have been most offensive to a man of high breeding and elevated sentiments like
Lord Byron; and his Lordship’s admiration of “Rimini,” was not such as to stand against
the public disgrace of having it dedicated to “My dear
Byron.” The pride of the peer revolted, as was natural and
right, from such an unwarrantable freedom—and with his own pen, it has since
appeared, he erased the nauseous familiarity,—for Leigh Hunt
very properly substituting “impudent varlet.” . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Mr Hunt had been a despicable abuser of all lords, before
he had ever sat in company with one; and even now, he is embued with the rancorous dislike
of high-birth, that is the glory and the shame of the lord-hating gang to which he yet
appertains. But how quickly quailed his paltry heart, and
cringed his servile shoulders, and bent his Cockney knees, and sought the floor the
pertness of his radical-looking eyes, at the very first condescending visit from a lord!
The Examiner died within him,—all his
principles slipt out of being like rain-drops on a window-pane, at the first smiting of the
sun—and, oh! the self-glorification that must have illuminated his face, “saved
only by thought from insignificance,” when, as he even now exults to record it,
Lady Byron continued sitting impatiently in her
carriage at his door at Paddington, and sending message after
message, to the number of Two, to her lord, fascinated by the glitter of mean eyes, and
preferring, to the gentle side of his young and newly-wedded wife, the company of a
Cockney, whose best bits were distributed through the taverns for tenpence every
Sunday! . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
Mr. Hunt tells his readers that Lord Byron threw
him back his Spenser, saying ‘he could make
nothing of him’: but whether are we to believe that the noble lord, sickened (as all
Mr. Hunt’s readers have been for twenty years past) with Mr.
Hunt’s endless and meaningless chatter about the half dozen poets, good, bad, and
indifferent, whom he patronizes, was willing to annoy Mr. Hunt by the
cavalier treatment of one of his principal protegés, or that
the author of one of the noblest poems that have been written in the Spenserian stanza was
both ignorant of the Faëry Queen,
and incapable of comprehending anything of its merits? No man who knew anything of
Lord Byron can hesitate for a moment about the answer.
Lord Byron, we have no sort of doubt, indulged his passion for
mystifying, at the expense of this gentleman, to an improper and unjustifiable extent. His delight was at all times in the study of
man. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
It is equally certain, that we have now before us a
voluminous collection of Lord Byron’s private correspondence,
addressed, for the most part, to persons whom Mr. Hunt,
however ridiculously, describes as his own personal enemies—letters written before,
during, and after the period of Mr. Hunt’s intercourse with
Lord Byron in Italy; and although there occur many jokes upon
Mr. Hunt, many ludicrous and quizzical
notices of him, yet we have sought in vain for a single passage indicative of spleen or
resentment of any shape or degree. On the contrary, he always upholds Mr.
Hunt, as a man able, honest, and well-intentioned, and therefore, in spite
of all his absurdities, entitled to a certain measure of respect as well as kindness. The
language is uniformly kind. We shall illustrate what we have said by a few extracts.
Mr. Hunt will perceive that Lord
Byron’s account of his connexion with
The Liberal
is rather different from that given in the book on our table. Mr.
Hunt describes himself as pressed by Lord Byron into
the undertaking of that hapless magazine: Lord Byron, on the contrary,
represents himself as urged to the service by the Messrs. Hunt themselves. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
‘Genoa,
10bre 25th, 1822.—Now do you see what you, and your friends do by your
injudicious rudeness? actually cement a sort of connexion which you strove to prevent,
and which, had the Hunts
prospered, would not, in all probability, have continued. As it
is, I will not quit them in their adversity, though it should cost me character, fame,
money, and the usual et cetera. My original motives I already explained; (in the letter
which you thought proper to show;) they are the true ones, and I
abide by them, as I tell you, and I told Leigh Hunt,
when he questioned me on the subject of that letter. He was violently hurt, and never
will forgive me at the bottom; but I cannot help that. I never meant to make a parade
of it; but if he chose to question me, I could only answer the plain truth, and I
confess, I did not see any thing in the letter to hurt him, unless I said he was
“a bore,” which I don’t remember. Had this
Journal gone on well, and I could have aided to make it better for them, I should then
have left them after a safe pilotage off a lee shore to make a prosperous voyage by
themselves. As it is, I can’t, and would not if I could, leave them among the
breakers. As to any community of feeling, thought, or opinion, between Leigh
Hunt and me, there is little or none. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Before the First Number of this poorest of all Periodicals had left the
anvil, Lord Byron had grown sick and ashamed of the
Editor, and he “only made use of it for the publication of some things which his Tory
bookseller was afraid to put forth.” Hunt
attributes its downfall almost entirely to Lord Byron’s want of
spirit and independence. But Hunt himself, he acknowledges, grew daily
stupider and weaker in mind and body, and could indite nothing but drivel. Poor Shelley was dead—Hazlitt worse than dead—how then could the Liberal live even with “The Vision of Judgement, in which my brother saw nothing
but Byron, and a judicious hit at the Tories, and he prepared his
machine accordingly, for sending forward the blow unmitigated. Unfortunately it recoiled,
and played the devil with all of us.” Mr Hunt then tries to
attribute the death of the monster—which at its birth was little better than an
abortion—to the sneers of Mr Moore and
Mr Hobhouse. Poor blind bat, does he not know
that all Britain loathed it? That it was damned, not by acclamation, but by one hiss and
hoot? That every man who was betrayed by the name of Byron to take it
into his hands, whether in private house, bookseller’s shop, or coffee-room, called
instantly and impatiently for a basin of water, soap and towels. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
We remember to have seen some numbers of the “Liberal,” the periodical publication in the management
of which, Mr. Hunt assisted Lord
Byron; and although it is written, that of the dead nothing that is not good
should be said, yet we must declare, that a more silly, a more vulgar, a more
unentertaining, or at the same time, a more ostentatious work never dishonoured our
literature. In matters of morality, it was at least of a very questionable charac-ter; in matters of religion it was offensively conceited and
profane. It perished in the disgrace it deserved, and let it therefore rest in
contempt. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
He thought, no doubt, that his own compositions
would be easily distinguished from those of Messrs. Hunt and Co.; and
that, therefore, he might benefit these needy people without materially injuring his own
reputation. Humble as was his estimate of the talents of all his coadjutors, except
Mr. Shelley, he had not foreseen that, instead
of his genius floating their dulness, an exactly opposite consequence would attend that
unnatural coalition. In spite of some of the ablest pieces that ever came from
Lord Byron’s pen,—in spite of the magnificent poetry
of heaven and Earth,—the eternal laws of gravitation held their course: Messrs.
Hunt, Hazlitt, and Co.
furnished the principal part of the cargo; and the ‘Liberal’ sunk to the bottom of the waters of oblivion
almost as rapidly as the Table-Talk, or the Foliage, or the Endymion.
. . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Among the other causes of the death of the Liberal, Mr Hunt refers to
one bitterly spoken of by Hazlitt, in a note quoted
from some manuscripts—the attacks on it in Blackwood’s Magazine. So infamous, it appears, had
Hazlitt been rendered by some able articles in this work, that he
had been excommunicated from all decent society, and nobody would touch a dead book of his,
any more than they would the body of a man who had died of the
plague. This is an incredible instance of the power of the press. What! a man of such pure
morals, delightful manners, high intellects, and true religion, as Mr
Hazlitt, to be ruined in soul, body, and estate, pen, pencil, and pallet, by
a work which Mr Hunt himself declared in the Examiner had no sale—almost the entire impression of every
number lying in cellars, in the capacity of dead stock? . . .
[William Jerden?],
“Review of Hunt, Lord Byron and Some of his Contemporaries” in Literary Gazette
No. 575 (26 January 1828)
We are not inclined to press this matter beyond its just bounds, nor, to
set a higher value upon pecuniary obligations than they deserve; but surely, in spite of
the cant and wire-drawing distinctions of the author, it must be felt by every
well-constituted and upright mind, that the acceptance of such favours ought, at least, to
prevent their acceptor from violating the grave of his friend; for, as
the world goes, money is the greatest test of friendship; find the man who gives
it liberally and generously, as Lord Byron did to
Mr. Hunt, affords the surest criterion of his regard and
affection. Yet, writhing under a recollection of bounties ill-bestowed, thus does the
quondam worshipper of that noble lord, and of his rank and title, profane his character,
when death has sealed the lips which (if utter scorn did not close them) might have
punished the perfidy with immortal ignominy. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
It is not our province to defend Lord
Byron’s character from the imputations which are here made against it.
They may be all well founded, for aught that we know; but that they are set forth in a
vindictive, not to say a malignant spirit, no man can doubt, who understands that it is the
duty of a biographer to give the lights as well as shades to his portrait, which properly
belong to it. If Mr. Hunt is to be believed,
Lord Byron had not a single virtue, to redeem or palliate the
above formidable list of vices and infirmities; whereas it is notorious, that his lordship
had done many kind and generous acts towards literary friends; that he was never niggardly
of his praise where he thought it deserved; that throughout his too brief existence, he had
been animated by an unquenchable love of liberty, and had essentially served it by his
writings, and that finally he sacrificed his life upon its altar. These things alone, not
to say a word of his transcendant genius, ought to shed a brightness on his history, which
should cast many of his infirmities into the shade. It cannot be denied, that his great
poetical talents were sullied by many impurities, but these will of themselves decay in
time, and leave his name in that fine splendour, in which it was invested when it first
obtained its ascendant in our horizon. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
Much of what Mr. Hunt is pleased to call his account
of Lord Byron, is rather a dissertation upon his
character, than a history of his life. He takes a verse from the noble lord’s poems,
or a confession of an idle moment, and makes it the theme of half a dozen tiresome prosing
pages. There is little that is new in his narrative, and of that little, there is still
less that is important. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part I]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 4 (23 January 1828)
But the great value of this
portion of the work undoubtedly is, that it gives us a far clearer and more consistent view
of the character of the singular man and celebrated writer of whom it treats, than any
other book that has hitherto appeared. We see him in these pages living and moving before
us, not merely with his wings and scars, with the power and desperation, of his poetry, but
with the circumstances and attributes of ordinary humanity. And it is now, indeed, time
that we should begin to judge him calmly and fairly; for the renown, and the all but
disgrace which alike filled the air as with an immeasurable cloud, have shrunk, as did the
gigantic genius of the Arabian Tale, into a narrow urn. It is not more than his errors
deserve to say, that they were the rank produce of a noble soil, the weeds which grow among
Asphodel and Amaranth, on the summit of Olympus, and around the
footsteps of the glorified immortals. It is good for us that books exist which display the
union of poetic ability with a scorn and a selfishness of which literature scarce afforded
us any previous example; for the works of Byron may be a warning to
every mind, the mightiest or the meanest, that there are failings and vices which will even
break the sceptre and scatter to the winds the omnipotence of genius . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Leigh Hunt's Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. NS 10 (February 1828)
Shall, then,
the public be informed of that which does not concern it; or shall we accuse the publisher
of such information of a breach of faith—of a treacherous betrayal of that which is
only revealed under the sacred confidence of domestic intercourse? We confess that these
fine words fall dead upon our ears. We see no reason that men should not be known as they
really are, but many for it; it is the first step to amendment. Had all the published lives
and characters been written in their true colours, the world would have been much further
advanced in virtue. This hypocrisy in glossing over vice—in smoothing down the
roughness and defects of character, is a kind of premium upon the indulgence of evil
passion. Though the world may have little to do with the private virtues directly; inasmuch
as these constitute by far the greater portion of its aggregate of happiness; there is no
more important subject can be discussed before it than the excellencies and failings of
eminent individuals. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and some of
His Contemporaries [Concluded]” in Literary Chronicle
No. 455 (2 February 1828)
Mr. Hunt asserts, on more than one occasion, that
Lord Byron had ‘no address,’ no
conversational powers, none, in short, of those little, pleasant, companionable qualities,
for which, we believe, Mr. Hunt himself is so deservedly celebrated.
Any deficiency of this sort, we should set down as no very culpable matter; but it happens
that there are many testimonies on this subject opposed to that of Mr.
Hunt. Some of these, we confess, may not appear either to him or to
ourselves, of a very conclusive order; but what will he say to that of Mr. Shelley? It is known, that in Julian and Maddalo, Mr. Shelley
introduces us to himself and Lord Byron; and thus favorably, both in
prose and verse, does he describe the latter: ‘I say that
Maddalo is proud, because I can find no other word to express the
concentered and impatient feelings which consume him; but it is on his own hopes and
affections only that he seems to trample, for, in social life no human being can be more
gentle, patient, and unassuming than Maddalo. He is cheerful, frank,
and witty. His more serious conversation is a sort of intoxication; men are held by it as by a spell. He has travelled much; and
there is an inexpressible charm in his relation of his adventures in different
countries.’ The whole portrait is worthy of quotation . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
We should, indeed, have reason to blush, could we think for a moment of
entering into the details given by Mr. Leigh Hunt,
concerning the manners, habits, and conversation of Lord
Byron. The witness is, in our opinion, disqualified to give evidence upon
any such subjects; his book proves him to be equally ignorant of what manners are, and
incompetent to judge what manners ought to be: his elaborate portraiture of his own habits
is from beginning to end a very caricatura of absurdity; and the man who wrote this book,
studiously cast, as the whole language of it is, in a
free-and-easy, conversational tone, has no more right to decide about the conversation of
such a man as Lord Byron, than has a pert apprentice to pronounce
ex cathedrá
—from his one shilling gallery, to wit—on the dialogue of a polite
comedy. We can easily believe, that Lord Byron never talked his best
when this was his companion. We can also believe that Lord
Byron’s serious conversation, even in its lowest tone, was often
unintelligible to Mr. Leigh Hunt.
. . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
How insidiously the serpent slides through the folds of these passages,
leaving his slime behind him as he wriggles out of sight! There is a
Sporus-like effeminacy in the loose and languid language in which
he drawls out his sentence into what he thinks the fine-sounding word,
Sardanapalus. What if the Grand
Signior did take the youthful Byron for a woman in
disguise? The mistake of that barbarian no more proved that his lordship had an effeminate
appearance, than a somewhat similar mistake of the Sandwich Islanders proved the jolly crew
of the Endeavour, sailing round the world with Cook,
to be like Gosport-girls. . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Leigh Hunt's Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. NS 10 (February 1828)
Mr. Hunt enters into an examination of the various publications which
have been broached on the subject of Lord Byron’s
life and character; and as he condescends to criticise some very paltry performances, we
are surprised that he did not bestow some attention on a paper which formerly appeared in
this magazine (for October, 1824). It is the only
sketch that has been written in the same spirit as his own; and since it remarkably
coincides in all leading points with the view above given, may be considered a confirmation
of its truth. This sketch appeared soon after Lord Byron’s
death, and attracted much attention at the time, it having been copied from our pages into
almost every other journal of the day. It was thought much too true, much too
unceremonious, and the very reverse of sentimental, the tone into which the nation struck
after the death of this remarkable person. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
There are upwards of forty pages
out of one hundred and fifty, devoted solely to a dull criticism on a work, entitled,
“The Life, Writings, Opinions, and Times, of
Lord Byron,”—a spurious compilation, known to be such by any man who
has the slightest judgment. Yet does Mr. Hunt set about refuting the
numberless fabrications of this precious publication, with as much solemnity as if it had
proceeded from a respectable quarter. But his motive is evident enough. He wished merely to
eke out his memoir, and give it as imposing an appearance as possible. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
In another part of the book, Hunt
quotes a few sentences, which seem very good ones, from an old article in the Magazine on
Lord Byron,—and adds, “there follows
something about charity, and clay-idols, and brutal outrages of all the best feelings; and
Mr Blackwood, having finished his sermon,
retires to count his money, his ribaldry, and his kicks.” Here
Hunt considers Mr Blackwood as the writer of
the Critique, or Sermon in question, and indeed he often speaks of that gentleman as the
author of the articles that have kicked up such a “stoure” in Cockney-land. On
other occasions, when it suits his purpose, he gives himself the lie direct,—but
probably all this passes for wit behind the counter. Mr
Colburn, however, cannot like it: nor would it be fair, notwithstanding the
judicious erasures which he has made on the MS. in its progress through the press, to
consider that gentleman the author of “Lord Byron and his
Contemporaries,” any more than of those very entertaining but somewhat
personal articles in the Magazine of which he is
proprietor, entitled “Sketches of the
Irish Bar.” That Mr Blackwood should occasionally
retire to count his money, seems not at all unreasonable in a publisher carrying on a
somewhat complicated, extensive, and flourishing trade. It is absolutely necessary that he
should so retire into the Sanctum, at which times even we do not think of disturbing
him . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and some of
His Contemporaries [Concluded]” in Literary Chronicle
No. 455 (2 February 1828)
With respect to Mr. Hunt's opinion of
Lord Byron's poetical ability, little need be said.
Whatever may be our respect for his general criticisms, in this particular instance we
entertain but little; nor need we stay to consider what he himself would say of a critic
who should acknowledge that he had read only a portion of certain works which he has no
hesitation in condemning, almost unqualifiedly, as a whole. ‘To the
best of my recollection I never even read Parisina, nor is this the only one of
his lordship's works of which I can say as much, acquainted as I am with the
others.’ There is an unpleasant assumption in this passage, which comes very
gracelessly from Mr. Hunt; at all events, it is a question whether our
dislike of the effrontery does not exceed our gratitude for the candour of the
acknowledgment. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
Even as to the more solemn subject of
religion, we ought to take shame to ourselves for even for a moment considering Lord Byron and Mr. Leigh
Hunt as brother infidels. The dark doubts which
disturbed to its depths the noble intellect of the one had little, indeed, in common with
the coxcombical phantasies which floated and float on the surface of the other’s
shallowness. Humility,—a most absurd delusion of humility, be it allowed, made the
one majestic creature unhappy: the most ludicrous conceit, grafted on the most deplorable
incapacity, has filled the paltry mind of the gentleman-of the-press now before us, with a
chaos of crude, pert dogmas, which defy all analysis, and which it is just possible to pity
more than despise. . . .
[William Jerden?],
“Review of Hunt, Lord Byron and Some of his Contemporaries” in Literary Gazette
No. 575 (26 January 1828)
The confessions in this passage betray some symptoms of grace, and prove
that the writer could not entirely reconcile his mind to the despicable course of doing
wrong to the memory of his benefactor for the sake of paltry lucre, if not also for the
gratification of still baser passions. Indeed the struggle between a sense of rectitude in
this respect, and the dishonour of publishing these memoirs, is obvious in many
places. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
Now a question suggests itself to us, which we are sure Mr. Hunt, with the high feelings thus entertained and expressed
by him, will thank us for asking. It is well known, that Lord
Byron took leave finally of Mr. Leigh Hunt by letter.
The letter in question we never saw, but we have conversed with those who read it; and from
their account of its contents—they describe it as a document of considerable length,
and as containing a full narrative of the whole circumstances under which Lord
Byron and Mr. Hunt met and parted, according to his
lordship’s view of the case—we confess we have been rather surprized to find it
altogether omitted in Mr. Leigh Hunt’s quarto. Mr.
Hunt prints very carefully various letters, in which Lord
Byron treats of matters nowise bearing on the differences which occurred
between these two distinguished contemporaries: and our
question is, was it from humanity to the dead, or from humanity to the living, that
Mr. Leigh Hunt judged it proper to omit in this work the
apparently rather important letter to which we refer? If Mr. Hunt has
had the misfortune to mislay the document, and sought in vain for it amongst his
collections, he ought, we rather think, to have stated that fact, and stated also, in so
far as his memory might serve him, his impression of the character and tendency of this
valedictory epistle. But in case he has both lost the document and totally forgotten what
it contained, we are happy in having this opportunity of informing him, that a copy of it
exists in very safe keeping. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part II]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 5 (29 January 1828)
Of Mr. Moore there is a very lively, pleasant, and
characteristic description. Mr. Hunt’s anecdotes about the
writer of ‘Lalla Rookh’ are,
in general, good-humoured enough; and we scarcely understand why Mr.
Hunt should have quarrelled with so distinguished and amiable a person, for
saying that there was ‘a taint in the Liberal,’
especially as he himself expresses the same thing in other words, when he talks of his
objections to the publication of the parody
on ‘The Vision of
Judgment.’ . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Of Mr
Moore he begins with drawing a favourable likeness—but having
something of the spleen towards him too, he puts on not a few touches, meant to dash its
pleasantness, and leaves it in a very unfinished state—for no other or better reason
that we can discover, than that Mr Moore most justly had said to
Lord Byron that “the Liberal had a taint in
it,” had, at a public dinner in Paris, spoken highly of
England, and in some verses written rather disparagingly of that very indulgent person,
Madame Warrens. On one occasion, he designates
him by the geographic designation of “a Derbyshire poet”—Mr
Moore, we believe, having had a cottage in that county—admitting in a
note, that at the time he had been too angry with Mr Moore to honour
him so highly as to call him by his name—and on many occasions he sneers at him for
living so much it in that high society, from which all Cockneys are of course
excluded—and saw, as has been mentioned, he threatens him with the posthumous satire
of Lord Byron.
. . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part II]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 5 (29 January 1828)
Moreover, his reasoning as to
Mr. Moore’s conduct with regard to Lord
Byron’s
Memoirs, seems to us to be at once vague and
inapplicable. What Mr. Hunt seems to aim at, is to make out an
inconsistency in Mr. Moore’s conduct, because he accepted 2000
guineas’ worth from Lord Byron, but would not accept the same
sum in money from Lord Byron’s family. The difference is obvious. In the one case the
present was a mark of friendship; in the other it was a payment, and might have been
thought and called a bribe. Suppose Mr. Shelley, when he dedicated
‘The Cenci’ to
Mr. Hunt, had given him the copyright; and that, if the Tragedy
had not been already published, our author had seen fit, after his friend’s death, to
throw it into the fire, would he have accepted 200l. or 200 pence
from the Society for the Suppression of Vice as a reward for his conduct? Mr.
Hunt almost always makes blunders when he talks about money-matters. He says
himself that he has no head for them; and he really ought to leave the discussion of them
to calculating stockbrokers or cool reviewers, while he writes (we hope) another
‘Rimini.’ . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part II]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 5 (29 January 1828)
On Shelley there is a long and most
interesting article. He was the greatest man of all those who are mentioned by Mr. Hunt; he was also his most intimate friend; and the notices
we have of him are proportionally valuable. Mr. Hunt’s book,
from bearing the name of Lord Byron on its title-page,
will probably go into the hands of many persons who know nothing of
Shelley but the name. We trust that the delightful, and we are
sure, most accurate portrait drawn by our author in the book before us, and the exquisite
specimens of poetry which he has extracted from Mr. Shelley’s
works, will induce a more detailed acquaintance with the writings of one of the most
benevolent men and powerful poets that have lived in any age or country. Of the errors of
some of his opinions, taken in their broad and obvious import, few men have had the
boldness to profess themselves apologists, and fewer still have had the charity to seek
among those errors for precious, though sometimes latent, germs of truth. We will venture
to assert, that those of his doctrines which are at first sight the most awfully
pernicious, are uniformly objectionable for the form rather than the spirit, the phrase
more than the feeling. It is, on the other hand, undeniable, that his sympathies are the
fondest and the best, his aspirations the purest and most lofty. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
We took a deep interest in Mr
Shelley. Full of admiration of his genius, and pity for his misconduct and
misfortunes, we spoke of him at all times with an earnestness of feeling, which we know he
felt, and for which we received written expressions of gratitude from some by whom he was,
in spite of all his unhappy errors, most tenderly beloved. Mr
Hunt must know this; but he is one of those “lovers of truth,”
who will not, if he can help it, suffer any one single spark of it to spunk out, unless it
shine in his own face, and display its pretty features to the public, “rescued only
by thought from insignificance.” Moreover, he hates this Magazine, not altogether, perhaps, without some little reason
of a personal kind—and, therefore, as a “lover of truth,” is bound never
to see any good in it, even if that good be the cordial praise of the genius of his dearest
friend, and, when it was most needed, a fearless vindication of all that could be
vindicated in his opinions, and conduct. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part II]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 5 (29 January 1828)
Judging of his mind as displayed in
his poetry, his hopes are fierce and rushing longings; his dislike, a curse; his
sympathies, an absorbing passion; the habitual pulses of his frame are the shocks of an
earthquake. Such was the spirit, clothing in the most glorious forms of beauty the one
purpose of purifying and ennobling its kind, on which were poured out all the vials of
muddy wrath in the power of the ‘Quarterly
Review.’ Such was the spirit which, in all
but its productions, is absolutely unknown to us, except through the short notice, at the
beginning of a volume of posthumous poems, and a part of the book with which Mr. Hunt has just enlivened society and enriched literature.
His information is full and consolatory, and we find in every line the authoritative
verification of those conclusions, as to Mr. Shelley’s reverence
and practice of all excellence, and habitual belief in the goodness of the Great Spirit
that pervades the universe, which are at once a triumph of candour and charity, and an
utter confusion and prostration to the whole herd of selfish bigots. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and some of
His Contemporaries [Concluded]” in Literary Chronicle
No. 455 (2 February 1828)
The articles descriptive of Shelley, Keats, Charles Lamb, &c. are worthy of them and of the writer.
They are correct and beautiful sketches, and will do much towards giving popular opinion a
right direction respecting the two first. The portraits of Keats and
Lamb are welcome ornaments to the volume; we regret that they were
not accompanied by one of Shelley. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
The author’s memoir of Mr.
Moore is too scanty, and, we may add, too prejudiced to deserve any
particular notice from us. That of Mr.
Shelley, on the contrary, is nothing but a panegyric. Of the genius of that
ill-starred and eccentric man, we have always thought very highly; his private life offers
little worthy of our admiration, and his religious principles still less. His end was
tragical, and contains a lesson that should appal the most thoughtless of his
disciples. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
So much for Mr. Leigh Hunt versus Lord Byron: the other
contemporaries that figure in this volume are, with two or three exceptions, persons whose
insignificance equals that of the author himself; and as they have had no hand, that we
know of, in this absurd exposure of themselves, we should be sorry either to waste our time
or to wound their feelings by any remarks on Mr. Hunt’s
delineations of them. Mr. Shelley’s portrait
appears to be the most elaborate of these minor efforts of
Mr. Hunt’s pencil. Why does Mr. Hunt
conceal (if he be aware of the fact) that this unfortunate man of genius was bitterly
sensible ere he died of the madness and profligacy of the early career which drew upon his
head so much indignation, reproach, and contumely—that he confessed with tears ‘that he well knew he had been all in the
wrong’? . . .
William Howitt,
“Leigh Hunt” in Homes and Haunts of the most eminent British Poets (London: Richard Bentley, 1847) 2 Vols
Every lover
of true poetry and of an excellent and high-hearted man, must regret that his visit to
Italy was dashed by such melancholy circumstances, for no man was ever made more thoroughly
to enjoy that fine climate and classical land. Yet as the friend of Shelley, Keats,
Charles Lamb, and others of the first spirits of
the age, Mr. Hunt must be allowed, in this respect, to have been one
of the happiest of men. It were no mean boon of providence to have been permitted to live
in the intimacy of men like these; but, besides this, he had the honour to suffer, with
those beautiful and immortal spirits, calumny and persecution. They have achieved justice
through death—he has lived injustice down. As a politician, there is a great debt of
gratitude due to him from the people, for he was their firm champion when reformers
certainly did not walk about in silken slippers. He fell on evil days, and he was one of
the first and foremost to mend them. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
In the memoir which Mr.
Hunt has given of him, we frequently observe the phrase
‘conventional,’ and ‘unconventional.’ It seems, that he imagines
the community divisible into these two classes, the former including those who acknowledge
an allegiance to the general rules of society, the latter consisting of those who would
like to live according to regulations of their own. Mr. Shelley has a
conspicuous place among the unconventional, and, if we mistake not, Mr.
Hunt aspires to a similar honour;—par
nobile-fratres. The author indulges us with a long and tedious
review of his friend’s different poetical works, of course exalting them to the
highest pitch of reputation. It will avail them little. The tendency to corruption and
decay, which in a signal manner is engendered in all obscene things, pervades them to the
core, and has already bowed them to the dust, with which they will soon be covered. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Gentle Reader—Let us so arouse your imagination, that you see a
Lion sleeping in the shade, or rather couched an a conscious slumber, his magnificent mane
spread abroad in the forest gloom, and the growling thunder hushed beneath it as in a
lowering cloud. Suppose him Sir Walter. Among the
branches of a tree, a little way off, sits a monkey, and did you ever hear such a chatter?
The blear-eyed abomination makes his very ugliest mouths at the monarch of the wood; and
shrieking in his rage, not altogether unlike something human, dangles first from one twig,
and then from another, still higher and higher up the tree, with an instinctive though
unnecessary regard for the preservation of his nudities, clinging at once by paw and by
tail, making assurance doubly sure that he shall not lose his hold, and drop down within
range of Sir Leoline. Suppose him Leigh Hunt. The sweet
little cherub that sits up aloft fondly and idly imagines, that the Lion is lying there
meditating his destruction,—that those claws, whose terrors are now tamed in glossy
velvet, and which, if suddenly unsheathed, would be seen blushing perhaps with the blood of
pard or panther, were given him by nature for the express purpose of waging high warfare
with the genus Simia! . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part II]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 5 (29 January 1828)
Of the remaining notices, we are most obliged to the author for that on
Mr. Keats. The names of Coleridge and of Lamb call up to us so much more vivid ideas of the persons in question,
that we learn comparatively little about them even from Mr.
Hunt’s very pleasant sketches. But Mr.
Keats’s reputation is at present but the shadow of a glory,—and
it is also plain enough to be seen that his works, beautiful as they are, are yet but the
faint shadow of his mind. His friend has commemorated his high genius, melancholy fate, and
unmerited contumelies, in a fitting tone of feeling. . . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part II]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 5 (29 January 1828)
His
was another of the bright minds at which a part of the public looked, for a time, only
through the smoky glass of the Quarterly
Reviewers. But by a just and necessary retribution, the abuse of power has
destroyed itself, and we doubt whether two hundred persons in the kingdom would now attach
the slightest importance to the most violent lucubrations of Mr. Murray’s critics. In the case of poor Keats, the mischief was irreparable; for it is clear, that whatever
predisposition to disease may have existed, the brutality of the extra-orthodox Reviewers
was the proximate cause of the death of an amiable man and a great poet, at an age when
most of his contemporaries were thinking of nothing but pounds and shillings, or the
excitements of ballrooms and burgundy, or the pleasure of covering the world with floods of
anonymous calumny. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
We believe we could not illustrate our view of the whole of this business
more effectually than by simply presenting a few extracts from Lord
Byron’s private letters in which this Mr.
Keats is alluded to. Our readers have probably, forgotten all about
‘Endymion, a
poem,’ and the other works of this young man, the all but universal roar
of laughter with which they were received some ten or twelve years ago, and the ridiculous
story (which Mr. Hunt denies) of the author’s death
being caused by the reviewers. Mr. Hunt was the great patron, the
‘guide, philosopher, and friend’ of Mr. Keats; it was he
who first puffed the youth into notice in his newspaper. The youth returned the compliment
in sonnets and canzonets, and presented his patron with a lock of Milton’s hair, and wrote a poem on the occasion. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
This sounds all mighty valiant—and no one can read the words,
without believing that “Hunt sent a challenge to
Dunbar, saying, Charlie meet me if you
daur,” and that his challenge struck a cold terror into the heart of “rough old
General Izzard.” But Mr
Hunt has waxed tea-pot valiant, when recording in old age the bold
achievements of his youth. All that he did was, to ask the General’s name, that he
might bring an action against him for libel. Half a syllable, with any other import, would
have brought the General, without an hour’s delay, before the eyes of the astonished
Cockney. Hunt then kept fiddle-faddling with attorneys, and
solicitors, and barristers, for months together, till finding fees troublesome, and that
there had been no libel, but in his own diseased imagination, or guilty conscience, he
“retreated into his contempt,” and in contempt he has, we believe, ever since
remained. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
There are hundreds of others who lived in the
time of Lord Byron, and had just as much title to notice as of those,
with perhaps one or two exceptions, who are here enumerated. Keats
died at the age of twenty-four, in a state little short of madness.
Campbell still lives to adorn his country, and promote the welfare
of his race. Dubois is scarcely known; Theodore
Hook, too well known for his, at least presumed, connexion with the basest
system of calumny that ever disgraced the public press; Mathews still
delights the town, and one of the Smiths, at least, has retired to Tor Hill, to die with one Reuben Apsley. Coleridge has grown
fat and idle; Charles Lamb has outgrown his visions; and as to the
rest, and even as to most of these, what had they particularly to do with Lord
Byron, that they should be denominated his
contemporaries? . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
To Mr Campbell he is exceedingly
complimentary—and has, he thinks, hit off the character of that delightful poet in
two words; he is a “French Virgil.” What
that means, we do not presume even to conjecture; but be its intents wicked or charitable,
it is a mere parody on Mr Charles Lamb’s not
very prudent or defensible remark about Voltaire,—of which, a word by and by. In the midst even of his
admiration, he cannot help being impertinent; and he tells the world that Mr
Campbell gladly relaxes from the loftiness of
poetry, and delights in Cotton’s Travestie of Virgil, (a most beastly
book) and that his conversation “is as far as may be from any thing like a
Puritan.” In short, he insinuates, that Mr Campbell’s
conversation is what some might call free and. easy, and others indecent,—a
compliment, we believe, as awkward as untrue. He pretends to be enraptured with the
beautiful love and marriage scenes in Gertrude of Wyoming; but we know better, and beg to assure him that he is not.
In confirmation of the correctness of our opinion, we refer him to the Story of Rimini. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
Mr Theodore Hook he also attempts
to characterise; and to us, who know a thing or two, this is about one of the basest bits
of his book. Not a syllable of censure does he pass upon that gentleman, but a wish
“that he had stuck to his humours and farces, for which he had real talent, instead of writing politics.” Now, there is no term of
contumely and abuse allowable in low society, which Mr
Hunt and his brothers, and the rest of the gang, have not heaped upon
Mr Hook’s head, in the Examiner, as if he were excommunicated and outcast from the company of all
honest men. But Mr Colburn is Mr
Hook’s publisher, and he is now also Mr
Hunt’s; and therefore he, who takes for motto, “It is for slaves
to lie, and freemen to speak truth,” thus compromises, we must not say his
conscience, but that which, with him, stands instead of it, party and personal spite, and
winds up a most flattering account of Mr Hook’s delightful,
companionable qualities, with the slightest and faintest expression of dissent,—if it
even amount to that,—from his politics, that, his breath, which is “sweet
air,” can be made to murmur. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
And, by the way, why did Mr.
Hunt inflict on Mr. Horatio Smith so
great an injury as to say, after describing his acts of generous friendship to the
unfortunate Mr. Shelley, that he (Mr. Smith)
differed with Mr. Shelley ‘on some points,’ without stating distinctly what
those points were—namely, every point, whether of religious belief or of moral
opinion, on which Mr. Shelley differed, at the time of his
acquaintance with Mr. Smith, from all the respectable part of the
English community? We are happy to have this opportunity of doing justice, on competent
authority, to a person whom, judging merely from the gentleman-like and moral tone of all
his writings, we certainly should never have expected to meet with in the sort of company
with which this, no doubt, unwelcome eulogist has thought fit to associate his name. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
Availing himself of the comprehensiveness of his title-page, Mr. Hunt has
given us memoirs of Keats, Campbell, Dubois,
Theodore Hook, Mathews, Messrs. James and Horace Smith,
Fuseli, Bonnycastle, Kinnaird, Charles Lamb, and Mr.
Coleridge, many of them it must be owned, respectable names, to whose merits
we offer no objection. But, why they should be set down as the
contemporaries of Lord Byron, we are rather at a loss to
conjecture. . . .
[John Wilson],
“Review of Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries” in Blackwood's Magazine
Vol. 23
No. 136 (March 1828)
All this proves, that Mr Lamb has a
head worthy of Aristotle, and that he ought to have a
face like that of Bacon. The saying about Voltaire is most repulsively narrated; and Mr
Lamb, who took such offence with Mr
Southey for regretting that Elia’s essays had not
a sounder religious feeling, what will he say—or feel, at least—about the sad
jumble of offensive and childish nonsense, which, without having the capacity of
re-creating the circumstances in which the words were uttered, or imparting the slightest
feeling of the spirit in which they were conceived, Hunt
has palmed off upon the public as characteristic specimens of the conversation of
Charles Lamb?
. . .
Anonymous,
“Lord Byron and His Contemporaries [Part II]” in The Athenaeum
Vol. 1
No. 5 (29 January 1828)
The
200 concluding pages are devoted by the author to his own memoirs. These are sparkling and
interesting, and exhibit no falling off of talent, or lack of matter. But the entertainment
to be drawn from them is of so different a kind from that of the previous notices, and so
much less concentrated and engrossing, that Mr. Hunt certainly judged
rightly in his original plan of opening the volume with that which is personal to himself;
and thus giving us a ‘diapason ending full’ in Byron and Shelley. Indeed, we would
advise the readers of the book to proceed after this fashion; and, beginning with the last
division of work, to travel regularly backwards. . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
We come now to Mr. Hunt’s recollections of his
own life, to which we find a portrait prefixed, calculated to do any thing but conciliate
our confidence. We have not the honour of knowing the original; but if this portrait be at
all like him we must confess, that we should have no great fancy for his company. We
understand that he is rather displeased with his painter, or at least, his engraver,
who, he thinks, has made him look like a thief. The picture certainly does warrant the
idea, for we could almost imagine, that he had something under his cloak which he had
purloined, and was making the best of his way home with it. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
Mr. Hunt received from the hand of nature talents which,
if properly cultivated and employed, might have raised him to distinction; and, we really
believe, feelings calculated to procure him a kind reception from the world. His vanity, a
vanity to which it is needless to look for any parallel even among the vain race of
rhymers, has destroyed all. Under the influence of that disease—for it deserves no
other name—he has set himself up as the standard in every thing. While yet a
stripling, most imperfectly educated, and lamentably ignorant of men as they are, and have
been, he dared to set his own crude fancies in direct opposition to all that is received
among sane men, either as to the moral government of the world, or the political government
of this nation, or the purposes and conduct of literary enterprise. This was ‘the
Moloch of absurdity’ of which Lord Byron has spoken so justly. The consequences—we
believe we may safely say the last consequences—of all this rash and wicked nonsense
are now before us. The last wriggle of expiring imbecility appears in these days to be a
volume of personal Reminiscences; and we have now heard the feeble death-rattle of the once
loud-tongued as well as brazen-faced Examiner. . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Leigh Hunt's Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. NS 10 (February 1828)
One of
the cleverest sketches of character we remember is that of Mr. Leigh
Hunt’s father, the Rev. Isaac
Hunt, originally a barrister in America, then a fugitive loyalist, and
afterwards a clergyman of the Church of England, who lost a bishopric by his too social
qualities. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
Mr. Hunt speaks with no respect of his
father’s talents, but represents him as a graceful elocutionist. He was, we gather,
one of those comely, smooth-tongued, demi-theatrical spouters who sometimes command for a
season or two the rapture of pretty ladies, and the flutter of perfumed
pocket-handkerchiefs. Totally destitute of the learning of his new profession, and by no
means remarkable, if we are to believe his son, for clerical propriety of habits, it is not
wonderful that the creole orator was disappointed in his expectation of church patronage;
or indeed, that, after a little time, his chapel-celebrity was perceptibly on the decline.
Government gave him a moderate pension as an American loyalist; and as soon as he found
that this was to be all, the reverend gentleman began to waver somewhat in his opinions
both as to church and state. In a word, he ended in being an unitarian, and a republican,
and an universalist; and found that this country was as yet far too much in the dark to
approve either of his new opinions, or of the particular circumstances under which he had
abandoned his old ones. Worldly disappointment soon turns a weak mind sour; and stronger
minds than this have had recourse to dangerous stimulants in their afflictions. . . .
William Howitt,
“Leigh Hunt” in Homes and Haunts of the most eminent British Poets (London: Richard Bentley, 1847) 2 Vols
That is a fine filial eulogy; but still finer and more eloquent has been
the practical one of the life and writings of the son. Whoever knows anything of these,
perceives how the qualities of the mother have lived on, not only in the grateful
admiration of the poet, but in his character and works. This is another proud testimony
added to the numerous ones revealed in the biographies of illustrious men, of the vital and
all-prevailing influence of mothers. What does not the world owe to noble-minded women in
this respect? and what do not women owe to the world and themselves in the consciousness of
the possession of this authority? To stamp, to mould, to animate to good, the generation
that succeeds them, is their delegated office. The are admitted to the co-workmanship with
God; his actors in the after age are placed in their hands at the outset of their career,
when they are plastic as wax, and pliant as the green withe. It is they who can shape and
bend as they please. It is they—as the your, beings advance into the world of life,
as passions kindle, as eager desires seize them one after another, as they ire alive with
ardour, and athirst for knowledge and experience of the great scene of existence into which
they are thrown—it is they who can guide, warn, inspire with
the upward or the downward tendency, and cast through them on the future ages the blessings
or the curses of good or evil. They are the gods and prophets of childhood. . . .
William Howitt,
“Leigh Hunt” in Homes and Haunts of the most eminent British Poets (London: Richard Bentley, 1847) 2 Vols
The whole description of this charming and cordial family, is one of those
beautiful and sunny scenes in human life, to which the heart never wearies of turning. It
makes the rememberer exclaim:—“Blessed house! May a blessing be upon your
rooms, and your lawn, and your neighbouring garden, and the quiet old monastic name of your
street; and may it never he a thoroughfare; and may all your inmates he happy! Would to God
one could renew, at a moment’s notice, the happy hours we have enjoyed in last times,
with the same circles, in the same houses!” . . .
Anonymous,
“Review of Lord Byron and some of His Contemporaries” in Monthly Review
Vol. S3 7 (March 1828)
For such education as he has received, he has been
chiefly indebted to Christ Hospital. Whatever reputation he has
earned in literature, he owes, and to his credit be it spoken, entirely to his own
exertions. If we were asked what we think of Mr. Hunt’s
politics, we should answer, that, generally speaking, we approve of them; liberal measures
have always found in him a steady and energetic, and sometimes, even an eloquent defender.
Several of his miscellaneous compositions in light literature, we think favourably of. They
have in them a raciness, occasionally, that reminds us of the elder masters of our
language. His poetry we think verbose, and conceited in its diction, sickly in its imagery,
cockneyfied (to use an expressive phrase) in its descriptive
passages, and poor and tawdry in its sentiments. The most interesting portion of his
memoir, is that which relates to his imprisonment; it has been already before the world in another publication, and therefore we
pass it over. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
We had always understood, that Mr. Hunt,
before he was known by anything but his juvenile verses, obtained some situation in the
War-office; and that he lost this, after many warnings, in consequence of libelling the
Duke of York, then commander-in-chief, in the
newspapers; but of this story, there is no trace in the quarto before us, and we,
therefore, suppose it must have been, at least, an exaggeration. If it were true, it might
account, in some measure, for the peculiar bitterness of personal spleen with which the
Examiner, from the beginning of its career,
was accustomed to treat almost every branch of the Royal family. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
Mr. Hunt then fills several pages of his
quarto with blasphemous extracts from the last number of the Philosophical Dictionary now printing in that
commodious fashion at the Examiner press; and having used his scissars and paste as largely as he
judged right and proper in regard to the interests of the proprietors of that useful work,
he adds, ‘At these passages I used to roll with laughter; and I cannot help laughing
now, writing, as I am, alone, by my fireside,’ (p. 394). . . .
Leigh Hunt,
“Memoir of Mr. James Henry Leigh Hunt. Written by Himself” in Monthly Magazine
Vol. NS 7 (April 1810)
After spending some time in that gloomiest of all “darkness palpable,” a lawyer’s office—and
plunging, when I left it, into alternate study and morbid idleness, studious all night,
and hypochondriac all day, to the great and reprehensible injury of my health and
spirits, it fell into my way to commence theatrical critic in a newly established
paper, called the News, and
I did so with an ardour proportioned to the want of honest newspaper criticism, and to
the insufferable dramatic nonsense which then rioted in public favour. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“[Hunt's Lord Byron and Some of His Contemporaries]” in Quarterly Review
Vol. 37
No. 74 (March 1828)
We presume the turnkeys make a pretty penny by showing the spot where the
great Mr. Hunt actually
‘sat amidst his books, and saw the imaginary sky overhead and the paper
roses about him.’—p. 425.
The Raleigh chamber in the
Tower, Galileo’s dungeon at
Rome, and Tasso’s
at Ferrara, are the only scenes of parallel interest that, at this
moment, suggest themselves to our recollection. . . .
Joseph Addison (1672-1719)
English politician and man of letters, with his friend Richard Steele he edited
The Spectator (1711-12). He was the author of the tragedy
Cato (1713).
Alexander the Great (356 BC-323 BC)
Macedonian conqueror; the son of Philip II, he was king of Macedon, 336-323 BC.
Vittorio Alfieri (1749-1803)
Italian tragic poet, author of
Saul (1782),
Antigone (1783), and
Maria Stuart (1804); he was the
consort of Louisa, (Jacobite) countess of Albany.
Robert Allen (1772-1805)
Educated at Christ's Hospital with Coleridge and Lamb, and at University College, Oxford,
he wrote for the
Oracle and other newspapers before taking an MD and
working as an army surgeon.
Thomas Massa Alsager (1779-1846)
Journalist and music critic for the
Times; he was the friend of
Leigh Hunt and Thomas Barnes; John Keats was reading Alsager's copy of Chapman's poems when
he wrote the famous sonnet.
Anacreon (582 BC.-485 BC)
Greek lyric poet of whose writings little survives;
anacreontic
verse celebrates love and wine.
Giovan Battista Andreini (1576-1654)
A Tuscan performer of commedia dell'arte; he wrote
Bravure del Capitan
Spavento (1607).
Ludovico Ariosto (1474-1533)
Italian poet, author of the epic romance
Orlando Furioso
(1532).
Aristophanes (445 BC c.-385 BC c.)
Greek comic poet, the author of eleven surviving plays including
The
Clouds,
Lysistrata, and
The Frogs.
Francis Charles Badini (1710 c.-1800)
Librettist; born in Italy, he was in London by 1769 and edited for a time the
Morning Post; he was author of
The Flames of
Newgate; or, the New Ministry (1782), and
Ode, on the birth-day
of His Majesty, George IIId (1791).
John Bannister (1760-1836)
English comic actor whose roles included Tony Lumpkin, Sir Fretful Plagiary, and Sir
Anthony Absolute. He was a favorite of Charles Lamb.
Joshua Barnes (1654-1712)
English scholar and antiquary; he was Cambridge professor of Greek (1695) and author of
History of Edward III (1688).
Thomas Barnes [Strada] (1785-1841)
The contemporary of Leigh Hunt at Christ's Hospital; he was editor of
The Times from 1817.
Isaac Barrow (1630-1677)
Professor of Greek (1660) and Lucasian Professor of Mathematics (1663) at Cambridge;
author of
Exposition of the Creed, Decalogue, and Sacraments (1669).
His sermons were much admired.
Pierre Bayle (1647-1706)
Huguenot philosopher; author of
Dictionnaire historique et
critique, 2 vols (1697), 4 vols (1702).
Francis Beaumont (1585-1616)
English playwright, often in collaboration with John Fletcher; author of
The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1607).
John Bell (1745-1831)
London printer and bookseller whose
Poets of Great Britain
(1777-82) was a less expensive alternative to that produced by Samuel Johnson and the
booksellers. Bell published
The World newspaper in which much of the
Della Cruscan verse originally appeared.
Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832)
The founder of Utilitarianism; author of
Principles of Morals and
Legislation (1789).
Francesco Berni (1498-1535)
Italian comic poet who produced a refacciamento of Boiardo's
Orlando
innamorato (1542).
Sir William Bickley (1700 fl.)
One of Leigh Hunt's ancestors, “a partisan of the House of Orange.”
Robert Blair (1699-1749)
Scottish poet, author of a long-popular poem in blank verse,
The
Grave (1743).
Matteo Maria Boiardo (1441 c.-1494)
Italian poet and humanist, author of the chivalric romance
Orlando
innamorato (1487).
Louis Bourdaloue (1632-1704)
French Jesuit priest whose fashionable sermons extolled morality.
Vincent Bourne (1694-1747)
Latin poet and master of Westminster School, where he taught William Cowper.
James Bowyer (1736-1814)
Educated at Christ's Hospital and Balliol College, Oxford, he was upper-master at
Christ's Hospital where he was governor after his retirement in 1799; among his pupils were
Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Charles Lamb.
Henry Peter Brougham, first baron Brougham and Vaux (1778-1868)
Educated at Edinburgh University, he was a founder of the
Edinburgh
Review in which he chastised Byron's
Hours of Idleness; he
defended Queen Caroline in her trial for adultery (1820), established the London University
(1828), and was appointed lord chancellor (1830).
Charles Armitage Brown (1787-1842)
Russia merchant and friend of John Keats, with whom he traveled to Scotland in 1818; he
later resided in Italy (1822-35).
John Wall Callcott (1766-1821)
English composer who lectured on music at the Royal Institution (1806).
William Camden (1551-1623)
English antiquary, author of
Britannia (1586), a Latin history of
Britain; he founded a professorship of history at Oxford.
Richard Carew (1555-1620)
Cornish poet and antiquary who published a translation of Tasso as
Godfrey of Bulloigne (1594) and
Survey of Cornwall
(1602).
Thomas Carew (1595-1640)
Courtier and cavalier poet who wrote a notable elegy for John Donne and a notable masque
for Charles I.,
Coelum Britannicum.
Hon. George Carleton (1781-1814)
The second son of the first baron Dorchester; he was a contemporary of Leigh Hunt at
Christ's Hospital and military officer who died in the failed attempt to storm the fortress
Bergen-op-Zoom.
Guillén de Castro (1569-1631)
Spanish playwright and friend of Lope de Vega; author of
Las Mocedades
del Cid (1599 c.).
Catullus (84 BC c.-54 BC)
Roman lyric poet who addressed erotic verses to a woman he calls Lesbia.
Alexander Chalmers (1759-1834)
Scottish-born man of letters; educated at Marischal College, he produced editions of the
British Essayists (1802-1803), the
English
Poets (1810), and compiled the
General Biographical
Dictionary (1812-1817).
Emperor Charlemagne (742-814)
King of the Franks and Emperor of the West who built his palace school at Aachen.
Geoffrey Chaucer (1340 c.-1400)
English Poet, the author of
The Canterbury Tales (1390 c.).
Cid [Rodrigo D'Az de Vivar] (1030 c.-1099)
Spanish hero who defeated the Moors at Valencia; his deeds were recorded in the
twelfth-century
Poema de mio Cid and the play by Corneille.
Domenico Cimarosa (1749-1801)
Italian composer of opera buffa and other works, among them
Il
matrimonio segreto (1792).
Edward Cocker (1632-1676)
English writing master and arithmetician; his
Cockers Arithmetick,
being a Plain and Familiar Method (1678) went through scores of editions.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772-1834)
English poet and philosopher who projected
Lyrical Ballads (1798)
with William Wordsworth; author of
Biographia Literaria (1817),
On the Constitution of the Church and State (1829) and other
works.
William Collins (1721-1759)
English poet, author of
Persian Eclogues (1742),
Odes on Several Descriptive and Allegorical Subjects (1746), and
Ode on the Popular Superstitions of the Highlands (1788).
George Colman the younger (1762-1836)
English poet, playwright and censor of plays; manager of the Haymarket Theater
(1789-1813); author of
The Iron Chest (1796) taken from Godwin's
novel
Caleb Williams.
Jean-Antoine-Nicholas Condorcet (1749-1794)
French philosopher; author of
Esquisse d'un tableau historique des
progrès de l'esprit humain (1794). He died in prison under disputed
circumstances.
William Congreve (1670-1729)
English comic dramatist; author of, among others,
The Double
Dealer (1694),
Love for Love (1695), and
The Way of the World (1700).
James Cook (1728-1779)
English explorer; he circumnavigated the globe, 1768-71, but failed to locate a northwest
passage.
Charles Cooke (1750-1816)
London bookseller at 17 Paternoster Row.
Pierre Corneille (1606-1684)
French neoclassical dramatist whose works were several times adapted in England; author
of Le Cid (1637),
Horace (1640), and
Cinna
(1641).
Anne Courthope (1800 fl.)
Leigh Hunt's unmarried aunt, born in Barbados.
Abraham Cowley (1618-1667)
English royalist poet; his most enduring work was his posthumously-published
Essays (1668).
Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658)
English general and statesman; fought with the parliamentary forces at the battles of
Edgehill (1642) and Marston Moor (1644); led expedition to Ireland (1649) and was named
Lord Protector (1653).
Anna Maria Crouch [née Phillips] (1763-1805)
English singer and actress, daughter of Peregrine Phillips; she performed at Drury Lane
in the 1780s and 1790s and was mistress to the Prince Regent, and afterwards to the
composer Michael Kelly.
Samuel Crowther (1769-1829)
Clergyman who served Christ's Hospital while Leigh Hunt was a student there; he was
educated at Winchester and New College, Oxford, and was vicar of Christ Church, Newgate
Street.
Sir William Curtis, first baronet (1752-1829)
A banker and friend of George IV; he was Lord Mayor of London (1795) and as Tory MP for
London (1790-1818) was a target of Whig mockery.
Dante Alighieri (1265-1321)
Florentine poet, the author of the
Divine Comedy and other
works.
Elizabeth Dayrell (1790 fl.)
Leigh Hunt's aunt who married Thomas Dayrell of Barbados.
Fanny Dayrell (1773 c.-1828 fl.)
An older cousin of Leigh Hunt's, for whom he felt a childhood infatuation.
Demosthenes (384 BC-322 BC)
Athenian orator, author of the
Philippics.
Camille Desmoulins (1760-1794)
French revolutionary pamphleteer who issued
Le Vieux Cordelier (7
numbers, 1793-94); he was later guillotined.
Edward Marcus Despard (1751-1803)
Colonial official who upon being dismissed on frivolous charges, devised a plot against
the government; he was executed for high treason.
Thomas John Dibdin (1771-1841)
Actor and playwright said to have composed nearly two thousand songs; in 1815 he became
manager at Drury-Lane while Byron was on the steering committee.
Henry Augustus Dillon-Lee, thirteenth viscount Dillon (1777-1832)
Irish peer, son of the twelfth viscount; he was MP for Harwich (1799-1802) and Mayo
(1802-13) and contributed to the
New Monthly Magazine. Hazlitt said
of him, “but for some twist in his brain, would have been a clever man.”
Andrea Doria (1466-1560)
Genoese admiral and republican who fought in the French service before going over to
Charles V.
Sir Francis Drake (1540-1596)
The first Englishman to circumnavigate the globe (1577-80) in expeditions against the
Spanish, and who participated in the destruction of the Armada (1588).
John Dryden (1631-1700)
English poet laureate, dramatist, and critic; author of
Of Dramatick
Poesie (1667),
Absalom and Achitophel (1681),
Alexander's Feast; or the Power of Musique (1697),
The Works of Virgil translated into English Verse (1697), and
Fables (1700).
Claude Duval (1643-1670)
English highwayman, born in Normandy, whose exploits are recorded in
The Memoires of Monsieur Du Vall (1670). Samuel Butler commemorated him in a
Pindaric ode.
George Dyer (1755-1841)
English poet, antiquary, and friend of Charles Lamb; author of
Poems
and Critical Essays (1802),
Poetics: or a Series of Poems and
Disquisitions on Poetry, 2 vols (1812),
History of the
University and Colleges of Cambridge, 2 vols (1814) and other works.
Euripides (480 BC c.-406 BC)
Greek tragic poet; author of
Medea,
Alcestis, the
Bacchae, and other
plays.
Robert Favell (1775-1812)
The son of a house-painter, he was a Grecian at Christ's Hospital and attended Pembroke
College, Cambridge; an advocate of Pantisococracy, he was killed at the battle of
Salamanca.
John Fawcett (1769-1837)
English actor and composer of pantomimes and melodramas, among them
Obi, or, Three-Fingered Jack (1800).
Matthew Field (1748-1796)
Educated at Pembroke, Cambridge, he was under-master at Christ's Hospital and author of
Vertumnus and Pomona, a Dramatic Pastoral (1782).
Henry Fielding (1707-1754)
English dramatist, essayist, and novelist; author of
Joseph
Andrews (1742) and
The History of Tom Jones (1749).
John Fletcher (1579-1625)
English playwright, author of
The Faithful Shepherdess (1610) and
of some fifteen plays in collaboration with Francis Beaumont.
Thomas Fortescue (1545-1602)
English translator of
The Forest, or, Collection of Histories
(1571), accused of practicing magic. He was a native of Devon.
Henry Richard Fox, third baron Holland (1773-1840)
Whig politician and literary patron; Holland House was for many years the meeting place
for reform-minded politicians and writers. He also published translations from the Spanish
and Italian;
Memoirs of the Whig Party was published in 1852.
Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790)
American printer, scientist, writer, and statesman; author of
Poor
Richard's Almanack (1732-57).
Frederick Augustus, Duke of York (1763-1827)
He was commander-in-chief of the Army, 1798-1809, until his removal on account of the
scandal involving his mistress Mary Anne Clarke.
John Hookham Frere (1769-1846)
English diplomat and poet; educated at Eton and Cambridge, he was envoy to Lisbon
(1800-02) and Madrid (1802-04, 1808-09); with Canning conducted the
The
Anti-Jacobin (1797-98); author of
Prospectus and Specimen of an
intended National Work, by William and Robert Whistlecraft (1817, 1818).
Thomas Fuller (1608-1661)
English divine and biographer whose
Worthies of England was
posthumously published in 1662.
Galileo Galilei (1564-1642)
Italian astronomer and mathematician, inventor of the telescope.
Sir William Garrow (1760-1840)
English barrister; he was MP for Gatton (1805), solicitor-general (1812),
attorney-general (1813), and baron of the Exchequer (1817-32).
John Gay (1685-1732)
English poet and Scriblerian satirist; author of
The Shepherd's
Week (1714),
Trivia (1714), and
The
Beggar's Opera (1727).
Sir Vicary Gibbs (1751-1820)
Tory MP and attorney-general during the Portland and Perceval governments (1807-12); from
1812 he was a judge in the court of common pleas.
William Stephen Gilly (1789-1855)
A contemporary of Leigh Hunt at Christ's Hospital whose visits to the oppressed Vaudois
resulted in the publication of
Narrative of an Excursion to the Mountains
of Piedmont, and Researches among the Vaudois, or Waldenses (1824).
Oliver Goldsmith (1728 c.-1774)
Irish miscellaneous writer; his works include
The Vicar of
Wakefield (1766),
The Deserted Village (1770), and
She Stoops to Conquer (1773).
Thomas Gray (1716-1771)
English poet, author of “Ode on a Distant Prospect of Eton College,” “Elegy written in a
Country Churchyard,” and “The Bard”; he was professor of history at Cambridge
(1768).
Lady Jane Grey (1537-1554)
Great-niece of Henry VIII and claimant to the throne of England as heir to Edward VI; she
was beheaded when Mary became queen.
Sir Nash Grose (1740-1814)
English barrister and judge of the king's bench (1787).
William Hazlitt (1778-1830)
English essayist and literary critic; author of
Characters of
Shakespeare's Plays (1817),
Lectures on the English Poets
(1818), and
The Spirit of the Age (1825).
Hesiod (700 BC fl.)
Greek poet; author of
The Works and Days.
Joseph Hine (1846 fl.)
Born in Cumberland where he knew Wordsworth, he was a schoolmaster at Plymouth,
afterwards at Brixton where he knew Leigh Hunt; he edited a selection of Wordsworth's poems
(1831) and published
One Hundred Original Tales for Children
(1846).
William Hogarth (1697-1764)
English satirical painter whose works include
The Harlot's
Progress,
The Rake's Progress, and
Marriage à la Mode.
George Holme-Sumner (1760-1838)
Of Hatchlands, landscaped by Humphry Repton; he was the son of the nabob William
Brightwell Sumner (d. 1796). Educated at Harrow and Emmanuel College, Cambridge, he was MP
for Ilchester, Guildford, and Surrey.
Homer (850 BC fl.)
Poet of the
Iliad and
Odyssey.
Richard Hooker (1554-1600)
English theologian whose
Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Politie
(1593, 1597) became a foundational Anglican text.
John Hoole (1727-1803)
English translator, playwright, and friend of Dr. Johnson; he published
Jerusalem Delivered (1763), an often-reprinted translation reviled by the
romantics.
Horace (65 BC-8 BC)
Roman lyric poet; author of
Odes,
Epistles, Satires, and the
Ars Poetica.
Henry Howard, earl of Surrey (1517-1547)
English sonneteer known as the Earl of Surrey; the son of the Duke of Norfolk, he was
beheaded for treason.
Henry Hunt [Orator Hunt] (1773-1835)
Political radical and popular agitator who took part in the Spa Fields meeting of 1816;
he was MP for Preston (1830-33).
Isaac Hunt the elder (1740 fl.)
Grandfather of Leigh Hunt; he was rector of St. Michael's, Bridgetown, in
Barbados.
Isaac Hunt the younger (1742-1809)
Leigh Hunt's father, born in Barbados; after study in Philadelphia and New York he became
a clergyman in England.
John Hunt (1775-1848)
English printer and publisher, the elder brother of Leigh Hunt; he was the publisher of
The Examiner and
The Liberal, in
connection with which he was several times prosecuted for libel.
Marianne Hunt [née Kent] (1787-1857)
The daughter of Anne Kent and wife of Leigh Hunt; they were married in 1809. Charles
MacFarlane, who knew her in the 1830s, described her as “his mismanaging, unthrifty
wife, the most barefaced, persevering, pertinacious of mendicants.”
Robert Hunt (1773-1851)
Leigh Hunt's elder brother, born in Philadelphia, who was apprenticed to a London
engraver; he contributed to the
New Monthly Magazine in the
1820s.
Thornton Leigh Hunt (1810-1873)
Journalist and son of Leigh Hunt, who edited his father's
Correspondence,
Autobiography, and
Poetical Works.
Charles Incledon (1763-1826)
English actor and singer; made his London stage debut at Covent Garden in 1790; performed
in the first performance of Haydn's
Creation (1800).
John Jewel, bishop of Salisbury (1522-1571)
Protestant controversialist who defined Anglican theology in opposition to his Roman and
Puritan opponents; he was bishop of Salisbury (1560-71).
Samuel Johnson (1709-1784)
English man of letters, among many other works he edited
A Dictionary
of the English Language (1755) and Shakespeare (1765), and wrote
Lives of the Poets (1779-81).
Sir William Jones [Oriental Jones] (1746-1794)
English poet, jurist, and oriental philologist; he published
Poems,
consisting chiefly of Translations from the Asiatic Languages (1772).
Dorothy Jordan [née Phillips] (1761-1816)
Irish actress; after a career in Ireland and the provinces she made her London debut in
1785; at one time she was a mistress of the Duke of Clarence.
Angelica Kauffmann (1740-1807)
Swiss painter of portraits and histories; she was a protégée of Joshua Reynolds.
Edmund Kean (1787-1833)
English tragic actor famous for his Shakespearean roles.
John Kearsley (1684-1772)
Born in England, he was a Philadelphia physician and architect.
John Philip Kemble (1757-1823)
English actor renowned for his Shakespearean roles; he was manager of Drury Lane
(1783-1802) and Covent Garden (1803-1808).
Thomas Kirk (1765 c.-1797)
English painter who exhibited at the Royal Academy and specialized in literary subjects;
he did the illustrations for Cooke's
English Poets.
Seymour Stocker Kirkup (1788-1880)
English painter who studied under John Flaxman and was a member of the Keats-Shelley
circle; he spent most of his career working in Florence.
Charles Lamb [Elia] (1775-1834)
English essayist and boyhood friend of Coleridge at Christ's Hospital; author of
Essays of Elia published in the
London
Magazine (collected 1823, 1833) and other works.
Walter Savage Landor (1775-1864)
English poet and man of letters, author of the epic
Gebir (1798)
and
Imaginary Conversations (1824-29). He resided in Italy from 1815
to 1835.
William Lauder (1710 c.-1771 c.)
Scottish classical scholar; rendered infamous by his
Essay on Milton's
Use and Imitation of the Moderns (1750).
M. Laurent (1845 fl.)
A director of Covent Garden Theater (1845); he seems not to have used a forename.
Charles Valentine Le Grice (1773-1858)
The friend of Lamb and Coleridge at Christ's Hospital where he was Senior Grecian; after
attending Trinity College, Cambridge he became a clergyman in Penzance, 1806-31. He wrote
for the
Gentleman's Magazine and
Critical
Review.
Samuel Le Grice (1775-1802)
A friend of Charles Lamb at Christ's Hospital who attended Trinity College, Cambridge and
assisted Lamb when his mother was murdered; he later died in Jamaica.
Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibnitz (1646-1716)
German philosopher and mathematician; author of
Monadology (1714)
and
Principles of Nature and Grace (1714).
Chandos Leigh, baron Leigh (1791-1850)
Of Stoneleigh Abbey, educated at Harrow (where he knew Byron as a schoolboy) and Christ
Church, Oxford; he was a prolific minor poet in the Byronic vein. Samuel Parr described him
as “a lively companion, an elegant scholar, a zealous patriot, and an amiable and
honourable man.”
James Henry Leigh (1765-1823)
The son of James Leigh and Lady Caroline Brydges, and father of the poet Chandos
Leigh.
John Lemprière (1765 c.-1824)
Assistant master at Reading School under Richard Valpy, afterwards headmaster of Abingdon
School (1792-1809); his
Classical Dictionary (1788) was often
reprinted.
William Long (1795 fl.)
A physician who tended Leigh Hunt at Christ's Hospital.
Longus (250 fl.)
Greek writer to whom the romance
Daphnis and Chloe is
attributed.
Robert Lowth, bishop of London (1710-1787)
Author of (in verse)
The Judgment of Hercules, a Poem (1743) and
(in prose)
De sacre poesi Hebraeorum (1753), and other works. He was
bishop of Oxford (1753) and bishop of London (1777).
Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527)
Florentine statesman and political theorist, author of
The Prince
(1513).
Sir Archibald Macdonald, first baronet (1747-1826)
Born on Skye, he was educated at Westminster and Christ Church, Oxford, and was
solicitor-general 1784-88 and lord chief baron of the Exchequer, 1793-1813, created baronet
in 1813.
Sir James Macdonald, second baronet (1784-1832)
The son of Sir Archibald Macdonald (d. 1826) and Lady Louisa Leveson-Gower; educated at
Westminster School, he was MP for Tain burghs (1805-06), Newcastle-under Lyme (1806-12),
Sutherland (1812-16), Calne (1816-31), and Hampshire (1831-32); he was clerk of the Privy
Seal.
Paul Henri Mallet (1730-1807)
Born in Geneva, he was professor of belles lettres at Copenhagen.
Delarivier Manley (1670 c.-1724)
English author of the scandalous roman à clef,
The New Atalantis
(1709) and other satirical fictions.
Sir Roger Manley (d. 1687)
He fought for King Charles I and was governor of Jersey (1667-74); the author of
History of the Late Warres in Denmark (1670) and
De Rebellione (1686).
Giovanni Paolo Marana (1642-1693)
Genoese poet, author of a set of fictional letters,
L'Esploratore
turco (1684) thought to have inspired Montesquieu's
Lettres
persanes.
Jeremiah Markland (1693-1776)
Classical scholar educated on the Foundation at Christ's Hospital, and at Cambridge; he
edited the
Silvae of Statius and held the losing position in a
quarrel about Cicero's orations.
Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593)
Elizabethan poet and dramatist, author of
The Jew of Malta and
Dr. Faustus.
De Martini (1820 fl.)
A dancer Leigh Hung admired at Turin.
Thomas Maurice (1754-1824)
Poet and orientalist; he was assistant-keeper of manuscripts in the British Museum.
Author of the
History of Hindustan, 3 vols (1795, 1798,
1820).
Thomas Fanshaw Middleton, bishop of Calcutta (1769-1822)
He was an editor of the
British Critic, a promoter of the Society
for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and bishop of Calcutta (1814-22). He was a friend of
Coleridge.
Robert Midgley (1655-1695)
English physician and translator, reputedly one of the authors of the English version of
The Turkish Spy (1687-94).
John Milton (1608-1674)
English poet and controversialist; author of
Comus (1634),
Lycidas (1638),
Areopagitica (1644),
Paradise Lost (1667), and other works.
Thomas Mitchell (1783-1845)
Son of a riding master; after study at Christ's Hospital and Pembroke College, Cambridge;
Mitchell worked as a tutor for Thomas Hope, wrote for the
Examiner
and
Quarterly Review, and translated Aristophanes.
Moliere (1622-1673)
French actor and playwright; author of
Tartuffe (1664) and
Le Misanthrope (1666).
Elizabeth Montagu [née Robinson] (1718-1800)
Bluestocking patron of literature and author of the celebrated
Essay on
the Writings and Genius of Shakespeare (1769).
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu [née Pierrepont] (1689-1762)
English poet and epistolary writer, daughter of the first duke of Kingston; she quarreled
with Alexander Pope and after living in Constantinople (1716-18) introduced inoculation to
Britain.
Thomas Moore (1779-1852)
Irish poet and biographer, author of the
Irish Melodies (1807-34),
The Fudge Family in Paris (1818), and
Lalla
Rookh (1817); he was Byron's close friend and designated biographer.
John Hamilton Mortimer (1740-1779)
English history painter who made banditti a speciality. He painted scenes from Spenser
and frontispieces for John Bell's
Poets of Great Britain.
Thomas Morton (1764-1838)
English playwright who wrote comedies for Covent Garden;
The Way to Get
Married (1796) became a stock piece. He is pilloried by William Gifford in the
Baviad.
Joseph Shepherd Munden (1758-1832)
English comic actor and secretary of the Beefsteak Club; he was the friend of Charles
Lamb.
Emperor Napoleon I (1769-1821)
Military leader, First Consul (1799), and Emperor of the French (1804), after his
abdication he was exiled to Elba (1814); after his defeat at Waterloo he was exiled to St.
Helena (1815).
John O'Keeffe (1747-1833)
Irish playwright who wrote for the Haymarket and Drury Lane; he was the author of
Wild Oats (1791) and
Recollections of the Life of
John O'Keeffe (1826).
Ovid (43 BC-17 AD c.)
Roman poet famous for his erotic
Art of Love and his mythological
poem,
The Metamorphoses.
Thomas Paine (1737-1809)
English-born political radical; author of
Common Sense (1776),
The Rights of Man (1791), and
The Age of
Reason (1794).
Abbé Paris (1800 fl.)
French instructor who tutored Leigh Hunt's childhood friends, the Thorntons.
Samuel Parr (1747-1825)
English schoolmaster, scholar, and book collector whose strident politics and assertive
personality involved him in a long series of quarrels.
Samuel Pepys (1633-1703)
English diarist and secretary to the admiralty; his famous diary was first discovered and
published in 1825.
Almeria Phillimore [née Thornton] (d. 1851)
The youngest daughter of Godfrey Thornton and childhood friend of Leigh Hunt; in 1807 she
married William Phillimore, of Deacon's hill, Elstree, Herts. (d. 1860).
John Rogers Pitman (1782-1861)
Classics master at Christ's Hospital (1816-20); among other scholarly projects he edited
the works of Jeremy Taylor (1820-22).
William Pitt the younger (1759-1806)
The second son of William Pitt, earl of Chatham (1708-1778); he was Tory prime minister
1783-1801.
Plato (427 BC-327 BC)
Athenian philosopher who recorded the teachings of his master Socrates in a series of
philosophical dialogues.
Pliny the elder (23-79)
Roman natural historian, author of
Naturalis Historia in
thirty-seven books.
Plutarch (46 c.-120 c.)
Greek biographer and moral philosopher; author of
Parallel Lives
and
Moralia.
Alexander Pope (1688-1744)
English poet and satirist; author of
The Rape of the Lock (1714)
and
The Dunciad (1728).
Humphrey Prideaux (1648-1724)
Dean of Norwich; author of a
Life of Mahomet (1697) and works of
ecclesiastical history.
Ptolemy (90 c.-168 c.)
Greek astronomer, mathematician, and geographer.
William Owen Pughe (1759-1835)
Welsh poet, translator, antiquary and lexicographer; he was a follower of Joanna
Southcott.
Erycius Puteanus (1574-1646)
Belgian humanist and historiographer to King Philip IV (1603).
Pythagoras (570 BC c.-495 BC c.)
Greek philosopher and geometrician, born at Samos, who taught the doctrine of the
transmigration of souls.
Edward Turnly Quin (1762-1823)
Irish-born journalist who edited a number of London newspapers, among them
The Traveller (1803-22).
Francçois Rabelais (1494 c.-1533)
French physician and satirist; author of
Gargantua and Pantagruel
(1532-34, 1546-52, 1562); the English translation by Urquhart and Motteux (1653, 1693-94)
has been much admired.
Matthew Raine (1760-1811)
Educated at Charterhouse and Trinity College, Cambridge, he was a clergyman, book
collector, and headmaster of Charterhouse where he succeeded Samuel Berdmore in
1791.
Sir Walter Raleigh (1554-1618)
English soldier, courtier, poet, and historian; after a long imprisonment he was executed
at the behest of Spain.
Raphael (1483-1520)
Of Urbino; Italian painter patronized by Leo X.
Francesco Redi (1626-1698)
Italian man of letters and member of the Accademia della Crusca. He is the author of
Bacco in Toscana (1685) in praise of wine.
Caroline Reynell (1790 fl.)
The daughter of the printer Henry Reynell; she may be a relation of the Catherine
Reynell, daughter of the printer Carew Reynell, who married William Hazlitt jun.
(1811-1893) in 1833.
Henry Reynell (1746-1811)
London printer who employed Leigh Hunt's brother John.
Frederick Reynolds (1764-1841)
The author of nearly a hundred plays, among them
The Dramatist
(1789) and
The Caravan; or the Driver and his Dog (1803). He was a
friend of Charles Lamb.
George Richards (1767-1837)
English poet and clergyman who gained much attention with his Oxford prize-poem
The Aboriginal Britons (1791).
Samuel Richardson (1689-1761)
English printer and novelist; author of
Pamela, or Virtue Rewarded
(1739) and
Clarissa, or the History of a Young Lady
(1747-48).
Nicholas Ridley, bishop of London (1502-1555)
Protestant martyr during the reign of Queen Mary; he figures prominently in John Foxe's
Actes and Monuments (1563). He was bishop of Rochester (1547)
and bishop of London (1550).
Samuel Rogers (1763-1855)
English poet, banker, and aesthete, author of the ever-popular
Pleasures of Memory (1792),
Columbus (1810),
Jaqueline (1814), and
Italy (1822-28).
Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778)
Swiss-born man of letters; author of, among others,
Julie ou la
Nouvelle Heloïse (1761),
Émile (1762) and
Les Confessions (1782).
Elizabeth Rowe [née Singer] (1674-1737)
English devotional writer and friend of the Countess of Hertford; author of
Friendship in Death (1728).
Sir Peter Paul Rubens (1577-1640)
Flemish baroque painter and diplomat notable for his allegorical depictions of the life
of Marie de Medici.
Jaufre Rudel (d. 1147 c.)
French troubadour who joined the second crusade; six of his lyrics survive.
Peter Sandiford (1745-1835)
Rector of Fulmodeston, Norfolk; he was educated at St. Paul's School and Corpus Christi
College, Cambridge, was lecturer at Christ Church Newgate Street (1773) and was the friend
of John Nichols and the antiquary Michael Tyson.
William Pitt Scargill (1787-1836)
Unitarian minister and novelist who became a writer for the Tory press; he was author of
Essays on Various Subjects (1815) and
The
Autobiography of a Dissenting Minister (1834).
James Scholefield (1789-1853)
Christ's College pupil who had a prize-winning academic career at Trinity College,
Cambridge where he was regius professor of Greek (1825).
John Sharpe (1777-1860)
London bookseller active 1801-1830 who published illustrated editions of
British Classics,
Sharpe's British Theatre,
and
British Poets.
Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792-1822)
English poet, with Byron in Switzerland in 1816; author of
Queen
Mab (1813),
The Revolt of Islam (1817),
The Cenci and
Prometheus Unbound (1820), and
Adonais (1821).
Richard Brinsley Sheridan (1751-1816)
Anglo-Irish playwright, author of
The School for Scandal (1777),
Whig MP and ally of Charles James Fox (1780-1812).
Thomas Sheridan the elder (1687-1738)
Irish schoolmaster, clergyman, wit, and friend of Jonathan Swift; he was the father of
the actor-manager Thomas Sheridan (1719?-1788).
Thomas Sheridan the younger (1719-1788)
Irish actor and writer on education and elocution; author of, among others,
A Course of Lectures on Elocution: together with Two Dissertations on
Language (1762). He was the father of Richard Brinsley Sheridan.
Stephen Shewell (d. 1808)
Philadelphia merchant, the grandfather of Leigh Hunt.
Sir Philip Sidney (1554-1586)
English poet, courtier, and soldier, author of the
Arcadia (1590),
Astrophel and Stella (1591) and
Apology for
Poetry (1595).
Simonides (556 BC-468 BC)
Greek poet from the Ionian island of Ceos who was thought to have been at the Battle of
Marathon; little of his poetry survives.
Pope Sixtus V (1520-1590)
Felice Peretti di Montalto succeeded Gregory XIII in 1585 and devoted himself to building
projects in Rome.
Mr. Slater (1776 fl.)
A Philadelphia Tory protected from imprisonment by Leigh Hunt's grandfather, Stephen
Shewell.
Erasmus Smith (1611-1691)
A London merchant who donated generously to educational causes, among them Christ's
Hospital on which he bestowed £ annually.
Sydney Smith (1771-1845)
Clergyman, wit, and one of the original projectors of the
Edinburgh
Review; afterwards lecturer in London and one of the Holland House
denizens.
Tobias Smollett (1721-1771)
Scottish physician and man of letters; author of the novels
Roderick
Random (1747) and
Humphry Clinker (1771).
King Solomon (d. 922 BC c.)
Son of David, king of the Hebrews c. 972-932 BC.
Sophocles (496 BC c.-406 BC c.)
Greek tragic poet; author of
Antigone and
Oedipus Rex.
Robert Southey (1774-1843)
Poet laureate and man of letters whose contemporary reputation depended upon his prose
works, among them the
Life of Nelson, 2 vols (1813),
History of the Peninsular War, 3 vols (1823-32) and
The Doctor, 7 vols (1834-47).
Joseph Spence [Sir Harry Beaumont] (1699-1768)
English essayist, friend of Pope, Oxford Professor of Poetry, and patron of Stephen Duck
and Thomas Blacklock; author of
Polymetis: or, An Enquiry concerning the
Agreement between the Works of the Roman Poets, and the Remains of the Antient
Artists (1747).
Mrs. Spencer (1790 fl.)
Sister of Sir Richard Worsley, who adopted one of Leigh Hunt's older brothers into her
family. She was a niece of the painter Benjamin West.
Edmund Spenser (1552 c.-1599)
English poet, author of
The Shepheards Calender (1579) and
The Faerie Queene (1590, 1596).
Lancelot Pepys Stephens (1766-1834)
Educated at Pembroke College, Cambridge, he was master of Classics at Christ's Hospital
(1796-1817) and vicar of Clavering in Essex (1816-33).
Thomas Stothard (1755-1834)
English painter and book-illustrator, a friend of John Flaxman and Samuel Rogers.
Thomas Stucley (1520 c.-1578)
Military adventurer who at various times was in the service of Queen Elizabeth and Philip
II of Spain.
Thomas Skinner Surr (1770-1847)
Student at Christ's Hospital and clerk at the Bank of England who published society
novels containing portraits of notable persons, including
A Winter in
London (1806) satirizing the Duchess of Devonshire.
Jonathan Swift (1667-1745)
Dean of St Patrick's, Scriblerian satirist, and author of
Battle of the
Books with
Tale of a Tub (1704),
Drapier
Letters (1724),
Gulliver's Travels (1726), and
A Modest Proposal (1729).
Sir John Edward Swinburne, sixth baronet (1762-1860)
English antiquary, the son of the fifth baronet; his correspondence with Leigh Hunt is in
the British Library. Algernon Charles Swinburne was his grandson.
Alessandro Tassoni (1565-1635)
Italian poet, author of the burlesque
La secchia rapita
(1622).
Terence (193 BC c.-159 BC)
Roman comic dramatist, author of
Eunuchus,
Phormio, and other plays.
Thales (634 BC c.-546 BC c.)
Greek astronomer and geometer, one of the Seven Sages of antiquity.
Marmaduke Thompson (1776 c.-1851)
A Grecian at Christ's Hospital where he was a contemporary of Charles Lamb; after
attending Pembroke College, Cambridge he became a missionary and senior chaplain of the
East India Company at Madras.
James Thomson (1700-1748)
Anglo-Scottish poet and playwright; while his descriptive poem,
The
Seasons (1726-30), was perhaps the most popular poem of the eighteenth century,
the poets tended to admire more his Spenserian burlesque,
The Castle of
Indolence (1748).
Godfrey Thornton (1737-1806)
Banker, of Mogerhanger House and Everton, a director of the Bank of England (1793-95); in
1766 he married Joan (or Jane) Godin.
Timoleon (411 BC c.-337 BC c.)
Corinthian politician who conspired to kill his brother lest he become a tyrant.
Titian (1487 c.-1576)
Venetian painter celebrated for his portraits.
Andrew Tooke (1673-1732)
Usher at Charterhouse and professor of geometry at Gresham College;
The
Pantheon, representing the fabulous Histories of the Heathen Gods (1698) went
through twenty-edition editions.
John Horne Tooke (1736-1812)
Philologist and political radical; member of the Society for Constitutional Information
(1780); tried for high treason and acquitted (1794).
Edward Topham (1751-1820)
Journalist and man of fashion whose newspaper, the
World and
Fashionable Advertiser, published the Della Cruscan poets.
George Townsend (1788-1857)
He attended Trinity College, Cambridge under the patronage of Richard Cumberland, and
published
Armageddon a Poem, in Twelve Books (1815) and
The Old Testament arranged in Historical and Chronological Order, 2
vols (1821).
Antonio Verrio (1636 c.-1707)
Italian decorative painter who emigrated to England in 1671 and worked at Whitehall
Palace, Windsor Castle, and Hampton Court.
John Painter Vincent (1776-1852)
The surgeon who attended Leigh Hunt at Christ's Hospital; he was a member of the council
of the Royal College of Surgeons from 1822, and a member of the court of examiners
(1825-51).
Virgil (70 BC-19 BC)
Roman epic poet; author of
Eclogues,
Georgics, and the
Aenead.
Voltaire (1694-1778)
French historian and man of letters; author of, among many other works,
The Age of Louis XIV (1751) and
Candide (1759).
William Wales (1734 c.-1798)
Mathematics master at Christ's Hospital; he was co-navigator with Captain Cook and
F.R.S.
Benjamin West (1738-1820)
American-born historical painter who traveled to Europe in 1760 and was one of the
founders of the Royal Academy in London.
James White (1775-1820)
Educated at Christ's Hospital, where he was for many years a clerk in the treasurer's
office. He founded an advertising agency which operated in Fleet Street.
Elhanan Winchester (1751-1797)
Unitarian preacher born in Massachusetts who came to England in 1787; he was author of
The Universal Restoration: exhibited in a Series of Dialogues between
a Minister and his Friend (1788).
John Wolcot [Peter Pindar] (1738-1819)
English satirist who made his reputation by ridiculing the Royal Academicians and the
royal family.
John Wood (1781-1833)
A contemporary of Leigh Hunt at Christ's Hospital, afterwards tutor and fellow of
Pembroke College, Cambridge, and vicar of Saxthorpe, Norfolk (1825-33).
William Wordsworth (1770-1850)
With Coleridge, author of
Lyrical Ballads (1798), Wordsworth
survived his early unpopularity to succeed Robert Southey as poet laureate in 1843.
Sir Richard Worsley, seventh baronet (1751-1805)
Politician and connoisseur; after losing the offices held in the North administration he
traveled in the Levant, returning with a collection of gems and marbles; he was envoy to
the Venetian Republic (1794).
Hugh Worthington (1752-1813)
Dissenting minister who lectured on classics and logic (1786-89) and was an admired
preacher.
Xenophon (430 BC c.-354 BC c.)
Athenian writer; author of
Memorabilia (on Socrates) and the
Cyropedia (on the Persian King Cyrus).
Edward Young (1683-1765)
English poet, author of
The Complaint; or Night Thoughts on Life, Death
and Immortality (1742-44), a poem that fostered a taste for gothic
literature.
The Adventurer. (1752-1754). The
Adventurer, edited by John Hawkesworth was collected in two
volumes. Contributors included Samuel Johnson and Joseph Warton.
The Examiner. (1808-1881). Founded by John and Leigh Hunt, this weekly paper divided its attention between literary
matters and radical politics; William Hazlitt was among its regular contributors.
Morning Post. (1772-1937). A large-circulation London daily that published verse by many of the prominent poets of
the romantic era. John Taylor (1750–1826), Daniel Stuart (1766-1846), and Nicholas Byrne
(d. 1833) were among its editors.
New Monthly Magazine. (1814-1884). Founded in reaction to the radically-inclined
Monthly Magazine,
the
New Monthly was managed under the proprietorship of Henry
Colburn from 1814 to 1845. It was edited by Thomas Campbell and Cyrus Redding from
1821-1830.
The News. (1805-1839). A weekly newspaper founded by John Hunt, with Leigh Hunt as its drama critic. The
News was later edited by John Scott.
The Spectator. (1711-1714). Essays from the
Spectator, conducted by Addison and Steele, were
collected in five volumes and frequently reprinted.
The Times. (1785-). Founded by John Walter, The Times was edited by Thomas Barnes from 1817 to 1841. In the
romantic era it published much less literary material than its rival dailies, the
Morning Chronicle and the
Morning
Post.
The Traveller. (1801-1822). A London daily newspaper edited by Edward Quin and Walter Coulson; Leigh Hunt was a
contributor.
The Arabian Nights. (1705-08 English trans.). Also known as
The Thousand and One Nights. Antoine Galland's
French translation was published 1704-17, from which the original English versions were
taken.
Letters writ by a Turkish Spy. (London: 1687). A translation from the Italian of Giovanni Paolo Marana; later volumes (1691-92)
contained additional material by several anonymous hands. Daniel Defoe published a
continuation in 1718.
Robert Blair (1699-1749)
The Grave. (London: 1743). On of the most frequently-reprinted eighteenth-century poems, Blair's
The Grave was a harbinger of literary gothicism.
Samuel Butler (1613-1680)
Hudibras. (London: 1663-1680). Butler's rugged satire on the Puritans was the ur-text of English burlesque poetry and
one of the more frequently-imitated poems in the language.
George Gordon Byron, sixth Baron Byron (1788-1824)
Don Juan. (London: 1819-1824). A burlesque poem in ottava rima published in installments: Cantos I and II published in
1819, III, IV and V in 1821, VI, VII, and VIII in 1823, IX, X, and XI in 1823, XII, XIII,
and XIV in 1823, and XV and XVI in 1824.
Sir Philip Sidney (1554-1586)
Arcadia. (London: William Ponsonbie, 1593). The “New Arcadia“ consisting of the text as Sidney left it; the “Old
Arcadia“ containing additional episodes was not published until the twentieth
century.
Voltaire (1694-1778)
La Philosophie de l'histoire. (1764). Translated as
Essay on the Philosophy of History.