Ignacius, Archbishop of Arta, has for some time resided at Pisa. When he first escaped from the persecutions of Ali Pacha, he took refuge in Russia, and is said to have enjoyed no small share of favour at the court of Alexander, from whom he was allowed a pension. Lord Byron, fearing to hurt him in the eyes of that court, abstained from communication with him whilst in Tuscany; but the same motive did not prevent him from accepting his letters of recommendation for Marco Bozzari and others in Greece. The Archbishop has always devoted a considerable portion of his income to the relief of his fellow countrymen; and the family of Bozzari, retired to Ancona, now subsists upon his bounty.

We were in excellent health and spirits during our whole voyage from Italy to Greece; and for this we were partly indebted to our medical man, and partly to that temperance which was observed by every one on board,

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except at the beginning of the voyage by the captain of our vessel, who however ended by adopting our mode of life. I mention this to contradict an idle story told in a magazine (the London), that Lord Byron on this voyage “passed the principal part of the day drinking with the captain of the ship.” Lord Byron, as we all did, passed his time chiefly in reading. He dined alone on deck; and sometimes in the evening he sat down with us to a glass or two, not more, of light Asti wine. He amused himself in jesting occasionally with the captain, whom he ended, however, by inspiring with a love of reading, such as we thought he had never felt before.

To give some idea of the silly stories that were told to the prejudice of Lord Byron, and which some of his biographers have shown every inclination to adopt for facts, I will mention, that our young physician confessed, that for the first fifteen days of our voyage he had lived in perpetual terror, having been informed that if he committed the slightest fault, Lord Byron would have him torn to pieces by his dogs, which he kept for that purpose; or would order his Tartar to dash his brains out. This Tartar was Baptista Falsieri the Venetian. In the same manner, the English inhabitants both civil and military of Cephalonia seemed surprised by the kind, affable, open, and humorous disposition of Lord Byron, having formed a preconception of him quite contrary to his real character. The writer in the magazine, who certainly never saw Lord Byron in his life, chooses to insert this fact, and to place the surprise and delight to the account of his Lordship, who, he says, “was gratified to a most extravagant pitch.” And at what?—merely because he was “in good odour,” the writer says, “with the authorities of

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the Island.” If his Lordship was “gratified to a most extravagant pitch,” he concealed his gratification from me, who was with him almost every hour in the day. Pleased he was at the attentions of the Cephalonian English, as it was his nature to be with the attentions of any persons who seemed to wish him well: the rest is fiction. Perhaps I may be pardoned for alluding to one or two other pretended facts introduced by the same writer, in order to finish the features of the portrait which he has given of Lord Byron. “It was dangerous,” says that writer, “for his friends to rise in the world, if they valued his friendship more than their own fame—he hated them.” This is very easily said, and is with equal difficulty disproved; because the controversialists of both sides may end in saying, “in my opinion, he did hate them;” whilst the other can only reply, “in my opinion, he did not.” In proportion, however, as the charge is so easily made, and with such difficulty refuted, and as it is a most serious imputation, the writer ought to have some very good grounds for his assertion. I would therefore beg to ask him, which of his friends Lord Byron ever was known to hate, because or when “they rose in the world?” Which of his friends, I further ask, was he ever known to hate at all? Those very few individuals who, I have always understood from his Lordship’s own lips, were his friends, I never heard him talk of, except in terms of the most sincere attachment. My own opinion is just the contrary to that of the writer in the magazine. I think he prided himself on the successes of his friends, and cited them as a proof of discernment in the choice of some of his companions. This I know, that of envy he had not the least spark in his whole disposition: he had strong antipathies,certainly, to one or two individuals; but I have

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always understood from those most likely to know, that he never broke with any of the friends of his youth, and that his earliest attachments were also his last.

Again, in order to prove the difficulty of living with Lord Byron, it is said, that “When Mr. Hobhouse and he travelled in Greece together, they were generally a mile asunder.” I have the best authority for saying, that this is not the fact: that two young men, who were continually together and slept in the same room for many months, should not always have ridden side by side on their journey is very likely; but when Lord Byron and Mr. Hobhouse travelled in Greece, it would have been as little safe as comfortable to be “generally a mile asunder;” and the truth is, they were generally very near each other.

The writer wishing to show how attentive Lord Byron was to his own person says, “And in these exercises so careful was he of his hands (one of those little vanities which beset men), that he wore gloves even in swimming!” This is certainly not true; and I should say, on the contrary, that he wore gloves (if it be worth while to mention such a circumstance) rather less than most men: I have known him ride without them.

I could contradict other assertions of the magazine writer, which though trifling in themselves have served as a foundation for his “personal character of Lord Byron;” but I feel reluctant to enter upon a task, which will doubtless one day or the other be better performed by some fellow-countryman of my illustrious friend. Indeed, I should not have said as much as I have, had I not been informed

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that the article to which I allude has made some impression upon the English public, having on the first appearance an air of candour and impartiality, as well as of being written after an intimate acquaintance with the great original: whereas, though there is some truth in his statements, it is certain that neither the writer nor his informants were fair judges of the person intended to be portrayed.

Marco Bozzari had undertaken to arrest the march of the Pacha of Scutari, and of Omer Vrioni, who were crossing the mountains towards Anatolico. The enemy were between 15 and 20,000 strong: he had only a few hundred troops; notwithstanding this, he harassed them perpetually with the utmost skill and bravery. When he made his attack on the night on which he wrote to Lord Byron, he had but 300 Suliotes, and assembling them, he told them that he intended to penetrate into the enemy’s camp, and would not be followed except by volunteers: all his men came forward. Bozzari was acquainted with the Turkish watch-word, and in the dead of night rushed into the camp, where for three hours he slaughtered the Turks, and spread confusion in all their quarters, until they began to suspect the small number of their assailants. More than 500 Turks of Scutari defended a large ditch, which crossed the camp. Marco was already wounded, and his friends wished him to retire; but he resolved to try another assault against this party. As he was kneeling on one knee to reload his musket, a ball struck him in the head, and he fell dead on the spot. His companions secured his remains, and carried them to Missolonghi.

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I had this account from his brother and from Lambro Zerva, who were at his side when he fell.

When Lord Byron had made up his mind to dismiss the 40 Suliotes whom he had taken into his pay, I collected them in the house of Signor Corgialegno, and took that opportunity of reading to them the account of the victory and death of their countryman Bozzari; and never shall I forget the lively colours with which the alternate passions of grief and pride were painted on their rude and weather-worn countenances. They shed a torrent of tears; but immediately recovered themselves, and expressed an anxious desire to join the surviving companions of their deceased chieftain. The Suliotes have learnt by rote a few words, allusive to the present chance of national independence, and to the ancient glories of Greece; but their real feelings prompt them to reject the name of Greeks as synonymous with slaves, and to keep to that of their own tribe: never do they turn to the quarter where their own rocks are seen to rise into the clouds, never do they mention the name of Suli, without a tear or a sigh.

We passed our time at Metaxata in Cephalonia as I have described in the narrative, and seldom saw any one in the evening except Dr. Stravolemo, one of the most estimable men in the island, who lived in our village, and who had been first physician to Ali Pacha. He was an entertaining man, and afforded us no little amusement occasionally, by disputing on some medical question with Dr. Bruno. Lord Byron, who had generally three or

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four books lying before him, of which he read first one then the other, used to contrive, in a way that was exceedingly diverting, to foment those friendly contentions, which, however, never passed beyond the proper bounds. Lord Byron’s favourite reading consisted of Greek history, of memoirs, and of romances. Never a day passed without his reading some pages of the Scotch novels. His admiration of Walter Scott, both as a writer and as a companion, was unbounded. Speaking of him to his English friends, he used to say, “You should know Scott; you would like him so much; he is the most delightful man in a room; no affectation, no nonsense; and, what I like above all things, nothing of the author about him.”

I believe I have not noted in my narrative that when we were at Metaxata, one day after our ride—it was in October—Colonel Napier, the resident, arrived at full gallop, inquiring for Drs. Bruno and Stravolemo, and returned immediately with the same speed. We learnt that a party of peasants employed in road-making had imprudently excavated a high bank, which had fallen down and overwhelmed a dozen persons. Colonel Napier had arrived at this moment, and set off in search of assistance. Lord Byron despatched Bruno to the spot, and we followed as soon as our horses could be got ready. When we came to the place, we saw a most lamentable spectacle indeed. A crowd of women and children were assembled round the ruins, and filled the air with their cries. Three or four of the peasants who had been dug from under

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ground were carried before us half dead to the neighbouring cottages; and we found Mr. Hill, a friend of Lord Byron, and the superintendent of those works, in a state of the utmost consternation. Notwithstanding, however, an immense body of people continued flocking to the place, and it was thought that there were still some other workmen under the fallen earth, no one would make any further efforts. The Greeks stood looking on without moving, as if totally indifferent to the catastrophe, or despairing of doing any good. This enraged Lord Byron very much; he seized a spade himself, and began to work as hard as he could; but it was not until after being threatened with the horsewhip that the peasants would follow his example. Some shoes and hats were found; but the story told in the Westminster Review, of two men being discovered, is incorrect. Lord Byron never could be an idle spectator of any calamity. He was peculiarly alive to the distresses of others; and was perhaps a little too easily imposed upon by every tale of woe, however clumsily contrived. The slightest appearance of injustice or cruelty, not only to his own species, but to animals, roused his indignation, and commanded his interference, without the least calculation as to personal consequences.

I have mentioned in my narrative the reasons that induced Lord Byron to proceed to Missolonghi; and in order to give an idea of the impatience with which he was expected there, I subjoin extracts from two letters from that

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place, one from Mavrocordato, the other from Colonel Stanhope.

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Lord Byron also received invitations from the Suliote chieftains at Anatolico, one of whom, Draco, was in correspondence with him; and he had also at Cephalonia several conferences with Nota Bozzari, the uncle of Marco, who promised him to use all his influence in settling the differences amongst his fellow-countrymen. Nota had a right to be heard by them; for he had made the most generous sacrifices in behalf of his country, and had been the peculiar object of the hatred of Ali Pacha; so much so, that the tyrant had used every means to procure his assassination. At that time a certain Suliote, with all his family, were imprisoned in the dungeons of Ioannina. Ali offered him and his children their liberty if he would repair to Corfu and kill Bozzari. The man, to save his family, accepted the offer. He went to Corfu; but he missed his aim; and instead of Nota himself, he killed the son of Bozzari, a promising youth of twenty years of age.

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It was fortunate for us that we fell into the hands of a generous enemy. The captain, Zachiria Bey, was descended from a rich Candiote family, and he spoke Greek more familiarly than Turkish. He had lost all his fortune in the present revolution; but he spoke of it to me with perfect calmness and indifference, only saying, as he looked up to heaven, “It was written that it should be so.” He was the captain of the Captain Pacha’s ship that was burnt at Scio, and had saved himself by swimming. No wonder, then, that he imagined he saw a fireship in every Greek boat. He had with him two Greek boys, taken at the massacre at Scio, and having made Mahometans of them, he treated them with great care and humanity, of which, however, he made a merit to me, saying, “Could I treat them better if they were my own children?” The boys were, notwithstanding, eager to return to their countrymen and to their religion, and asked Spiro if he could contrive their escape?

At the table of Zachiria we did not drink wine, but punch, in a large cup that went round to all of us. We had neither forks nor spoons, except one old spoon which he brought out on my account, and which was so rusty that I could not use it. During supper a fellow sung a sort of psalm to us, in a hoarse nasal voice. He would have us breakfast and dine with him the next day, and seemed to take a liking to us; for he came to visit us when we lay off the castle of the Morea. On that occasion we took care to have some good punch and other liquors ready for him. He drank freely, saying, “My father always recommended abstinence, but he lived in the contrary way himself—I shall follow his example, and

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preach abstinence to others.” His ship was a fine French-built vessel of fifty guns; his cabin was clean and commodious; but the quarters of his crew were like pigsties. He had about 500 on board; but when he left Constantinople, in the spring, he had 700, of whom 200 had died of disease. The duty of sailing the ship was left to about fifty Italians. The Turks never mounted aloft: they seemed to me to do nothing; except some dozen of them, who were driving about the rest of the crew with sticks and shouts, like so many oxen. They were six hours weighing anchor.

I had an opportunity of observing the soldiery, in the castle of the Morea, and found them much the same sort of troops as those in the frigate; as much indolence, ignorance, and want of discipline prevail amongst the one as the other. The fortifications of this castle, as well as of Lepanto and Patras, are so insignificant, and so ill-guarded, that 500 soldiers would take them by assault at any time. The best proof of the weakness of the Turkish force is known in the successes of the Greeks, without means, and embarrassed, as they are, by intestine discord. The Pacha (Yussuff) of the castles sent me a message by one of his principal counsellors, a grave and venerable old man, who held a long conversation with me on the Greek insurrection, and gave me his opinion of the various chiefs. He told me that Colocotroni and Nikita were good soldiers, but too ignorant to be much dreaded; and that, for his part, he was more afraid of the skill of Mavrocordato. To show me how he preferred ingenuity to brute force, he made use of this parable:—“If a blockhead wants to destroy a man’s house, he takes a

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pickaxe, and begins hammering at the walls: he has scarcely begun, when the inmates rush out, and he has hardly time to escape with his life: now, a clever fellow who has the same project, observing that a torrent runs at a little distance from the house, silently breaks down the dam, and in a little time the house is overflowed and carried away, and the inhabitants either are obliged to fly for their lives, or are drowned.”

Yussuff Pacha himself, though a good man, was not remarkable for his education or ingenuity. He one day sent to me, asking if I had a map of Greece. I lent him one of Turkey in Europe: after examining it attentively with his counsellors and secretaries, he returned it to me, with a request that I would send him another, in which he could find Prevesa and Roumelia. I need not mention that the former map contained all Roumelia.

Notwithstanding, however, the gratitude of Zachiria Bey to Spiro, and the civility of the Pacha to me, there were moments at which I felt by no means at ease. One day I found that a boat had arrived from Zante, and as my papers had been detained by the Pacha after the hour appointed on that morning for their delivery, I fancied myself discovered. Lord Byron had given his property up for lost; but he hoped nothing would happen to us. He wrote to the primates of Missolonghi, telling them that the greater part of the monies engaged for the Greeks was safe in his hands, and that as for the remainder, the loss should not fall on them, but himself. From the Scrofes Rocks, he also wrote to Colonel Stanhope as follows:

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Such was Lord Byron’s style of writing under circumstances of considerable peril: there was indeed always a playfulness of mind observable in him on occasions when most other men are serious and thoughtful. This turn of mind, however, gave an air of openness and frankness to him which was irresistible, even with persons the most prepossessed against him. For example, Count Constantine Metaxa, ex-prefect of Missolonghi, being fearful that Lord Byron had a dislike to him and his friends, prepared on our arrival at that place to quit the town, and retire to Tripolitza. He resolved, however, to see Lord Byron: he came into the room with apprehension and suspicion strongly depicted on his countenance; but he retired delighted with his visit, and full of confidence and enthusiasm for his Lordship, who had entered at once into a frank avowal of his intentions, and in a few words had laid before the Count a summary of the reasons which had induced him to visit Greece, and of the projects which he hoped to execute: so that when the Count departed for Tripolitza, he went there as the friend and coadjutor of Lord Byron.

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VIII.

I have spoken of Lord Byron’s mode of living: I have before me an order which he gave his superintendent of the household for the daily expenses of his own table. It is this; and amounts to no more than one piastre.

When his friends in Zante and Cefalonia heard of his first fit, they invited Lord Byron most earnestly to retire, at least for a time, to one of the Ionian islands; but he had made up his mind on this subject, and he wrote thus to a gentleman of Zante.

“I am extremely obliged by your offer of your country house (as for all other kindnesses), in case my health should require my removal; but I cannot quit Greece

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while there is a chance of my being of (even supposed) utility: there is a stake worth millions such as I am, and while I can stand at all, I must stand by the cause. While I say this, I am aware of the difficulties, and dissensions, and defects, of the Greeks themselves; but allowances must be made for them by all reasonable people.”

It was about the period at which this letter was written that Lord Byron had accepted the invitation from Ulysses to attend a congress at Salona, at which it was more than probable it would have been resolved, by the chieftains of Eastern and Western Greece, that his Lordship should have the general direction of affairs in the Western continent. Indeed it was not unfrequently rumoured, that in a short space of time the general government of the country would be placed in his hands. Considering the vast addition to his authority which the arrival of the monies from England would have insured to him, such a supposition is by no means chimerical. Of his visit to Salona Lord Byron wrote thus:

“In a few days P. Mavrocordato and myself, with a considerable escort, intend to proceed to Salona, at the request of Ulysses and the chiefs of Eastern Greece; and to take measures offensive and defensive for the ensuing campaign. Mavrocordato is almost recalled by the new government of the Morea (to take the lead, I rather think), and they have written to propose to me to go either to the Morea with him, or to take the general direction of affairs in this quarter with General Londos, and any other I may choose to form a council. Andrea Londos is my old friend and acquaintance,

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since we were lads in Greece together. It would be difficult to give a positive answer till the Salona meeting is over; but I am willing to serve them in any capacity they please; either commanding or commanded—it is much the same to me, as long as I can be of any presumed use to them. Excuse haste—it is late—and I have been several hours on horseback, in a country so miry after the rains, that every hundred yards brings you to a brook or a ditch, of whose depth, width, colour, and contents, both my horses and their riders have brought away many tokens.”

The following prospectus of the Greek Telegraph will show what were the principles on which Lord Byron and his friends wished the press to be conducted in Greece.

Prospectus.—Knowing the interest the christian people take in the affairs of Greece, some of those engaged in that sacred cause have resolved on publishing for their information a weekly journal, to be entitled The Greek Telegraph.

Written contributions to this newspaper will be accepted from men of all nations and parties. The articles will be published in the language in which they are forwarded to the editors.

The motto selected is the following passage of Homer:

“When man becomes enslaved, Jove deprives him of half his virtues.”

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Already we have explained that we belong to no faction: we are however free men, and consider that publicity is the very soul of justice. It should prevail in the senate; in the courts of law; and above all, in giving vent to the unrestricted expression of the people’s thoughts. “The liberty of the press,” says Hume, “is attended with so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the common right of all mankind.” We are nevertheless enemies to all licentiousness; and our attachment to a free press is founded on a conviction that it is the best means of promoting public virtue.

The general object of the projectors of this journal is to convey intelligence to the world of the events that are passing in Greece.

In cooperation with the Greek committees in London and elsewhere, they will endeavour to encourage throughout the world every effort towards the promotion of her freedom and the amelioration of her condition. We wish the Greeks to be all armed; their land forces and their navies efficient, and of a constitutional character; their tongues and their presses free—free as their own thoughts; their roads open, and posts established for circulation of their ideas on military, commercial, and political subjects. The people we hope to see in full enjoyment of religious liberty; their laws plain and comprehensive; and justice openly, speedily, and cheaply administered. We desire the Greeks to have possession of that which is dear to every heart—the lands of their ancestors; their country accessible to settlers, with all the capital and improvement they can bring into it; their hands stretched out in amity, and their ports wide open

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to all nations; and, finally, to behold their arms triumphant, and their christian charity extended to their, enemies. These are the unanimous sentiments of all high-minded men.

The Greek Telegraph will be published every, Saturday.

The subscription to it will be six dollars per annum.

Those who wish to have this newspaper will address themselves to the Editors of the Greek Telegraph, under cover to Segt. Doctor J. J. Mayer, at Missolonghi.

The Editors solicit the friends of Greece to forward news and contribute written articles in French, Italian, German, English, and other languages, for insertion in the Greek Telegraph.

Missolonghi, 16 (4) Marzo, 1824.

THE END.

LONDON:

PRINTED BY THOMAS DAVISON, WHITEFRIARS.

[John Gibson Lockhart], “Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine  Vol. 17  No. 97  (February 1825)

Count Gamba’s name comes upon our ears, associated with some very disagreeable recollections; and his book is—as a book—but a poor one. It contains, however, quite enough of facts to satisfy all mankind that Lord Byron in Greece was everything that the friends of freedom, and the friends of genius, could have wished him to be. Placed amidst all the perplexities of most vile and worthless, intriguing factions—at the same time exposed to and harassed by the open violence of many utterly irreconcilable sets of mere barbarian robbers—the equally barbarous chiefs of whom were pretending to play the parts of gentlemen and generals—and, what was perhaps still more trying, perpetually annoyed, interrupted, and baffled by the ignorance, folly, and obstinate drivelling, of his own coadjutors, such as Colonel Stanhope and the German Philhellenes—he, and he alone, appears to have sustained throughout the calmness of a philosopher, the integrity of a patriot, and the constancy of a hero. If anything could have done Greece real good, in her own sense of the word, at this crisis, it must have been the prolongation of the life he had devoted to her service. He had brought with him to her shores a name glorious and commanding; but, ere he died, the influence of his tried prudence, magnanimous self-denial, and utter superiority to faction, and all factious views, had elevated him into a position of authority, before which, even the most ambitiously unprincipled of the Greek leaders were beginning to feel the necessity of controlling their passions, and silencing their pretensions. The arrival of part of the loan from England—procured, as it unquestionably had been, chiefly through the influence of his name—was, no doubt, the circumstance that gave such commanding elevation to his personal influence in Greece, during the closing scenes of his career. But nothing except the visible and undoubted excellence of his deportment on occasions the most perplexing—nothing but the moral dignity expressed in every word and action of his while in Greece—nothing but the eminent superiority of personal character, resources, and genius which he had exhibited—could possibly have reconciled the minds of those hostile factious to the notion of investing any Foreigner and Frank with the supreme authority of their executive government. We have no sort of doubt, that if Byron had died three months later, he would have died governor of all the emancipated provinces of Greece. This is a melancholy thought, but it is also a proud one. . . .

Emperor Alexander I of Russia (1777-1825) Following the assassination of his father he was tsar of Russia (1801-25).

Ali Pasha of Yannina (1740-1822) Albanian warlord who expanded his territories during the Napoleonic wars but was eventually suppressed by the Ottoman Turks; he entertained Byron in 1809.

Kostas Botsaris [Κοστας Βοτσαρις] (1792-1853) Greek chieftain who was with Byron at Missolonghi; he was the brother of Marcos Botzaris. He later served as a general and a senator in the Greek kingdom.

Markos Botsaris [Μαρκος Βοτσαρις] (1790-1823) Greek leader in the War of Independence who died heroically at the Battle of Karpenisi. He was the brother of Kostas (Constantine) Botzaries.

Notis Botsaris [Νοτα Βοτσαρις] (1756-1841) Greek captain, the uncle of Marco Bozzaris and a leader of the Suliote forces at Missolonghi.

Francesco Bruno (d. 1828 c.) Byron's physician on his second expedition to Greece in 1823-24; he was afterwards in Switzerland, and died at Naples.

George Gordon Byron, sixth Baron Byron (1788-1824) The author of Childe Harold and Don Juan.

Theodore Colocotronis [Θεοδορος Κολοκοτρονις] (1770-1843) The principal Greek chieftain in the west of the peninsula and a political rival of Prince Mavrocordato; he died 17 February 1843.

Demetrio Corgialegno [Δεμητριος Κοργιολενιος] (d. 1861) A Greek merchant of Cephalonia and Florence, buried in the English cemetery at Florence. In 1835 he married Louisa Scott (d. 16 June 1874)

Georgios Drakos [Γεοργιος Δρακος] (1788-1827) Suliote chieftain who was with Byron at Missolonghi.

Giovanni Battista Falcieri [Tita] (1798-1874) Byron's gondolier and afterwards his valet. He became a servant of Isaac D'Israeli (1832).

Pietro Gamba (1801-1827) The brother of Teresa Guiccioli and member of Carbonieri. He followed Byron to Greece and left a memoir of his experiences.

William Noel- Hill, third baron Berwick (1773-1842) English diplomat and book-collector; he was envoy to Sardinia from 1807 to 1824 and minister at Naples before he succeeded to the title in 1832.

John Cam Hobhouse, baron Broughton (1786-1869) Founder of the Cambridge Whig Club; traveled with Byron in the orient, radical MP for Westminster (1820); Byron's executor; after a long career in politics published Some Account of a Long Life (1865) later augmented as Recollections of a Long Life, 6 vols (1909-1911).

David Hume (1711-1776) Scottish philosopher and historian; author of Essays Moral and Political (1741-42), Enquiry concerning Human Understanding (1748) and History of Great Britain (1754-62).

Ignatius of Arta [Ιγνασιος Αρτα] (1823 fl.) The Greek Metropolitan (Bishop or Archbishop) exiled at Pisa who corresponded with Byron.

Andreas Londos [Ανδρεας Λονδος] (1786-1846) A leader of the Greek constitutional party; Byron first met him in 1809 and corresponded with him in 1824.

Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos [Αλεξανδρος Μαβροκορδατος] (1791-1865) Greek statesman and diplomat with Byron at Missolonghi; after study at the University of Padua he joined the Greek Revolution in 1821 and in 1822 was elected by the National Assembly at Epidaurus. He commanded forces in western Central Greece and retired in 1826 after the Fall of Messolonghi.

Constantine Metaxas [Κονστανδνος Μεταξα] (1793-1870) The military governor of Missalonghi prior to the arrival of Lord Byron.

Johann-Jacob Meyer (1798-1826) Swiss republican who edited Hellenica Chronica; he died during the siege of Missolonghi.

Sir Charles James Napier (1782-1853) British officer who after a career in the Napoleonic wars knew Byron while he was the military resident in Cephalonia.

Odysseas Androutsos [Οδησευς] (1788-1825) The son of Andreas Androutsos; he was the principal chieftain in eastern Greece and political opponent of the constitutional government of Alexander Mavrocordatos, who was instrumental in having him assassinated.

Omer Vrionis (1828 fl.) Born in Albania, he served under Ali Pasha and was an Ottoman commander during the Greek Revolution and the Russo-Turkish War of 1828.

Captain John Scott (1823 fl.) The corpulent captain of the Hercules, which carried Byron to Greece in August 1823.

Sir Walter Scott, baronet (1771-1832) Scottish poet, novelist, antiquary, biographer, editor, and sheriff.

Henry Southern (1799-1853) Journalist, diplomat, Benthamite, and friend of John Bowring; educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, he was founder of the Retrospective Review (1820), literary editor of the Westminster Review (1824), and editor of the London Magazine (1825).

Leicester Fitzgerald Charles Stanhope, fifth earl of Harrington (1784-1862) The third son of the third earl; in 1823 he traveled to Greece as the Commissioner of the London Greek Committee; there he served with Byron, whom he criticizes in Greece in 1823 and 1824 (1824). He inherited the earldom from his brother in 1851.

Dr. Stravolemo [Σταβρολεμο] (1823 fl.) Of Metaxa in Cephalonia, a Greek physician who had once attended Ali Pasha; he entertained Lord Byron.

Spiro Valsamachi [Σπηρίδον Βαλσαμαχη] (1824 fl.) Of Cephalonia, the captain of the ship on which Byron sailed to Missolonghi.

Yusuf Pasha (1824 fl.) The Turkish commander at Patras during the Greek War of Independence.

Lambros Zervas [Λαμπρος Ζερβα] (1824 fl.) Suliote chieftain who fought with Marco Botsaris and was with Byron at Missolonghi.

The London Magazine. (1820-1829). Founded by John Scott as a monthly rival to Blackwood's, the London Magazine included among its contributors Charles Lamb, John Clare, Allan Cunningham, Thomas De Quincey, and Thomas Hood.

Telegrafo Greco. (1824). An Italian newspaper published at Missolonghi; it was edited by Pietro Gamba.

The Westminster Review. (1824-1914). A radically-inclined quarterly founded by James Mill in opposition to the Edinburgh Review and Quarterly Review.

Edward Blaquiere (1779-1832) “Lord Byron in Greece” in Westminster Review. Vol. 2 (July 1824): 225-62. The article consists of material supplied by Blaquiere written up by John Bowring; it includes the account of Byron's death by his servant William Fletcher.

Henry Southern (1799-1853) “Personal Character of Lord Byron” in London Magazine. Vol. 10 (October 1824): 337-47. Anonymous, by an associate of John Bowring of the London Greek Committee.

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INFORMATION FROM TEI HEADER

Source Description:

Author: Pietro Gamba

Title:  A Narrative of Lord Byron’s Last Journey to Greece. Extracted from the Journal of Count Peter Gamba, who attended that Expedition. (London: John Murray, 1825).

Electronic Edition:

Series: Lord Byron and his Times: http://lordbyron.org

Encoding Description: Any dashes occurring in line breaks have been removed.   Obvious and unambiguous compositors’ errors have been silently corrected.

Markup and editing by:  David Hill Radcliffe

OCR correction and preliminary tagging: Tess Szell; Chelsea Skelley; Todd Stafford; Zach Woods; Sarah Yakima

Completed March 2010

Publication Statement:

Publisher: Center for Applied Technologies in the Humanities, Virginia Tech

Availability: Published under Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 3.0 Unported License

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