A Narrative of Lord Byron’s Last Journey to Greece
Chapter II
CHAPTER II.
Arrival of Colonel
Stanhope—The Pacha of Scutari retires from the
siege of Anatolico—Dissensions amongst the Greeks of the Morea—Lord
Byron addresses a public letter to the legislative body, and a private
letter to Prince Mavrocordato—Arrival of the Greek fleet and of
Mavrocordato—Lord Byron sends a message
to the Prince—Arrival of two Greek vessels off the harbour of Argostoli, with letters
from the Prince and the Greek government to Lord
Byron—Lord Byron embarks, and sails from
Cephalonia—Arrives at Zante—Sails for Missolonghi—Is separated from
Count Gamba—The latter, with part of Lord
Byron’s household, taken by a Turkish frigate, and conveyed to the
Castle of the Morea—His release and arrival at Missolonghi, where Lord
Byron also arrives—His joyful reception—Account of his dangerous
voyage there—Departure of the Hydriote fleet—State of
Greece—Lord Byron’s political conduct in that
country—His intended enterprise against Lepanto—He takes five hundred Suliotes
into his pay—Forms an artillery brigade—Establishes a Greek newspaper.
About this same time, the middle of November, the
Honourable Colonel L. Stan-
hope
arrived, in company with two envoys of the German committees. He came from Ancona, deputed
by the London committee to act with Lord Byron: he was
the bearer of the best news from Europe. The interest in favour of the Greeks had risen to
enthusiasm, particularly in England: every exertion was making for a loan, and, apparently,
only the Greek deputies were wanting to conclude it.
News from Greece now informed us that the Pacha of
Scutari had abandoned Anatolico, and that the Turkish army had fled
precipitately; whether through fear of the approaching winter, through want of provisions,
or on account of divisions amongst the commanders, was not known: the first and the latter
conjectures were the most probable. From the Morea, we heard that the legislative body had
de-
clared against the executive, that open violence had been
resorted to by the latter, and that the factions had already come to blows. It was
melancholy, indeed, that the fond hopes of the Christian world should be thus frustrated in
such a favourable juncture by the petty dissensions and selfish views of a few chiefs, and
after so many heroic exertions. But previous to fresh hostilities, and whilst succours were
collecting abroad, it was the duty of the true friends of Greece to unite in settling these
discords; and such was the resolution of Lord Byron.
As Lord Byron had been declared the
representative of the English and German committees, or, more properly speaking, of all
Europeans interested in the Greek cause, it was judged proper that he should address a
public letter to the general government of Greece, demonstrating how
their fatal dissensions prevented them from taking advantage of so many favourable
opportunities. Averse as he was to every appearance of ostentation and charlatanism, he
thought that such a letter might nevertheless be of some utility; and this he considered
sufficient. He likewise wrote to Mavrocordato. Too
great publicity could not be given to these letters; and Colonel
Stanhope offering to be the bearer of them, he in a few days set out for
Zante.
I here give an extract from a letter from Lord
Byron to the executive and legislative bodies of the Greek nation:
“Cephalonia, Nov. 30, 1823.
“The affair of the loan, the expectation so long and
vainly indulged of the arrival of the Greek fleet, and the danger to which
Missolonghi is still exposed, have detained me here, and will still detain me
till some of them are removed. But when the money shall be advanced for the
fleet, I will start for the Morea, not
knowing, however,
of what use my presence can be in the present state of things. We have heard
some rumours of new dissensions, nay, of the existence of a civil war. With all
my heart, I pray that these reports may be false or exaggerated; for I can
imagine no calamity more serious than this; and I must frankly confess, that
unless union and order are established, all hopes of a loan will be vain; and
all the assistance which the Greeks could expect from abroad—an
assistance neither trifling nor worthless—will be suspended or destroyed;
and what is worse, the great powers of Europe, of whom no one was an enemy to
Greece, but seemed to favour her establishment of an independent power, will be
persuaded that the Greeks are unable to govern themselves, and will, perhaps,
themselves undertake to settle your disorders in such a way, as to blast the
brightest hopes of yourselves and of your friends.
“And allow me to add once for all—I desire the
well-being of Greece, and nothing else; I will do all I can to secure it; but I
cannot consent, I never will consent that the English public, or English
individuals, should be deceived as to the real state of Greek affairs. The
rest, gentlemen, depends on you: you have fought gloriously; act honourably
towards your fellow-citizens and towards the world; then it will no more be
said, as it has been said for two thousand years, with the Roman historian,
that Philopœmen was the last of the
Grecians. Let not calumny itself (and it is difficult, I own, to guard against
it in so arduous a struggle) compare the patriot Greek, when resting from his
labours, to the Turkish Pacha, whom his victories have
exterminated.
“I pray you to accept these my sentiments as a sincere
proof of my attachment to your real interests; and to believe that I am, and
always shall be,
“Your, &c.
(Signed) “N.
B.”
On the same occasion, Lord Byron wrote to
Prince Mavrocordato a letter in Italian,
which he consigned to the care of Colonel Stanhope:
“Cefalonia, 2d Decembre, 1823.
“Principe,
“La presente sarà recapitata a V. A.
dall’ onorévole Colonello Stanhope, figlio
del Maggior-Generale Conte di Arrington, &c. Egli
è arrivato da Londra in cinquanta giorni, dopo aver visitato tutti i
comitati di Germania, ed è incaricato al nostro comitato ad operare in
mia compagnia alla liberazione della Grecia. Io credo che il suo nome e la
sua missione lo raccomanderanno abastanza all’ A. V. senza che gli
abbisognino altre raccomandazioni da uno straniero, quantunque sia un tale,
che rispetta ed ammira con l’Europa intera il coraggio, i talenti, e
sopratutto la probità del Principe
Mavrocordato.
“Duolmi oltremodo in udire che le discordie
continuino sempre in Grecia, e in un momento in cui ella protrebbe
trionfare da ogni parte, come ha trionfato in alcune.
“La Grecia è posta fra tre partiti: o
riconquistare la libertà, o divenire uno dipendenza dei sovrani
Europei, o tornare uno provincia Turca: non ha che a sciegliere fra questi
tre. Ma la guerra civile non parmi strada che agli ultimi due. Se invidia
la sorte della Valachia e della Crimea, può ottenerla domani; se
quella dell’ Italia, postdomani; ma se vuol diventare la vera Grecia,
libera per sempre e independente, conviene che si determini oggi, o non
avrà più tempo mai più.
“Sono con tutto rispetto
“Dell’ A. V. devoto servo,
N. B.
“P. S. Vostra Altezza saprà già
come io ho cercato di sodiffare alla richieste del governo Greco per
quanto era nel poter mio; ma vorrei che questa flotta sì lungo
tempo aspettata e sempre in vano arivasse, o almeno fosse in strada: e
sopratutto che L. A. Vostra si acostasse a queste parti, o sulla flotta
con missione publica, o in qualche altro modo.”
Translation.
“Cephalonia, 2d Dec. 1823.
“Prince,
“The present will be put into your hands by Colonel
Stanhope, son of Major-General the
Earl of Harrington, &c. &c. He
has arrived from London in fifty days, after having visited all the committees
of Germany. He is charged by our committee to act in concert with me for the
liberation of Greece. I conceive that his name and his mission will be a
sufficient recommendation, without the necessity of any other from a foreigner,
although one who, in common with all Europe, respects and admires the courage,
the talents, and, above all, the probity of
Prince
Mavrocordato.
“I am very uneasy at hearing that the dissensions of
Greece still continue, and at a moment when she might triumph over every thing
in general, as she has already triumphed in part. Greece is, at present, placed
between three measures: either to re-conquer her liberty, to become a
dependence of the sovereigns of Europe, or to return to a Turkish province. She
has the choice only of these three alternatives. Civil war is but a road which
leads to the two latter. If she is desirous of the fate of Walachia and the
Crimea, she may obtain it to-morrow; if of that of Italy, the day after; but if
she wishes to become truly Greece, free and independent, she must resolve
to-day, or she will never again have the opportunity.
“I am, with due respect,
“Your Highness’s obedient servant,
“N. B.
“P. S. Your Highness will already have known that I
have sought to fulfil the wishes of the Greek government, as much as it lay
in my power to do so: but I
should wish that the
fleet, so long and so vainly expected, were arrived, or, at least, that it
were on the way; and especially that your Highness should approach those
parts, either on board the fleet, with a public mission, or in some other
manner.”
Such were the sentiments and the wishes of Lord
Byron in this important crisis.
At last the long-expected fleet arrived. Mavrocordato was aboard. Between Ithaca and Cephalonia they fell in with a
Turkish corvette from Prevesa, with a considerable sum of money and some Turks of
distinction, amongst whom was a nephew of Yussuff
himself. The money had been sent to the Pacha for the payment of sixteen months’
arrears due to the garrisons of Patras and of the other three fortresses, who had long been
loud in their complaints. The corvette, attacked by the superior forces of the Greeks,
defended itself desperately, and would not surrender. In the end, it was wrecked on the
coast
of Ithaca. The Greeks, urged on by the heat of the action, and
by the hope of booty, broke the neutrality of the Ionian Islands, and gave rise to various
complaints and remonstrances.
The Greek squadron afterwards cast anchor off Missolonghi, where Mavrocordato was received with enthusiasm, in gratitude
for the memorable services he had rendered the year preceding. He was intrusted with full
powers to organise western Greece. The Turkish squadron of fifteen vessels, brigs,
corvettes, and two large frigates, was shut up in the gulf of Lepanto.
Lord Byron immediately despatched a boat with Signior Praidi, to inform Mavrocordato that the loan requested of him by the government was ready,
and that he would either go aboard the Greek fleet, or come to Missolonghi, in order to
have a
conference with him. Colonel
Stanhope, who was still at Zante, immediately set out for Missolonghi.
The weather was unfavourable and stormy. In a few days a Speziot brig,
the Leonidas, cast anchor in the port of Argostoli, under
pretence of procuring water. The Commandant would not allow it to remain in port more than
twenty-four hours, and forbade any communication with the land. Permission was, however,
given to deliver any letters: he had none; nor was Praidi aboard. The captain informed Lord
Byron, by letter, that he was ordered by his admiral to attend his
Lordship’s orders. We were waiting for an answer by our messenger: the Leonidas continued sailing off the port; and two days afterwards we saw
from our village of Metaxata another brig, which arrived, having on board Signior
Praidi and some Greek officers, bringing letters
from
Mavrocordato and Colonel Stanhope, who requested him to come to Missolonghi, where his
presence was of the utmost importance*. A letter likewise from the Legislative Body
solicited him to co-operate with Mavrocordato in the organisation of
western Greece. One of the brigs was to return to Missolonghi, the other to convoy, or to
receive Lord Byron on board, if he should prefer it. But
Lord Byron declined the offer, and preferred hiring vessels for
himself.
It was now the 26th of December. A boat was hired for part of the baggage;
a light, fast-sailing vessel, called a Mistico, for Lord Byron and his suite; and a larger vessel for the rest of
the baggage, horses, &c. &c.
* Extracts from these letters are given in the Appendix.
|
In less than twelve hours every thing was ready, and we were on board; but
contrary winds detained us for two days. Lord Byron
lodged with his banker, Mr. Hancock, and passed the
greater part of the day in company with the English authorities of the island.
The wind becoming fair, on the 28th of December, at 3 p. m. we set sail, he
in the Mistico, myself in the larger vessel. On the 29th in the
morning, we were at Zante. We passed the day in transacting business with Mr. Barff, and sent on board a considerable sum of money.
The Commandant, Dr. Thomas, and others, called on Lord Byron, but he declined an invitation to the Commandant’s house.
We took our ship’s papers for Calamo, one of the smaller of the Ionian islands, near
the coast of Roumelia. Towards six in the
evening we set sail for
Missolonghi, without the slightest suspicion that the Turkish fleet could have left the
Gulf of Lepanto. We knew that the Greeks were anchored before Missolonghi, nearly at the
entrance of the Gulf, and we expected to fall in with the
Leonidas, or some other Greek vessel, either in search of, or waiting for us.
We sailed together till after ten at night; the wind favourable—a
clear sky, the air fresh but not sharp.—Our sailors sang alternately patriotic songs,
monotonous indeed, but to persons in our situation extremely touching, and we took part in
them. We were all, but Lord Byron particularly, in
excellent spirits. The Mistico sailed the fastest. When the waves
divided us, and our voices could no longer reach each other, we made signals by firing
pistols and carabines—“To-morrow we meet at
Missolonghi—to-morrow.” Thus, full of con-
fidence and
spirits, we sailed along. At twelve, we were out of sight.
The wind freshened towards three o’clock in the morning; my captain,
Spiro Valsamarchi, of Cephalonia, was afraid of
sailing any further in the dark on account of the shallows.
We again proceeded at five; at half past six it was daylight, and we found
ourselves near the insulated rocks which are seen in front of the shallows of Missolonghi.
A little before us to the right, a large vessel was perceived coming slowly towards us: at
first it was thought to be one of the Greek fleet, but it was too large: we then believed
it an Imperial frigate. In outward form and appearance it was superior to a Turkish ship;
nor was it like an English nor an American. How could a Turkish vessel be alone, and there?
It veered towards
us: we hoisted the Ionian flag, they the Ottoman.
How great was our astonishment! the captain and sailors were amazed—almost in
despair. What was to be done?—Fly?—there was no time; and then, if we were
caught, it would be worse. In the mean time, the Turks approached, and called the captain
aboard. The poor fellow gave himself up for lost. “What shall I
say?” I replied, “Say what your papers
declare, that you are freighted by travellers for Calamo—leave the rest to
me: for God’s sake, no schemes, no
contradictions.” “—But we have left Calamo
behind.”—“Well, then, the night, the wind
will be a sufficient plea.” We put our captain on board the frigate:
we began to think what we had to make us suspicious characters—several servants, five
horses, dogs; a few guns for sporting, and some money; all under my protection. I prepared
my story:—“I am a traveller; I am going to Calamo, to
join an English nobleman, to whom most of the things on board belong; thence, to set
out on our travels whenever the unfortunate disturbances should permit us:”
and this agreed with our papers, and partly with the truth. I had a packet of letters,
containing all Lord Byron’s correspondence with
the Greek chiefs. Without delay, I then tied fifty pounds of shot to the package, and told
a servant to stand in readiness behind the sail, and, immediately on seeing a boat move
off, to fling it overboard. A Turk got into the boat; the servant, thinking he was coming
towards us, dropped the package into the sea. As it turned out, there was no necessity for
this step; but as he had done so, I was no longer in fear, either for myself or for the
suite. With resolution and firmness, rather than by false pretences, I thought I could get
off safely, and especially as I hajd to deal with barbarians. I now only felt ap-prehensions for Lord Byron, whose fate I did not
know: he had with him more money, a great number of arms, and some Greeks, not Ionians. A
small vessel was seen near one of the rocks, called Scrofes, apparently taking refuge
there. I thought it was the Mistico, and I felt tranquil: a
frigate could not approach it.
Three sails now appeared at a distance, on the side of Zante. A great shout
was raised in the frigate, for the Turks took them for the Greeks, and made sail towards
the Gulf, ordering us, with noise and threats, to follow. Another frigate was then descried
farther off in the Gulf, and also the rest of the Turkish fleet.
Proceeding towards Patras, our captain showed himself on the poop of the
frigate, and hailed us aloud, and told us to be cheerful. We cried out, that he stood more
in need of consolation than we; but his
exclamation had greatly
comforted our crew. We afterwards learnt, that when Spiro first came on board he was received by the Turkish captain with his
drawn sword. The Turks thought our bombard was a fireship, and our poor Greek heard the
order—“Cut off his head, and sink the ship!” It was a trying
moment. The captain asked him, in a threatening tone, whether he was not going to
Missolonghi? He had not the power to say “no;”—but, on a sudden, fear
seems to have opened his eyes, and permitted him to recognise, in the person of the Turkish
captain, one whom he had before seen. “What!” said he, “are you
going to take away the life of him who saved your life? Don’t you recollect
Spiro Valsamarchi, whom you saw in the Black Sea?”
“Is it possible,” said the
Turk—“you Spiro?” He embraced the trembling Greek, took him into his cabin,
showed
the utmost solicitude on his behalf, and frequently, when we
were afterwards together, took the opportunity of testifying his gratitude to his old
deliverer, who, it seems, had saved the Turk, his brother, and eight
others, from shipwreck in a merchant vessel, to the no small hazard of his own life.
We cast anchor under Patras, about four p. m., in the midst of
fourteen Turkish vessels. The captain of the frigate immediately went to the
Seraskier; and, passing by, told me that, on his return, he should
wish to see me.
In about an hour I went, and with me Sig.
Zambelli, his Lordship’s superintendant of the household, and three
servants. I was allowed to have two, to take care of the horses. Knowing that presents are
a good introduction, particularly to a Turk, I carried with me a telescope, and some
bottles of rum and porter. The captain, whose name was
Zachirià, received me with courtesy, and willingly accepted
my trifling gifts, but seemed to fear lest he should not be able to make a traffic of
them*. His interpreter and his pilot was a Roman by birth, whom he called Captain
Francesco, and who, apparently, had escaped from the galleys of Civita
Vecchia. He asked me whence I came, whither I was going, and what I had on board? Trusting
that Spiro had obeyed my orders, I replied
accordingly. But Captain Francesco vauntingly said, that
Spiro had confessed that we were going to Missolonghi.
Spiro wanted to deny this with fresh explanations. “What
have I,” I answered with firmness—“what have I to do with what
he said? I neither know nor care about his story—my papers speak plainly enough.
His vessel, hired by
* For some additional account of this circumstance, see the
notes in the Appendix. |
me, is now mine, and I best know whether I am bound to Calamo or
Missolonghi. The night—the wind—may have driven him out of his course.
Another vessel, with a friend, is there waiting for me; and if you thus treat me, in
violation of every law, you must answer for it to the Ionian government.”
They said, they had seen the Mistico pass close to them in the
dark. Captain Francesco did not appear satisfied with my explanation,
and was unwilling to relinquish the large portion of the booty which he expected. But the
Turk interposed: he excused the contradictions of Spiro on the score
of fear: he was sorry, he said, to be obliged to detain us, as his crew had heard the
answer of Spiro; but told us to be cheerful, and offered us soup and
coffee. Then it was that he entered into conversation about
Spiro—“that he was a good man—that he owed
his life to him—that he considered himself fortunate in
having an opportunity to return a small part of his debt, for he never could
sufficiently repay him.” At supper, the Turk began to thank Mahomet, who had again conducted him safely into port.
To-morrow, he said, we should enter the Gulf, and then he would recommend me to Yussuff Pacha, an excellent man and his particular friend;
and he added, that I ought even to complain of his
(Zachirià’s) conduct, for having stopped me in my way
to Calamo, beyond the line of blockade. He only requested me to bear testimony to his
having had the boldness to advance all alone so far beyond the mouth of the Gulf. This
recommendation, said he, would be worth 500,000 piastres to him at Constantinople. He made
me a present of a handsome Turkish pipe, and appeared solicitous of rendering his
hospitality acceptable to us. We entered port in the morning, and after mid-day I was
landed in the ship’s boat at the castle of the Morea, near which
my vessel cast anchor. The fleet was moored on the opposite side of the Gulf, under
Lepanto.
I immediately went to the English Consulate. Mr. Green
was at Zante, but I found his agent, Sig. Romanelli, an Ionian Greek,
who received us in a polite manner, and appeared to take up our cause with warmth. The
Pacha was then in his seraglio, but would see me the next day; and, in the mean time, I was
allowed to go on board my vessel. I asked permission to shoot along the shore, for there
was a fine line of coast. The vice-consul sent two Janissaries with me. Arriving at the
foot of a hill, my guards would not ascend, for fear of the Greeks, who were masters of the
mountains, and frequently came down to carry off the sheep. The Turks never ventured there;
for the Greeks, hiding at night in the bushes, robbed and
killed the
Turks when driving out their flocks in the morning. Two days afterwards I myself witnessed
one of these freebootings. But I despised the prudence of my guards. Thus I stood in danger
of being way-laid by the Greeks for a Turk, and of being hanged by the Turks for a Greek.
In the morning I had an interview with the Pacha, who willingly accepted
some woodcocks of me. He received me in his divan, seated, or rather lying, on a sofa,
smoking, as were likewise four or five officers, or counsellors, seated round him. After
coffee and pipes, the examination began. I answered him as I had before answered
Zachirià: I deplored the turbulent state of the country,
which made travelling, our favourite passion, so difficult. To comply with the request of
my hospitable captain, I blamed him for capturing us out of the line of blockade, and
ex-
tolled his temerity in advancing so far alone.
The Pacha seemed much pleased with the bravery of his captain, and
congratulated me on my good fortune in falling into their hands rather than into those of
the infidels. He spoke Turkish to his secretary, and the latter addressed me in Greek. He
questioned me about the corvette destroyed by the Hydriots, on the coast of Ithaca. I
related the fact to him. The corvette was his property; the money on board was to pay the
troops; and it was his nephew who had been killed. I did not perceive the slightest emotion
in his countenance. He asked me what Sir Thomas
Maitland had thought of it; and if he would not revenge so great an insult
offered to the English by those rascally pirates. I replied, that Sir
Thomas was highly incensed at the infraction of the neutrality.
He desired me to be told that he could not comprehend how the English
felt such interest for those wretches. He promised my immediate liberation; and, thanking
me for the information I had given him, said that I could not have my papers till the
following day, as the Seraskier was anchored under Nepacto (Lepanto).
It was now Thursday, the 1st of January, 1824, but neither that day nor the
day after did the papers come. I passed my time shooting, without any guards; nor did I
meet with any molestation. I was informed, on Saturday morning, that my papers were to be
found at the consulate. I went there at eight o’clock. The Pacha sent for the consul,
and kept him above three hours. I was not without apprehension, as letters had arrived for
the Pacha from Zante, where I knew he had many spies. I at last got them; but, the
wind not being favourable, I did not sail till four next morning, the
4th of January.
At noon we reached the port of Missolonghi, which is situated several miles
from the town, on account of the shallows. Five Speziot brigs of war lay at anchor: they
saluted us with several discharges of cannon; and I set out to Missolonghi in a Speziot
boat. The wonder and joy of the whole town on seeing me safe, with all my charge, is
inexpressible: but how much greater was my surprise when I heard that Lord Byron was not arrived, but was expected from Dragomestri.
On the morning of the fifth, we were informed that he had passed the night aboard his
vessel, in the port. At eleven, a. m. he arrived at Missolonghi.
It is here that my journal regularly begins: the first part was sunk with
my
other papers. I shall therefore make my extracts as they came from
my pen on the spot. Lord Byron’s arrival was
welcomed with salvos of artillery, firing of muskets, and wild music. Crowds of soldiery,
and citizens of every rank, sex, and age, were assembled on the shore to testify their
delight. Hope and content were pictured in every countenance. His Lordship landed in a
Speziot boat, dressed in a red uniform. He was in excellent health, and appeared moved by
the scene. I met him as he disembarked, and in a few minutes we entered the house prepared
for him—the same in which Colonel Stanhope
resided. The Colonel and Prince Mavrocordato, with a
long suite of European and Greek officers, received him at the door.
I cannot easily describe the emotions which such a scene excited: I could
scarcely refrain from tears; whether moved by the
noise and signs of
joy and delight, I know not; or whether from gladness that we now met each other safe on
the Grecian soil, after encountering, in the space of a few days, so many dangers.
Lord Byron had escaped from equal perils. Parting
company with us on the night of the 31st of December, his vessel came close up to the
Turkish frigate, about two in the morning. The Greeks, by the appearance of it, and the
sudden shout raised by the Turks, who took the Mistico for a
fireship, perceiving the enemy, were enabled, under favour of the night and silence, to
save themselves among the rocks of the Scrofes. They saw us taken and conducted to Patras.
Not deeming it prudent to pursue their course towards Missolonghi, they steered for Petala,
finding which port open and unsafe, they retired to
Dragomestri*.
There the primates and officers of the place visited Lord Byron,
offering him every possible succour. He sent off two messengers; one to Missolonghi,
another to Zante†. To the former place he wished to go by land, but the mountains
were impassable. Mavrocordato sent him five gun-boats, and a brig of
war (the Leonidas), under the command of Praidi, and a Mr.
Hesketh, a young Englishman, in the Greek service. On the 4th of January,
steering for Missolonghi, he was overtaken by a violent storm, which threw him among the
rocks. The sailors leaped on them, and got the vessel off unhurt. A second gust of wind
drove them on again with greater violence. The sailors then, losing all hope of saving the
vessel, began to think of their own safety. But Lord Byron
* A small sea-port town on the coast of Acarnania. † See the Appendix. |
persuaded them to remain; and by his firmness, and no small share of
nautical skill, got them out of danger, and thus saved the vessel and several lives, with
25,000 dollars, the greater part in specie. He arrived late in the port of Missolonghi, and
landed in the morning, as related*.
After eight days of such fatigue, he had scarcely time to refresh himself,
and converse with Mavrocordato, and his friends and
countrymen, before he was assailed by the tumultuous visits of the primates and chiefs.
These latter, not content with
* He had not pulled off his clothes since leaving Cephalonia; had
slept upon the deck, and had purposely exposed himself to privations, which he
thought would harden his constitution, and enable him to bear the fatigues of a
campaign. He swam for half an hour on the 1st of January. When at Dragomestri, he
composed the rough sketch of a Suliote war song, which has been found amongst his
papers, but is not very easy to decipher. He wrote a letter to Colonel Stanhope, which has already appeared, and is
given in the Appendix. |
coming all together, each had a suite of twenty or thirty, and not
unfrequently fifty soldiers. It was difficult to make them understand that he would fix
certain hours to receive them, and that the rest of the day was allotted to business or
domestic affairs. Their visits began at seven o’clock, and the greater part of them
were without any object. This is one of the most insupportable annoyances to which a man of
influence and consideration is exposed in the East. I have seen Lord Byron bear all with great patience; Colonel
Stanhope with still greater; but in this respect no man is to be compared to
the indefatigable Mavrocordato.
When we arrived at Missolonghi, nine Hydriot brigs, impatient or hopeless
of being paid, had already set out for their own country; and five Speziots were with
difficulty induced to remain; and, to si-
lence their threats of
following the example of their companions, Mavrocordato was forced to borrow 500 dollars, under the guarantee of
Colonel Stanhope, that they should be repaid from
the 200,000 piastres of Lord Byron. All the chieftains
of western Greece, that is, of all the mountainous districts occupied by the Greeks, from
the plains of Arta on the one side to the territories of Salona on the other, were now
collected at Missolonghi in a general assembly, together with a great many of the primates
of the same countries. Mavrocordato had been named governor-general of
the province, and president of the assembly. More than 5000 armed men had followed that
chief, and were in the town. The first object of the assembly was the organisation of the
military force of the province, the division of the districts under their respective
captains, and of the troops in each district; the assignment of the soldiers’ pay, and the establishment of the national constitution and a regular
form of government in that part of Greece.
Another object of Mavrocordato and
his chiefs was the attack of Nepacto; which, if successful, they thought, would bring about
the surrender of the castles of the Morea and Patras. Notwithstanding the retreat of the
Hydriots, it was hoped that the Speziot vessels, with two fireships, would keep the Turkish
squadron in check, if not drive it from the Gulf.
These efforts were, it is true, to be made not without many obstacles. The
chieftains were not all of them well inclined to Mavrocordato; the soldiers were scarcely paid, or even fed at all by the
regular government; and so great was the apprehension of disturbances, quarrels, and even
of a civil war, that without the influence of
Mavrocordato, and the presence of Lord
Byron, with his pecuniary succours, the worst consequences might be feared,
even although the Turkish armies had retreated from the siege of Anatolicò and
Missolonghi.
After the departure of the Captain Pacha from the eastern shores of Greece,
and that of the Pacha of Scutari from Missolonghi, there was no fear of their return until
the next spring. The Peloponnesus, with the exception of the castles of the Morea and of
Patras, of Modon and of Covon, was in the hands of the Greeks; so was the northern shore of
the Gulf of Lepanto, with the exception of the two castles. Bœotia and Attica were
entirely in the power of the Greeks, together with the isthmus of Corinth. But the discord
of the Greeks amongst themselves had now
began to assume a most
inauspicious aspect. The whole year, during which by law the executive body was to exist,
had not expired; but their inertness and their rapacity had, not only in the islands, but
in the Morea, so raised public opinion against them, that the legislative body resolved
upon the energetic measure of dispossessing them at once of their power. This they did,
alleging that the constitution had been infringed by the late men in power; and they
elected a new executive, at the head of which they placed George Conturiottis, one of the most zealous, respectable, and richest
patriots in Greece. The former executive body, however, would not tamely submit to this
measure, but, gathering round them some of those who had profited by their exertions, they
seized on several strong places, and openly resisted the government.
|
LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE |
93 |
Such was the state of affairs when Lord
Byron arrived in Greece. His situation was one of extreme delicacy and
difficulty: his own dignity, and the true interest of Greece, forbade him to mix himself up
with any party; and he at once perceived that if by such a conduct he could finally
reconcile the factions, he would play a part the most glorious that a stranger could
attempt to perform.
Intrigues and underhand practices, however political, and perhaps useful in
some degree they might have been, were contrary to the dignity of his station, and
incompatible with his high character. Now it was that we all saw the advantage derived from
his protracted residence in the Ionian Islands: there he had opportunities of knowing
others, and of becoming known himself. His influence had increased amongst all parties; and
how sel-
dom has it happened, that a similar opportunity has been
afforded to an independent and disinterested stranger of exercising so beneficent and
powerful an influence for the salvation of an oppressed people.
The legislative body, which was the truly national party, acquired force
every day. In conjunction with all the best patriots and the friends of Greece, he directed
therefore all his efforts to the establishment of the government, and to the peaceful
submission of the factions. In short, he made such dispositions, as might turn to the best
account the first supplies of the expected loan, and might secure the organisation of a
government capable of resisting all the attacks of the enemy during the next year; and at
the same time, lay the foundations of those institutions which might confirm the freedom
and independence of Greece.
|
LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE |
95 |
This was the aim of Lord Byron; to this
were directed all his actions; and in spite of obstacles and difficulties, he was on the
point of accomplishing this noble project, when he sunk under the blow that proved so
calamitous to Greece, to his friends, and to the world.
The winter, however, admitted only of preparations for future
enterprise—nothing could be done except by re-organising western Greece, and by
attempting the capture of Lepanto. It would be superfluous to repeat here the advantages
which would be derived from this exploit; one of the most material of which would be the
employment of an idle and expensive soldiery, and the acquirement of fresh courage and
mutual confidence. The chieftains appeared very eager to undertake this enterprise under
the orders of Lord Byron; and Mavrocordato was persuaded
that their
irregular troops would more willingly obey him than any Greek, or any other foreigner.
Lord Byron had no pretensions to military skill; but courage and
energy are perhaps more useful than science for the conduct of undisciplined forces;
besides which, there was no want of expert officers, although occasions had as yet never or
seldom called them forth: add also, that in respect to pecuniary resources, Lord
Byron contributed from his own purse more than the whole government put
together. Thus the peril, and the difficulty, and the sacrifices would fall to the share of
Lord Byron; of this he was aware, and this determined him to
accept the conduct of the undertaking.
Lord Byron, after much experience, had convinced himself
that the first want of Greece was a strong national government; but he felt that such a
government could
not subsist, unless means were found to put into
circulation the great natural resources of the country; hence, his anxiety for the loan;
and hence his unceasing efforts whilst that measure was in preparation, to raise the public
spirit, and to organise the requisite government. The enterprise against Lepanto, and all
the other occupations on which we saw him intent at Missolonghi, were only of a secondary
interest, although momentous in themselves, and tended only to his great object. Two
officers, an Englishman and a German, proceeded to the examination of the fortifications of
Lepanto. A few determined troops might take it by surprise or assault; the city might
easily be cannonaded: besides this, we were aware that the Albanese garrison, which had not
been paid for sixteen months, was discontented, and would willingly surrender, if secure of
a reward, and of a safe retreat to Prevesa. They would confide for
this treatment on the word of an Englishman. A blockade would be useless whilst the sea was
open, and whilst we were unprovided with a battering train. We had, indeed, some heavy
cannon at Missolonghi; but they were in bad condition, and, if we could have transported
them across the mountains, we had still another want to supply, for where were our
cannoneers? As to an assault or a surprise, we could not trust to the quality of our
troops—excellent, indeed, for a mountain war, but unpractised in the other requisites
of a soldier.
Mr. Parry was expected every day; and it was given
out for certain, that he brought with him a supply of Congreve rockets, or, at least, the
articles for manufacturing them immediately. The most exaggerated rumours, the offspring of
Greek boasting and Turkish ignorance, increased the im-
portance of
these new weapons of war; and an inconsiderable number of them would most probably have
answered all the purposes of terror and surprise against such antagonists. Colonel Stanhope had already sent letters for Mr.
Parry, directed to Malta and Corfu, desiring him to proceed to Missolonghi.
Whilst waiting the arrival of Mr.
Parry, we were occupied with preparing our troops in the best manner
possible for our expedition. The greater part of the Suliotes were in Missolonghi: some of
them were in the Morea. After the death of their noble chieftain, Marco Bozzari, those who had retired to Missolonghi and
Anatolico had assisted in the defence of those towns. The magistrates, their employers,
were in debt to them for eight months’ pay, and they were clamorous for their dues.
It should be told in their excuse, that being
without house or home,
they and their families had no other means of subsistence than their wretched pay, which,
however, the urgent wants of the moment rendered it impossible for the magistrates to
afford them. The interest which Lord Byron took in that
warlike tribe was already known; and it was therefore wished that he should take into his
service fifteen hundred of their number. Nota
Bozzari, the uncle of Marco, and Mavrocordato, were employed to obtain my Lord’s
consent to this measure; but he was unwilling to undertake so weighty a charge; and he was
also aware that, of those who might fairly be called Suliotes, there were scarcely three or
four hundred. The next endeavour was to induce him to engage a thousand under his orders:
Lord Byron consented to provide for five hundred. The government
agreed for one hundred more; and this corps of six hundred was placed imme- | LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 101 |
diately under the command of his Lordship.
He assisted also to form a small artillery corps of fifty men, for which he
and Colonel Stanhope were to provide the payment. The
Colonel had already sent a messenger into the Morea, to collect the Germans from various
parts of that peninsula. It was resolved also to form at once a company for the service of
the artillery which was expected to arrive with Mr.
Parry.
Whilst these preparations were making for the attack of Lepanto, there was
no neglect of those salutary institutions which alone could enlighten the nation as to its
dearest interests. Colonel Stanhope zealously laboured
at the formation of schools on the Lancasterian
plan; he established dispensaries for the preservation of the
public
health; and, on the 12th of January (the 1st, according to the Greek style), appeared the
programme of the Greek Chronicle. Lord Byron, to the establishment of this paper, contributed at
once 250 dollars. A trifling difference arose between the colonel and his Lordship as to
the conduct of this paper. Lord Byron wished, if possible, to provide
against personal attacks, which, in a country like Greece, without laws and tribunals, must
end in assassinations and deadly feuds; and also to prevent the intemperate abuse of those
Allied Sovereigns, who, whatever may be thought of their policy, must necessarily have so
much influence on the future destinies of Greece. Colonel Stanhope, on
the contrary, approved of an unlimited liberty in the conduct of the newspaper, and
established the Chronicle on that principle. Lord
Byron’s difference of opinion with the Colonel
did not prevent | LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 103 |
him from being the real founder of the first and most
independent paper that has appeared in Greece; for the Chronicle
was set up under the direction of Colonel Stanhope, but at the expense
of his Lordship. Another journal appeared at Missolonghi a month afterwards, called the Greek Telegraph, and his Lordship incurred the
first charges of that publication. Some idle comments having appeared on the differences of
opinion between his Lordship and Colonel Stanhope, it is as well to
mention the above facts, and to recall to mind the concluding words of Lord
Byron’s conversation with the Colonel, when he said, “Judge of me by my actions.”
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 17
No. 97 (February 1825)
Count Gamba’s name comes upon
our ears, associated with some very disagreeable recollections; and his book is—as a book—but a poor one. It
contains, however, quite enough of facts to satisfy all mankind that Lord
Byron in Greece was everything that the friends of freedom, and the friends
of genius, could have wished him to be. Placed amidst all the perplexities of most vile and
worthless, intriguing factions—at the same time exposed to and harassed by the open
violence of many utterly irreconcilable sets of mere barbarian
robbers—the equally barbarous chiefs of whom were pretending to play the parts of
gentlemen and generals—and, what was perhaps still more trying, perpetually annoyed,
interrupted, and baffled by the ignorance, folly, and obstinate drivelling, of his own
coadjutors, such as Colonel Stanhope and the German
Philhellenes—he, and he alone, appears to have sustained throughout the calmness of a
philosopher, the integrity of a patriot, and the constancy of a hero. If anything could
have done Greece real good, in her own sense of the word, at this crisis, it must have been
the prolongation of the life he had devoted to her service. He had brought with him to her
shores a name glorious and commanding; but, ere he died, the influence of his tried
prudence, magnanimous self-denial, and utter superiority to faction, and all factious
views, had elevated him into a position of authority, before which, even the most
ambitiously unprincipled of the Greek leaders were beginning to feel the necessity of
controlling their passions, and silencing their pretensions. The arrival of part of the
loan from England—procured, as it unquestionably had been, chiefly through the
influence of his name—was, no doubt, the circumstance that gave such commanding
elevation to his personal influence in Greece, during the closing scenes of his career. But
nothing except the visible and undoubted excellence of his deportment on occasions the most
perplexing—nothing but the moral dignity expressed in every word and action of his
while in Greece—nothing but the eminent superiority of personal character, resources,
and genius which he had exhibited—could possibly have reconciled the minds of those
hostile factious to the notion of investing any Foreigner and Frank with the supreme
authority of their executive government. We have no sort of doubt, that if
Byron had died three months later, he would have died governor of
all the emancipated provinces of Greece. This is a melancholy thought, but it is also a
proud one. . . .
Samuel Barff (1793-1880)
Merchant and banker at Zante from 1816 who worked with George Finlay to establish a
banking system in Greece.
Markos Botsaris [Μαρκος Βοτσαρις] (1790-1823)
Greek leader in the War of Independence who died heroically at the Battle of Karpenisi.
He was the brother of Kostas (Constantine) Botzaries.
Charles Hancock (1793-1858)
Merchant at Zante where he was the partner of Samuel Barff.
Henry Hesketh (1836 fl.)
English philhellene; after service with Admiral Cochrane in South American he was Byron's
aide-de-camp at Missolonghi; he was afterwards agent for the South Australian
Company.
Joseph Lancaster (1778-1838)
Founder of the Lancastrian system of education; he published
Improvements in Education (1803).
Mahomet (570 c.-632)
Founder of the Muslim religion.
Sir Thomas Maitland (1760-1824)
Lieutenant-general and colonial administrator; he was commander-in-chief of Ceylon
(1806-11) and lord high commissioner of the Ionian islands, and of the Mediterranean
(1815).
Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos [Αλεξανδρος Μαβροκορδατος] (1791-1865)
Greek statesman and diplomat with Byron at Missolonghi; after study at the University of
Padua he joined the Greek Revolution in 1821 and in 1822 was elected by the National
Assembly at Epidaurus. He commanded forces in western Central Greece and retired in 1826
after the Fall of Messolonghi.
William Parry (1773-1859)
Military engineer at Missolonghi; he was author of
The Last Days of
Lord Byron (1825).
Leicester Fitzgerald Charles Stanhope, fifth earl of Harrington (1784-1862)
The third son of the third earl; in 1823 he traveled to Greece as the Commissioner of the
London Greek Committee; there he served with Byron, whom he criticizes in
Greece in 1823 and 1824 (1824). He inherited the earldom from his brother in
1851.
Sir Frederick Stovin (1783-1865)
He served as aide-de-camp to General Picton in the Peninsular War, was Assistant
Adjutant-General at the Battle of New Orleans, British resident at Zante (1824), and
Inspector-General of Ulster (1835).
Dr. Thomas (1824 fl.)
English physician at Zante who treated Byron in his last days.
Yusuf Pasha (1824 fl.)
The Turkish commander at Patras during the Greek War of Independence.
Lega Zambelli (1827 fl.)
Count Guiccioli's steward, afterwards steward to Lord Byron; he married Teresa
Guiccioli's confidant Fanny Sylvestrini.
Hellenica Chronica. (1824-26). A biweekly Greek language newspaper edited by Jean Jacques Meyer; most of the subscribers
lived outside of Greece.
Telegrafo Greco. (1824). An Italian newspaper published at Missolonghi; it was edited by Pietro Gamba.