A Narrative of Lord Byron’s Last Journey to Greece
Chapter VI
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LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE |
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CHAPTER VI.
Affray between one of Lord
Byron’s guard and a citizen of Missolonghi—Lord
Byron’s letter on that occasion—Conspiracy of
Cariascachi—His troops enter Missolonghi—A body of
Suliotes seize upon Basiladi—Lord Byron’s journey to
Salona prevented—A spy arrested in Lord Byron’s
house—Measures taken by Prince Mavrocordato—His
proclamation at Anatolico—His letter to Lord
Byron—Lord Byron’s last illness—His
death—The funeral service over his remains— Disastrous consequences of the
death of Lord Byron—The transfer of the remains to Zante, and
thence to England.
The weather continued to be more rainy than ever. Lord Byron could not take his usual rides, and his health was
affected by want of air and exercise. He was at this time exposed to another annoyance.
On the night of the 31st of March, nearly at twelve o’clock, a Greek
came to him, with tears in his eyes, complaining of one of his German guards, who, he said,
had returned to his quarters intoxicated; had broken open the door, had drawn his sword,
and had alarmed his whole family so much, as to make it necessary for him to have recourse
to Lord Byron for immediate protection. Lord
Byron, persuaded how necessary it was to show the Greeks that their foreign
auxiliaries would be guilty of no outrage towards them, instantly despatched one of his
officers, with a file of soldiers, to arrest the delinquent, and carry him to the artillery
barracks. He was a Russian, who had arrived only lately, and had been very urgent to
procure his admission into our brigade. When arrested and taken to the barracks, he
asserted that the Greek had told what was untrue. He said that he had broken open the door
because he had
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been assigned those quarters, and had lodged there
several days; and the man would not let him in, but kept him outside, exposed to violent
rain. He complained of the time and manner of his arrest; and at once sent a long
representation to Lord Byron, accusing the adjutant who arrested him.
My Lord immediately answered him in the following terms.
“I have the honour to reply to your letter of this day.
In consequence of an urgent, and, to all appearance, a well-founded complaint,
made to me yesterday evening, I gave orders to Mr.
Hesketh to proceed to your quarters with the soldiers of his
guard, and to remove you from your house to the Seraglio; because the owner of
your house declared himself and his family to be in immediate danger from your
conduct; and added, that that was not the first time that you had placed them
in similar circumstances. Neither Mr. Hesketh nor myself
could imagine that you were in bed, as we had been assured of the contrary; and
certainly such a situation was not contemplated. But Mr.
Hesketh had positive orders to conduct you from your quarters to
those of the artillery brigade; at the same time being desired to use no
violence; nor does
it appear that any was had recourse
to. This measure was adopted because your landlord assured me, when I proposed
to put off the inquiry until the next day, that he could not return to his
house without a guard for his protection, and that he had left his wife and
daughter, and family, in the greatest alarm; on that account putting them under
our immediate protection; the case admitted of no delay. As I am not aware that
Mr. Hesketh exceeded his orders, I cannot take any
measures to punish him; but I have no objection to examine minutely into his
conduct. You ought to recollect that entering into the auxiliary Greek corps,
now under my orders, at your own sole request and positive desire, you incurred
the obligation of obeying the laws of the country, as well as those of the
service.
“I have the honour to be, &c.
“N. B.”
April 1 and 2.—There was a rumour that a body of troops had sailed
from the castle, and had disembarked at Chioneri, a village on the southern shore of
Missolonghi. At first there was some alarm in the town; but it was soon known that, in
fact, a launch, belonging to one of the brigs that was returning into the Gulf, had
attempted to
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land her men in order to procure water, and had been
driven off by some twenty peasants.
Mavrocordato presented to Lord Byron Signor Tricupi, arrived
the day before from Zante. He was the son of one of the primates of Missolonghi, who had
been educated by the means furnished by Lord Guildford,
and was acquainted with the French, English, and Italian languages. He was a young man not
only well-informed, but of a sound good sense, and a right judging patriotism; and had been
selected as deputy to the general government to represent western Greece. This was the
young man who afterwards pronounced the funeral oration of Lord Byron.
At two o’clock in the afternoon of the third of April, many canoes
arrived, containing about 150 soldiers belonging to
Cariascachi of Anatolico, who came to demand
vengeance and justice for an injury inflicted the day before on a nephew of his by the
people of Missolonghi. A great alarm spread itself over the whole city; all the shops were
shut, and the bazaars deserted. Our brigade was ordered to hold itself in readiness to act
at a moment’s warning. The alarm still continuing, I wrote to Mavrocordato, to know if there was any ground for fearing
that a serious affray would ensue. He replied, that he had taken every precaution, and that
he hoped nothing would occur; but that it would be prudent to have our brigade in
readiness, and not to suffer them to separate. Byron
ordered his troops to continue under arms, but to preserve the strictest neutrality,
without mixing in any quarrel, either by actions or words. Bodies of armed men, in the
meanwhile, paraded the streets. It was now added, that 300 | LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 239 |
Suliotes
were marching upon Missolonghi. The citizens posted themselves at the batteries, and
resolved to resist their entrance.
As yet it appeared that this was only a private quarrel, which had
originated in a blow that a nephew of Cariascachi
had received the day before in a fray with a citizen of Missolonghi. But late in the
evening, Praidi came to my Lord with a letter which
Mavrocordato had received from Cranidi, and
which instructed him respecting the intrigues of the late executive to destroy the present
rulers, and particularly ruin Mavrocordato. This intelligence made us
suspect that Cariascachi had been induced to undertake his present
enterprise to favour the views of the factious in the Morea.
April 4.—This morning we received the news that a party of Suliotes
had made
themselves masters of Basiladi, and that some of Cariascachi’s people had arrested two of the
primates in the night, and had carried them secretly to Anatolico. The tumult and
indignation which this intelligence produced throughout the city increased every moment.
The Turkish fleet was observed sailing out of the Gulf; and it was at once suspected that
this movement was in concert with the designs of the factious, especially as Basiladi was
the key to the port of Missolonghi. Preparations were accordingly made for bringing some
guns to bear upon the fortress, and all the batteries were manned by the troops of the
town. The anxiety of the inhabitants seemed at its height; as for ourselves we kept
constantly upon our guard. Lord Byron and myself rode
out three miles from the town, as the weather was finer, and there was less appearance of
rain than there had been for almost three months. | LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 241 |
Unfortunately,
however, the events of the last days made it necessary for us to delay our departure for
Salona, as the absence of Lord Byron at such a juncture might have
appeared like an abandonment of Missolonghi, and would, indeed, most probably have caused
the ruin of that important place. But it is easy to judge how great our disappointment must
have been, to give up our favourite project at a time when we appeared on the point of
reaping the reward of all our labours and our protracted expectations.
April 5.—At the early part of the day, the soldiers of Cariascachi were still in Missolonghi; but about noon, the
two primates, who had been carried off to Anatolico, returned home, and the mutineers
evacuated both Missolonghi and Basiladi.
It was nine in the evening when Lord
Byron received the following letter from the governor of
the town.
“Constantine
Volpiotti, who is now a guest in the house of your landlord, is
strongly suspected of high treason. Not being willing to permit any of the town
guard to enter a house inhabited by you, I pray you to order him under charge
of your own guards to the outward gate, where the police will be in readiness
to receive him. The Signor Praidi will
inform you more minutely of the business.
“Believe me,
“Your most devoted,
My Lord immediately consigned Volpiotti to the town guard. He was the father of our host’s wife. As
he came from Ioannina he had passed by Anatolico, and had had several conferences with
Cariascachi: he had long been suspected of being
a spy. The letters which were found upon him confirmed this suspicion. The same day the
police arrested a secret agent
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of the insurgents in the Morea. One of
our own officers, walking near the walls of the town, had also remarked a man on horseback
gallop towards the place from the direction of Lepanto, and after measuring the depth of
the town-moat, retire at full speed. The proper measures were taken for coming to the
bottom of these machinations; and a military commission was named to examine minutely into
the whole affair.
April 7.—The next day, the chieftains Longa, Stornari, Bozzari, and Macri,
having heard of these traitorous designs, came in all haste to Anatolico, to which place
also more than 2000 men had already marched, to uphold the regular government. But the
arrival of these troops, however opportune, was the cause of fresh embarrassments; for
there was a total want of provisions for their daily maintenance. In this emergency,
the governor, the primates, and the chieftains, had recourse to the
usual source of supply; but, as the expenses of our whole brigade, of the fortifications,
of the laboratory, and indeed of so many other establishments, all fell upon the same
shoulders, Lord Byron was obliged to refuse his
assistance on this occasion. The consequence was that the government was constrained to
sequester some magazines of flour belonging to certain Ionian merchants; a violent measure,
it must be owned, which the necessity of the case could alone suggest. Mavrocordato, in this unhappy state of affairs, was
overwhelmed with calumnies and even insults. Much has been said against this man; but my
own opinion is, that his constancy, his patience, and his ability, will one day or the
other be fully acknowledged, and secure for him those praises which have been withheld by
the ignorance or the jealousy of his contemporaries. I am aware | LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 245 |
indeed that this hope is but a poor recompense for the regrets and disappointments which
have embittered almost every moment of his career since he became a public man; and I own
that his example will not add to the allurements of ambition. As Cariascachi was blockaded in his own house at Anatolico,
and as all the primates and captains, and the whole population, were much incensed against
him, Mavrocordato, fearing that some serious disturbances might ensue,
betook himself in person to that town, and soon published the following proclamation.
“PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF GREECE.
“PROCLAMATION.
“Patriots!
“All of you feel that the safety of your country is the
first wish of every true Greek. The events of the last few days have given rise
to many suspicions against the chieftain George
Cariascachi. The political and military chiefs have invited him
to exculpate himself, and
have named a commission to
examine him, together with all those suspected of treason against their
country. All those who may have cognizance of any such conspiracy are requested
to present themselves to the Archbishop, who will receive their informations
previously to their being laid before the appointed judges. Let them be
restrained by no fear; let them remember what is their duty, and that the
salvation of their country, and of every family in the state, requires this at
their hands. The whole nation exclaims against treachery; and will know how to
protect those good patriots who shall come forward to declare the truth.
“A. MAVROCORDATO.
“N.
Luriottis, Secretary.
“30 March, (O. S.)
1824.”
April 8.—The Prince transmitted this proclamation to Lord Byron with the following letter.
“I set out yesterday, in spite of the bad weather, to
obviate the disagreeable consequences which might ensue from the affair of
Cariascachi; and I had the
satisfaction of arriving in time. The accompanying proclamation will inform you
of the turn which this treason has taken. The examination will commence at
three o’clock this evening. I shall do every thing that
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is possible to prevent a disturbance. This is the reason
why I shall continue to remain here until to-morrow.
Judging it proper that the people should be fully informed of every
occurrence, I drew up an account of the whole transaction, and published it in the Greek Telegraph*.
April 9.—Lord Byron had suffered
visibly in his health during the last day or two: the events just mentioned, and the
weather, had made him more than usually nervous and irritable: but he this morning received
letters from Zante and from England which raised his spirits exceedingly. They brought news
of the probable conclusion of the loan, which was a great consolation indeed to us, in the
midst of our
* This affair ended by the exposure of Cariascachi, and by his flight into the mountains
of Agrafa. |
distresses; but what comforted him personally was some favourable
intelligence respecting his daughter and his
sister. He learnt that the latter had been
seriously indisposed at the very time of his fit, but had entirely recovered her health. He
was delighted at this news; but he remarked the coincidence as something singular. He was
perhaps, on the whole, rather given to attach importance to such accidents; at least, he
noted them as out of the common course of nature.
He had not been on horseback for three or four days; and though the weather
was threatening, he resolved to ride. Three miles from the town we were overtaken by a
heavy rain, and we returned to the town walls wet through, and in a violent perspiration. I
have before mentioned that it was our practice to dismount at the walls, and return to our
house in a boat. This
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day, however, I entreated him to go back on
horseback the whole way, as it would be very dangerous, warm as he was, to remain exposed
to the rain in a boat for half an hour. But he would not listen to me, and said,
“I should make a pretty soldier, indeed, if I were to care for such a
trifle.” Accordingly, we dismounted, and got into the boat as usual.
Two hours after his return home, he was seized with a shuddering: he
complained of fever and rheumatic pains. At eight in the evening I entered his room; he was
lying on a sofa, restless and melancholy. He said to me, “I suffer a great deal of
pain; I do not care for death; but these agonies I cannot bear.” The medical
men proposed bleeding, but he refused, observing,“Have you no other remedy than
bleeding?—there are many more die of the lancet than the lance.” Some
of the physicians answered, that it was not absolutely necessary
to bleed as yet, and I fear were too much inclined to flatter his prejudice against that
operation. But there was not then the slightest suspicion of any danger, nor was there any
at that moment.
April 10.—The next day he felt himself perpetually shuddering; but he
got up at his usual hour, and transacted business; but he did not go from home.
April 11.—He resolved to ride out this day an hour before his usual
time, fearing that, if he waited later, the rain would prevent him altogether. We rode for
a long time in the olive woods, and Lambro, a
Suliote officer attached to our brigade, accompanied by a numerous suite, attended him.
Byron spoke much, and appeared in good spirits.
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251 |
April 12.—The next day he kept his bed with an attack of rheumatic
fever. It was thought that his saddle had been wet; but it is more probable that he was
only suffering from the previous exposure to the rain, which perhaps affected him the more
readily on account of his over-abstemious mode of life.
April 13.—He rose from his bed the next day, but did not go out of
the house. The fever appeared to be diminished; but the pains in his bones and head still
continued: he was melancholy and very irritable. He had not been able to sleep since his
attack, and he could take no other nourishment than a little broth, and a spoonful or two
of arrow-root.
April 14.—The following day he got out of bed at twelve: he was
calmer; the fever was less, apparently, but he was very weak,
and
suffered from the pains in his head. He wished however, notwithstanding the weather was
threatening, to go out on horseback, or at least in a boat; but his physicians dissuaded
him. It was now thought that his malady was got under, and that in a few days he would be
quite recovered. There was no suspicion of danger, and he told us he was rather glad of his
fever, as it might cure him of his tendency to epilepsy. He received many letters, and he
told me what answer I was to give to them*.
April 15.—The fever was still upon him; but the pains in his head and
his bones
* I think it was on this day that, as I was sitting near him on
his sofa, he said to me, “I was afraid I was losing my memory, and, in
order to try, I attempted to repeat some Latin verses with the English
translation, which I have not endeavoured to recollect since I was at school. I
remembered them all except the last word of one of the hexameters.”
|
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were gone. He was easier—he even wished to ride out; but the
weather would not permit. He transacted business, and received many letters, particularly
one on the part of the Turkish governor, to whom he had sent the prisoners he had set at
liberty. The Turk thanked him, and asked for a repetition of this favour. The letter
pleased him much. It appears, however, from the account of his English valet, Mr. William Fletcher, that both on this day and the day
before he had entertained some suspicions that his complaint was of no ordinary nature, and
that his physicians did not understand it; but he had not the least apprehension of danger.
April 16.—It happened unfortunately that I was myself confined to my
bed this day by a sprained ankle, and could not see my Lord; but they told me that he was
better; that his complaint was follow-
ing the usual course, and that
there was no fear. He himself wrote an answer to the Turkish governor, and sent it to me to
be translated into Greek; but in the evening he became worse.
April 17.—The next day I contrived to get to his room. His
countenance at once awakened the most dreadful suspicions: he was very calm; he talked to
me in the kindest manner about my accident, but in a hollow, sepulchral tone.
“Take care of your foot, ” said he; “I know by experience
how painful it must be.” I could not stay near his bed: a flood of tears
rushed into my eyes, and I was obliged to withdraw.
This was the first day that the medical men seemed to entertain serious
apprehensions of the event. He was bled twice, first in the morning, and at two in the
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afternoon, and lost about two pounds of blood. He did not faint, and
his eyes were lively, but he had no sleep; he perspired on the head and neck; and the
disease seemed attacking the head. I now for the first time heard some mention of Dr. Thomas, and of the necessity of sending for him from
Zante. But Mr. Fletcher said that he had proposed
this two or three days previously, but that my Lord refused. For my own part, I do not
think that there was any suspicion of danger until the seventeenth—at least, I heard
nothing of it; on the contrary, he was thought better on the day before. He was dreadfully
distressed by want of sleep, and he now said to Doctor
Millingen, “I know that, without sleep, a man must die or go mad: I
would sooner die a thousand times.” He repeated this to his valet,
Mr. Fletcher.
April 18.—During the night of the seventeenth he had some attacks of
delirium, in which he talked of fighting; but neither that night nor the next morning was
he aware of his peril. This morning his physicians were alarmed by appearances of
inflammation of the brain, and proposed another bleeding, to which Lord Byron consented, but soon ordered the vein to be closed. At twelve
o’clock I came to his bedside. He asked me if there were any letters come for him.
There was one from the Archbishop Ignatius to him,
which told him that the Sultan had proclaimed him, in full divan, an enemy of the Porte. I
thought it best not to let him know of the arrival of this letter. A few hours afterwards
other letters arrived from England, from his most intimate friends, full of good news, and
most consolatory in every way, particularly one from Mr.
Hobhouse, and
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another from the Honourable Douglas Kinnaird; but he had then lost his
senses—it was too late. But at the time first mentioned, Lord
Byron, when I told him there were no letters, said, “I know there
is one from Luriottis to Mavrocordatto.” “It is
true,” said I, “my Lord.” “That is just what
I want to see,” he replied. Accordingly in five minutes I returned with the
letter. He opened it himself—it was written partly in French, partly in Greek. He
read it into English from the French without hesitation, and attempted to translate the
Greek. Fearing that it might fatigue him too much, I offered to get it translated.
“No, no,” he said, and at last made it out himself. This letter
mentioned that the loan was concluded; that my Lord was to be the head of a commission for
its disposal; and that part of the money would be immediately transmitted.
There was another part of the letter which displeased him, and he said,
“I wish Napier and Hobhouse were here—we would soon settle this
business.” He could not at this moment (twelve o’clock of the 18th)
have had the least presentiment of his danger.
It was Easter day; on which holiday, after twelve o’clock, the Greeks
are accustomed to discharge their fire-arms and artillery. Fearing that the noise might be
injurious to my Lord, we thought of marching our artillery brigade out of the city, and by
exercising our guns, to attract the crowd from the vicinity of his house. At the same time,
the town guard patroled the streets, and informing the people of the danger of their
benefactor, invited them to make as little noise as possible near the place where he lay.
Our scheme succeeded
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perfectly; but, nevertheless, we should not have
been induced to quit the house if we had been aware of the real state of our friend. I do
not think that he suspected it himself, even so late as three in the afternoon. At this
time he rose, and went into the next room. He was able to walk across the chamber, leaning
on his servant Tita. When seated, he told
Tita to bring him a book, mentioning it by name. The servant
brought it to him. About this time Dr. Bruno
entreated him, with tears in his eyes, to be again bled. “No,” he said:
“if my hour is come, I shall die whether I lose my blood or keep
it.” After reading a few minutes, he found himself faint, and leaning upon his
servant’s arm, he tottered into the next room, and returned to bed.
At half past three, Dr. Bruno and
Dr. Millingen, becoming more alarmed, wished
to call in two other physicians, a Doctor
Treiber, a German, and a Greek, named Luca
Vaya, the most distinguished of his profession in the town, and physician to
Mavrocordato. My Lord at first refused to see
them; but being told that Mavrocordato advised it, he said,
“Very well, let them come; but let them look at me and say nothing.”
They promised this, and were admitted. When about him, and feeling his pulse, one of them
wished to speak—“Recollect your promise,” he said, “and
go away.”
At four o’clock, after this consultation of his physicians, he seemed
to be aware of his approaching end. I think this was the exact time, and not before.
Dr. Millingen, Fletcher, and Tita were round his
bed. The two first could not contain their tears, and walked out of the room.
Tita
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also wept, but he could not retire, as Byron had hold of his hand; but he turned away his face.
Byron looked at him steadily, and said, half smiling, in
Italian—Oh questa è unabella
scena. He then seemed to reflect a moment, and exclaimed, “Call
Parry.” Almost immediately
afterwards a fit of delirium ensued, and he began to talk wildly, as if he were mounting a
breach in an assault. He called out, half in English, half in
Italian—“Forwards—forwards—courage—follow my
example—don’t be afraid,” &c.
When he came to himself, Fletcher
was with him: he had before desired him to send for Dr.
Thomas. He then knew he was dying, and seemed very earnest in making his
servant understand his wishes. He was anxious about his servants, and remarked that he was
afraid they would be ill from sitting up so long in attendance
upon
him. He said, “I wish to do some thing for Tita and Luca.” “My Lord,” said Fletcher, “for God’s sake never mind that
now, but talk of something of more importance.” But he returned to the same
topic, and taking Fletcher by the hand continued, “You will
be provided for—and now hear my last wishes.”
Fletcher begged that he might bring pen and paper to take down his
words, and at the same time expressed a hope that he might yet live.
“No,” replied Lord Byron, “there is no
time—mind you execute my orders. Go to my sister—tell her—go to
Lady Byron—you will see her, and say
——” Here his voice faltered, and gradually became indistinct; but
still he continued muttering something in a very earnest manner for nearly twenty minutes,
though in such a tone that only a few words could be distinguished. These were only names,
“Augusta—Ada—Hobhouse—Kin- | LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 263 |
naird. He then said,
“Now I have told you all.” “My Lord,” replied
Fletcher, “I have not understood a word your Lord ship has been saying.” Lord
Byron looked most distressed at this, and said, “Not understand me?
What a pity—then it is too late—all is over.”—“I
hope not,” answered Fletcher; “but the
Lord’s will be done.” Byron continued,
“Yes, not mine.” He then tried to utter a few words, of which none
were intelligible except “my sister—my child.”
Since their last consultation, the majority of the medical men had thought
that the crisis of the disorder was now come; and that the principal danger now was the
extreme weakness of the patient; and that restoratives should be administered. Dr. Bruno thought otherwise; but it was resolved to give a
draught of claret and bark and opium, and to apply mustard blisters
to the soles of the feet. Byron took the draught
readily, but refused the blisters: accordingly, I was sent for to persuade him, and I
returned in all haste with Mr. Parry. On my arrival
they informed me that he was asleep, and that he had suffered the blisters to be applied
not to his feet, but elsewhere. The physicians augured well of this sleep—perhaps it
was but the effect of the medicine, and only hastened his death.
He awoke in half an hour. I wished to go to him—but I had not the
heart. Mr. Parry went, and Byron knew him again, and squeezed his hand, and tried to express his last
wishes. He mentioned names, as before, and also sums of money: he spoke sometimes in
English, sometimes in Italian. From those about him, I collected that, either at this time,
or in his former interval of reason, he could be understood to say—“Poor
Greece!—poor town!—my poor
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servants!” Also,
“Why was I not aware of this sooner?” and “My hour is
come!—I do not care for death—but why did I not go home before I came
here?” At another time he said, “There are things which make the
world dear to me [Lo lascio qualche cosa di caro nel
mondo]: for the rest, I am content to die.” He spoke
also of Greece, saying, “I have given her my time, my means, my health—and
now I give her my life!—what could I do more?”
It was about six o’clock in the evening when he said, “I
want to go to sleep now;” and immediately turning round, he fell into that
slumber, from which, alas! he never awoke. From that moment he seemed incapable of sense or
motion: but there were occasional symptoms of suffocation, and a rattling in the throat,
which induced his servants now and then to raise his head.
Means were
taken to rouse him from his lethargy, but in vain*. He continued in this state for
four-and-twenty hours; and it was just a quarter past six o’clock on the next day,
the 19th, that he was seen to open his eyes, and immediately shut them again. The
physicians felt his pulse—he was gone!
In vain should I attempt to describe the deep, the distressing sorrow that
overwhelmed us all. I will not speak of myself, but of those who loved him less, because
they had seen him less. Not only Mavrocordato and
his immediate circle, but the whole city and all its inhabitants were, as it seemed,
stunned by this blow—it had been so sudden, so unexpected. His illness, indeed, had
been known; and for the three last days none of us could walk in the streets without
anxious inquiries from every one
* A great many leeches were applied to his temples, and the
blood flowed copiously all night. |
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who met us, of “How is my Lord?” We did not mourn
the loss of the great genius—no, nor that of the supporter of Greece—our first
tears were for our father, our patron, our friend. He died in a strange land, and amongst
strangers; but more loved, more sincerely wept, he could never have been, wherever he had
breathed his last. Such was the attachment, mingled with a sort of reverence and
enthusiasm, with which he inspired those around him, that there was not one of us who would
not, for his sake, have willingly encountered any danger in the world. The Greeks of every
class and every age, from Mavrocordato to the meanest citizen,
sympathised with our sorrows. It was in vain that, when we met, we tried to keep up our
spirits—our attempts at consolation always ended in mutual tears.
The proclamation issued by Prince
Mavrocordato, on the day of Lord
Byron’s
death, was not a formal, but a real tribute to his memory, and will,
to the end of time, serve as a faithful record of his devotion for the great cause of
Grecian independence*.
* Provisional Government of Western Greece.
Art. 1185.
The present day of festivity and rejoicing has become one of sorrow
and of mourning. The Lord Noel Byron departed this
life at six o’clock in the afternoon, after an illness of ten days; his death
being caused by an inflammatory fever. Such was the effect of his Lordship’s
illness on the public mind, that all classes had forgotten their usual recreations of
Easter, even before the afflicting event was apprehended.
The loss of this illustrious individual is undoubtedly to be
deplored by all Greece; but it must be more especially a subject of lamentation at
Missolonghi, where his generosity has been so conspicuously displayed, and of which he
had even become a citizen, with the further determination of participating in all the
dangers of the war.
Every body is acquainted with the beneficent acts of his Lordship,
and none can cease to hail his name as that of a real benefactor.
Until, therefore, the final determination of the national government
be known, and by virtue of the powers with which it has been pleased to invest me, I
hereby decree,
|
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LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE |
269 |
As soon as we could recover sufficient spirits to do any thing, we sealed
up the effects of the deceased with the government seal: a commission was appointed, at
which the governor himself presided, to examine his papers, and to take the necessary
measures. No will was found, and only a few
1st. To-morrow morning, at daylight, thirty-seven minute guns
will be fired from the Grand Battery, being the number which corresponds with the
age of the illustrious deceased. 2d. All the public offices, even the tribunals, are to remain
closed for three successive days. 3d. All the shops, except those in which provisions or medicines
are sold, will also be shut; and it is strictly enjoined that every species of
public amusement, and other demonstrations of festivity at Easter, shall be
suspended. 4th. A general mourning will be observed for twenty-one days. 5th. Prayers and a funeral service are to be offered up in all
the churches. (Signed)
A. Mavrocordato.
George Praidis, Secretary. Given at Missolonghi, this 19th day of April,
1824. |
manuscript writings, all of which, after an inventory had been made
of them, were most scrupulously also put under seal, in order to be consigned to his
executors. I sent off an express to Zante, with letters for Lord Sidney Osborne, his relation and friend; and with orders for the
messenger to proceed by way of Ancona to England. It was resolved that the body should be
embalmed; and, after the suitable funeral honours had been performed, should be embarked
for Zante—thence to be conveyed to England.
Accordingly the medical men opened the body and embalmed it; and having
enclosed the heart and brain and intestines in separate vessels, they placed it in a chest
lined with tin, as we had no means of procuring a leaden coffin capable of holding the
spirits necessary for its preservation on the voyage. Dr.
Bruno drew up an account of the ex-
| LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 271 |
amination of the
body; and a Swiss physician, Dr. Meyer, who was
present, and had accidentally also seen Mad. de
Stael after her death, mentioned to us that the formation of the brain in
both these illustrious persons was extremely similar, but that Lord
Byron had a much greater quantity*.
* I have before me Dr.
Bruno’s report, of which I venture to give the following
translation from the Westminster Review.
1. On opening the body of Lord
Byron, the bones of the head were found extremely hard, exhibiting no
appearance of suture, like the cranium of an octogenarian, so that the skull had the
appearance of one uniform bone: there seemed to be no diploë, and the sinus
frontalis was wanting,
2. The dura mater was so firmly attached to the internal parietes of
the cranium, that the reiterated attempts of two strong men were insufficient to detach
it, and the vessels of that membrane were completely injected with blood: it was united
from point to point by membranous bridles to the pia mater.
3. Between the pia mater and the convolutions
of the brain were found many globules of air, with exudation of lymph and numerous
adhesions.
|
April 20.—At sunrise, on the morning after his death,
seven-and-thirty minute
4. The great falx of the dura mater was
firmly attached to both hemispheres by membranous bridles, and its vessels were
tinged with blood. 5. On dividing the medullary substance of the brain, the
exudation of blood from the minute vessels produced specks of a bright red colour.
An extravasation of about two ounces of bloody serum was found beneath the frons
varioli at the base of the hemispheres, and in the two superior or lateral
ventricles a similar extravasation was discovered at the base of the cerebellum, and the usual effects of inflammation were
discoverable throughout the cerebrum. 6. The medullary substance was in more than ordinary proportion
to the corticle, and of the usual consistency. The cerebrum
and the cerebellum, without the membranes, weighed 6 lbs.
(“mediche”) 7. The channels or sulci of the
blood-vessels on the internal surface of the cranium were more numerous than usual,
but small. 8. The lungs were perfectly healthy, and of much more than
ordinary volume (gigantiselle). 9. Between the pericardium and the heart there was about an
ounce of lymph; and the heart itself was of greater size than usual, but its
muscular substance was extremely flaccid. |
| LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 273 |
guns were fired from the principal battery of the fortress; and one
of the batteries of the corps under his orders also fired one gun every half hour for the
succeeding four-and-twenty hours. We were soon ap-
10. The liver was much smaller than usual, as was also the
gall-bladder, which contained air instead of bile. The intestines were of a deep
bilious hue, and distended with air. 11. The kidneys were very large, but healthy, and the vesica relatively small. And to the truth of this statement the undersigned have affixed
their signatures. Henry Treiber, M.
D., and Surgeon-Major of Brigade in the Artillery Corps. Lucas Vaya,
Physician and Surgeon of the Suliote Corps. Given the 26-14 of April,
in Missolonghi, 1824. I acknowledge the truth and authenticity of the above
signatures, and in confirmation thereof, &c. |
prised that the Turks at Patras, hearing our cannon, and learning the
cause, testified their satisfaction, and insulted over our sorrows by discharges of
musketry: this tribute alone was wanting to the memory of the benefactor of
Greece;—but the barbarians may have occasion to lament the loss of the friend of
humanity, and the protector of the oppressed.
April 21.—For the remainder of this day and the next, a silence, like
that of the grave, prevailed over the whole city. We intended to have performed the funeral
ceremony on the twenty-first, but the continued rain prevented us. The next day (22d),
however, we acquitted ourselves of that sad duty, as far as our humble means would permit*.
In the midst of his own brigade,
* The following account of the funeral ceremony was inserted in
the Greek Telegraph, No. 6. La sua spoglia mortale fu portata dalla casa dove |
| LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 275 |
of the troops of the government, and of the whole population, on the
shoulders of the
giaceva alla chiesa di S. Nicola presso alle mura. La
processione fù condotta, così, due fila di soldati della Guarnigione
forse in numero di 1200 erano schierati lungo la via dalla casa del defunto
fino alla Chiesa, portando le bocche dei fucili a terra. Precedeva il Vescovo
con molti altri sacerdoti portando la Croce e
salmeggiando. Seguiva una compagnia d’Infanteria Regolare comandata dal Cap. Lypton appartenente alla brigata ausiliaria
che il nobile Lord stava organizando, e di cui egli era Colonello comandante.
Veniva apresso il Principe A.
Mavrocordato, presidente del corpo legislativo, governatore
generale della Grecia occidentale, &c. accompagnato del Conte Pietro Gamba luogotenente colonello
nella brigata del nobile Lord. Seguiva il feretro portato da quattro ufficiali
della stessa brigata, i Sig. Hesketh,
cap. luog. ajutante di campo del nobile Lord, Winter luogotenente, Rosner, cap. luog.,
ajutante del corpo, Basili luogo
Drogmano generale; Questi erano cambiati da quattro ufficiali generali Greci; i
Sig. Alexaki Vlakkopulo, ministro
della guerra, Nota Bozzari, Zonga, &c. Sul feretro erano dipinti gli
stemmi del nobile Lord; le sue armi ed il suo elmo con una corona
d’alloro giacevano sopra. Veniva dietro il suo Cavallo coperto a lutto, e
apresso la sua ordinanza col resto della sua famiglia in lutto. Intorno al
feretro e di dietro seguivano i medici con .tutti gli altri ufficiali civili e
militari. Era chiuso il convoglio.funebre dalla compagnia irregolare del
capitano Lambro Zerva, Suliotto, e degli
altri capitani ag |
officers of his corps, relieved occasionally by other Greeks, the
most precious portion of his honoured remains were carried to the church, where lie the
bodies of Marco Bozzari and of General Normann. There we laid them down: the coffin was a
rude, ill-constructed chest of wood; a black mantle served for a pall; and over it we
placed a helmet and a sword, and a crown of laurel. But no funeral pomp could have left the
impression, nor spoken the feelings, of this simple ceremony. The wretchedness and
desolation of the place itself; the wild and half civilised warriors around us; their
giunti alia brigata. Arrivato alia Chiesa fù ricevuto solennemente
dall’ Archivescovo d’Arta, Sig. Porfirio
Furono cantate le sacre preci. Ad intervalli furono sparate
salve d’artiglieria e di moschettaria—sei cannoni della brigata
erano schierati nella piazza vicina sotto il comando del capitano
Steltzberg, che salutarono il convoglio con 25 colpi di
cannone. La sacra funzione fu chiusa da un elogio funebre pronunziato del Signior Tricupi, che trasse abbondante la grime di
roconocenza e di dolore di tutta l’udienza |
| LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 277 |
deep-felt, unaffected grief; the fond recollections; the disappointed
hopes; the anxieties and sad presentiments which might be read on every
countenance—all contributed to form a scene more moving, more truly affecting, than
perhaps was ever before witnessed round the grave of a great man.
When the funeral service was over, we left the bier in the middle of the
church, where it remained until the evening of the next day, and was guarded by a
detachment of his own brigade. The church was crowded without cessation by those who came
to honour and to regret the benefactor of Greece. In the evening of the 23d, the bier was
privately carried back by his officers to his own house. The coffin was not closed till the
29th of the month. Immediately after his death, his countenance had an air of calmness,
mingled
with a severity, that seemed gradually to soften; for when I
took a last look of him, the expression, at least to my eyes, was truly sublime.
April 24.—On this day answers arrived from Zante, and we learnt that
just as our messenger reached that place with the fatal news, Dr. Thomas, and another of the first physicians of the island, were
embarking for Missolonghi. Sir Frederick Stovin, the
resident, had attended to all our wishes: he had forwarded the despatches for Corfu and
England; and was providing several Ionian boats for the transport of the remains, and of
Lord Byron’s household and effects, to Zante.
The same or the next day also arrived Mr. Trelawny,
the friend of Byron, and who had accompanied him from Genoa to Greece.
He was at Salona when my first message respecting his Lord-
| LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 279 |
ship’s illness had reached Colonel Stanhope. He
set off immediately, hoping to arrive in time, but he was too late.
May 2.—We were some days occupied in the necessary preparations, and
in waiting for the boats from the islands: at last they came; and on the morning of the 2d
of May we embarked with the remains of our lamented friend, under a mournful salute from
the guns of the fortress. How different from that which had welcomed the arrival of
Byron only four months ago!
We were nearly three days on our passage, and it so happened that we were
obliged, by contrary winds, to take that very course in our return in which we had risked
such dangers on our voyage to Missolonghi; and we anchored one night near the same rocks
where Lord Byron had sought shelter from the Turkish
frigate.
May 4.—On the evening of the 4th of May we made the port of Zante,
and heard that Lord Sidney Osborne had arrived, and
not finding us in that island, had sailed for Missolonghi.
May 5.—On the next day we took up our quarters in the Lazaretto, and
we found that, two days after the death of our friend, the brig Florida had arrived, having on board the first instalment of the loan, under
charge of Captain Blaquiere, who was also the bearer
of a commission from the Greek deputies in London and the contractors and managers of the
loan, by which Lord Byron was appointed principal
commissioner for the transfer and disposal of the monies so obtained.
Had Mr. Blaquiere found Lord Byron in life and health, what innumerable benefits would
immediately have accrued to
| LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 281 |
Greece! With so much additional
authority, and such an incalculable increase of his means, he would doubtless have realised
many of those hopes, and accomplished those projects, which might have fixed the
independence of Greece on solid foundations. The organisation, of which he had already
formed a sort of nucleus, would have spread itself into all quarters of the confederacy,
and have given energy and importance to the national government. A proper application of
the new funds would have at once decided the fate of the fortresses of the Morea—of
Lepanto, and probably of the Negroponte; and might have enabled the Greeks to assume the
offensive not only by sea, but by land. The very appearance of the success which had
crowned his efforts to obtain the all-important aid from England would, even of itself,
have increased the confidence of the Greeks in their illustrious benefactor, and would have
operated with decided influence on the ensuing campaign.
As it was, the death of Lord Byron was
the signal of general alarm*, and of no less
* Those who wish to form some conception of the effect produced
on the foreign auxiliaries by the death of Lord
Byron may consult the admirable and touching letters of Mr. Trelawny, published in Colonel Stanhope’s Account of Greece in 1823 and 1824. The details
there given of Lord Byron’s last illness and death are
not quite correct; but where Mr. Trelawny comes to speak of
the general impression produced by that lamentable event, he describes, and
pathetically describes, what is recognised for truth by all those who were
witnesses of the melancholy scene. “I think,” says Mr.
Trelawny, “Byron’s name was the
great means of getting the loan. A Mr. Marshall, with
£8000 per annum, was as far as Corfu, and turned back on hearing of
Lord Byron’s death.” In another place
he says, “His name was the means, chiefly, of raising the loan in England.
Thou sands of people were flocking here: some had arrived as far as Corfu, and
hearing of his death, confessed they came out to devote their fortunes not to
the Greeks, or from interest in the cause, but to the noble poet; and the
pilgrim of eternity having departed, they turned back.” |
| LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 283 |
confusion; and had it not been for the exertions of Mavrocordato, the worst consequences might have ensued,
not only in western Greece, but in every part of the country. The arrival of the money,
from which so much had been expected, had been made unavailable; for the other
commissioners did not think themselves at liberty to act without their principal. A
Candiote Greek, who, at Lord Byron’s recommendation, had nearly
concluded a loan for 20,000 dollars at Zante, no sooner heard of his death than he found
himself deprived of his credit, and was obliged to return. Nothing but the supineness of
the enemy could have saved Greece from the most disastrous reverses. The Turks did make
themselves masters of Ipsara, and would have gained much more important points, had not
those merchants at Zante, with whom the first instalment of the loan had been deposited,
magnanimously resolved to run every risk in order to do their duty by
the borrowers of those supplies. The happy events which followed that generous measure are
a sufficient proof of the beneficial effects which would have been produced by the
immediate application of the money on its arrival, under the control of that man, whose
name and whose exertions had added to the lustre even of the cause of Greece!
A few days after our arrival at Zante Colonel
Stanhope came from the Morea: he had already written to inform us that the
Greek chieftains of Athens had expressed their desire that Lord
Byron should be buried in the Temple of Theseus. The citizens of Missolonghi
had made a similar request for their town; and we thought it advisable to accede to their
wishes so far as to leave with them, for interment, one of the vessels containing a portion
of the ho-
| LAST JOURNEY TO GREECE | 285 |
noured remains. As he had not himself expressed any wishes
on the subject, we thought the most becoming course was to convey him to his native
country. Accordingly, the ship that had brought us the specie was engaged for that purpose;
Colonel Stanhope kindly took charge of her; and on the 25th of
May, the Florida, having on board the remains of Lord
Byron, set sail for England from the port of Zante.
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 17
No. 97 (February 1825)
Count Gamba’s name comes upon
our ears, associated with some very disagreeable recollections; and his book is—as a book—but a poor one. It
contains, however, quite enough of facts to satisfy all mankind that Lord
Byron in Greece was everything that the friends of freedom, and the friends
of genius, could have wished him to be. Placed amidst all the perplexities of most vile and
worthless, intriguing factions—at the same time exposed to and harassed by the open
violence of many utterly irreconcilable sets of mere barbarian
robbers—the equally barbarous chiefs of whom were pretending to play the parts of
gentlemen and generals—and, what was perhaps still more trying, perpetually annoyed,
interrupted, and baffled by the ignorance, folly, and obstinate drivelling, of his own
coadjutors, such as Colonel Stanhope and the German
Philhellenes—he, and he alone, appears to have sustained throughout the calmness of a
philosopher, the integrity of a patriot, and the constancy of a hero. If anything could
have done Greece real good, in her own sense of the word, at this crisis, it must have been
the prolongation of the life he had devoted to her service. He had brought with him to her
shores a name glorious and commanding; but, ere he died, the influence of his tried
prudence, magnanimous self-denial, and utter superiority to faction, and all factious
views, had elevated him into a position of authority, before which, even the most
ambitiously unprincipled of the Greek leaders were beginning to feel the necessity of
controlling their passions, and silencing their pretensions. The arrival of part of the
loan from England—procured, as it unquestionably had been, chiefly through the
influence of his name—was, no doubt, the circumstance that gave such commanding
elevation to his personal influence in Greece, during the closing scenes of his career. But
nothing except the visible and undoubted excellence of his deportment on occasions the most
perplexing—nothing but the moral dignity expressed in every word and action of his
while in Greece—nothing but the eminent superiority of personal character, resources,
and genius which he had exhibited—could possibly have reconciled the minds of those
hostile factious to the notion of investing any Foreigner and Frank with the supreme
authority of their executive government. We have no sort of doubt, that if
Byron had died three months later, he would have died governor of
all the emancipated provinces of Greece. This is a melancholy thought, but it is also a
proud one. . . .
Edward Blaquiere (1779-1832)
After serving in the Royal Navy he published
Letters from the
Mediterranean, 2 vols (1813); with John Bowring he founded the London Greek
Committee in 1823.
Kostas Botsaris [Κοστας Βοτσαρις] (1792-1853)
Greek chieftain who was with Byron at Missolonghi; he was the brother of Marcos Botzaris.
He later served as a general and a senator in the Greek kingdom.
Markos Botsaris [Μαρκος Βοτσαρις] (1790-1823)
Greek leader in the War of Independence who died heroically at the Battle of Karpenisi.
He was the brother of Kostas (Constantine) Botzaries.
Francesco Bruno (d. 1828 c.)
Byron's physician on his second expedition to Greece in 1823-24; he was afterwards in
Switzerland, and died at Naples.
William Fletcher (1831 fl.)
Byron's valet, the son of a Newstead tenant; he continued in service to the end of the
poet's life, after which he was pensioned by the family. He married Anne Rood, formerly
maid to Augusta Leigh, and was living in London in 1831.
Pietro Gamba (1801-1827)
The brother of Teresa Guiccioli and member of Carbonieri. He followed Byron to Greece and
left a memoir of his experiences.
Henry Hesketh (1836 fl.)
English philhellene; after service with Admiral Cochrane in South American he was Byron's
aide-de-camp at Missolonghi; he was afterwards agent for the South Australian
Company.
William Noel- Hill, third baron Berwick (1773-1842)
English diplomat and book-collector; he was envoy to Sardinia from 1807 to 1824 and
minister at Naples before he succeeded to the title in 1832.
John Cam Hobhouse, baron Broughton (1786-1869)
Founder of the Cambridge Whig Club; traveled with Byron in the orient, radical MP for
Westminster (1820); Byron's executor; after a long career in politics published
Some Account of a Long Life (1865) later augmented as
Recollections of a Long Life, 6 vols (1909-1911).
Hon. Augusta Mary Leigh [née Byron] (1783-1851)
Byron's half-sister; the daughter of Amelia Darcy, Baroness Conyers, she married
Lieutenant-Colonel George Leigh on 17 August 1807.
Captain Lypton (1824 fl.)
A member of Lord Byron's brigade at Missolonghi.
Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos [Αλεξανδρος Μαβροκορδατος] (1791-1865)
Greek statesman and diplomat with Byron at Missolonghi; after study at the University of
Padua he joined the Greek Revolution in 1821 and in 1822 was elected by the National
Assembly at Epidaurus. He commanded forces in western Central Greece and retired in 1826
after the Fall of Messolonghi.
Johann-Jacob Meyer (1798-1826)
Swiss republican who edited
Hellenica Chronica; he died during the
siege of Missolonghi.
Julius Michael Millingen (1800-1878)
Physician at Missolonghi and author of
Memoirs of the Affairs of Greece
with Anecdotes relating to Lord Byron (1831). In 1825 he joined the Turks and
spent the remainder of his days living in Constantinople.
Sir Charles James Napier (1782-1853)
British officer who after a career in the Napoleonic wars knew Byron while he was the
military resident in Cephalonia.
Frederick North, fifth earl of Guilford (1766-1827)
Son of the prime minister; he was governor of Ceylon (1798-1805) and an enthusiastic
philhellene who founded the Ionian University at Corfu. He succeeded to the title in
1817.
Lord Sidney Godolphin Osborne (1789-1861)
He was the son of Sir Francis Godolphin Osborne, fifth duke of Leeds by his second
marriage, the first having ended in divorce after Amelia Darcy (mother of Augusta Leigh)
eloped with Byron's father.
William Parry (1773-1859)
Military engineer at Missolonghi; he was author of
The Last Days of
Lord Byron (1825).
Germaine de Staël (1766-1817)
French woman of letters; author of the novel
Corinne, ou L'Italie
(1807) and
De l'Allemagne (1811); banned from Paris by Napoleon, she
spent her later years living in Germany, Britain, and Switzerland.
Leicester Fitzgerald Charles Stanhope, fifth earl of Harrington (1784-1862)
The third son of the third earl; in 1823 he traveled to Greece as the Commissioner of the
London Greek Committee; there he served with Byron, whom he criticizes in
Greece in 1823 and 1824 (1824). He inherited the earldom from his brother in
1851.
Sir Frederick Stovin (1783-1865)
He served as aide-de-camp to General Picton in the Peninsular War, was Assistant
Adjutant-General at the Battle of New Orleans, British resident at Zante (1824), and
Inspector-General of Ulster (1835).
Dr. Thomas (1824 fl.)
English physician at Zante who treated Byron in his last days.
Heinrich Treiber (1830 fl.)
A German physician who travelled to Greece in 1821 and assisted Julius Millingen in
Byron's brigade at Missolonghi; after the Revolution he became an officer in the Greek
army. A Greek translation of his diary was published in 1960.
Edward John Trelawny (1792-1881)
Writer, adventurer, and friend of Shelley and Byron; author of the fictionalized memoirs,
Adventures of a Younger Son (1831) and
Recollections of the Last Days of Shelley and Byron (1858).
Loukas Veya (1824 fl.)
Physician to Ali Pasha, afterwards to Prince Mavrocordato; educated in Vienna, he was
among those treating Lord Byron at Missolonghi. Millingen describes him as a Philhellene
and friend of Kostas Botsaris.
Mr. Winter (d. 1824)
An artisan working at William Parry's munitions laboratory at Missolonghi; he died a
suicide.
Lega Zambelli (1827 fl.)
Count Guiccioli's steward, afterwards steward to Lord Byron; he married Teresa
Guiccioli's confidant Fanny Sylvestrini.
Telegrafo Greco. (1824). An Italian newspaper published at Missolonghi; it was edited by Pietro Gamba.
The Westminster Review. (1824-1914). A radically-inclined quarterly founded by James Mill in opposition to the
Edinburgh Review and
Quarterly Review.