“I have the honour of answering your letter. My first
wish has always been to bring the Greeks to agree amongst themselves. I came
here by the invitation of the Greek government, and I do not think that I ought
to abandon Roumelia for the Peloponnesus until that government shall desire
it;—and the more so, as this part is exposed in a greater degree to the
enemy. Nevertheless, if my presence can really be of any assistance in uniting
two or more parties, I am ready to go any where, either as a mediator, or, if
necessary, as a hostage. In these affairs I have neither private views, nor
private dislike of any individual, but the sincere wish of deserving the name
of the friend of your country, and of her patriots.”
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 17
No. 97 (February 1825)
Count Gamba’s name comes upon
our ears, associated with some very disagreeable recollections; and his book is—as a book—but a poor one. It
contains, however, quite enough of facts to satisfy all mankind that Lord
Byron in Greece was everything that the friends of freedom, and the friends
of genius, could have wished him to be. Placed amidst all the perplexities of most vile and
worthless, intriguing factions—at the same time exposed to and harassed by the open
violence of many utterly irreconcilable sets of mere barbarian
robbers—the equally barbarous chiefs of whom were pretending to play the parts of
gentlemen and generals—and, what was perhaps still more trying, perpetually annoyed,
interrupted, and baffled by the ignorance, folly, and obstinate drivelling, of his own
coadjutors, such as Colonel Stanhope and the German
Philhellenes—he, and he alone, appears to have sustained throughout the calmness of a
philosopher, the integrity of a patriot, and the constancy of a hero. If anything could
have done Greece real good, in her own sense of the word, at this crisis, it must have been
the prolongation of the life he had devoted to her service. He had brought with him to her
shores a name glorious and commanding; but, ere he died, the influence of his tried
prudence, magnanimous self-denial, and utter superiority to faction, and all factious
views, had elevated him into a position of authority, before which, even the most
ambitiously unprincipled of the Greek leaders were beginning to feel the necessity of
controlling their passions, and silencing their pretensions. The arrival of part of the
loan from England—procured, as it unquestionably had been, chiefly through the
influence of his name—was, no doubt, the circumstance that gave such commanding
elevation to his personal influence in Greece, during the closing scenes of his career. But
nothing except the visible and undoubted excellence of his deportment on occasions the most
perplexing—nothing but the moral dignity expressed in every word and action of his
while in Greece—nothing but the eminent superiority of personal character, resources,
and genius which he had exhibited—could possibly have reconciled the minds of those
hostile factious to the notion of investing any Foreigner and Frank with the supreme
authority of their executive government. We have no sort of doubt, that if
Byron had died three months later, he would have died governor of
all the emancipated provinces of Greece. This is a melancholy thought, but it is also a
proud one. . . .