LORD  BYRON  and  his  TIMES
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A Narrative of Lord Byron’s Last Journey to Greece
Chapter VI

Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
‣ Chapter VI
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Affray between one of Lord Byron’s guard and a citizen of Missolonghi—Lord Byron’s letter on that occasion—Conspiracy of Cariascachi—His troops enter Missolonghi—A body of Suliotes seize upon Basiladi—Lord Byron’s journey to Salona prevented—A spy arrested in Lord Byron’s house—Measures taken by Prince Mavrocordato—His proclamation at Anatolico—His letter to Lord Byron—Lord Byron’s last illness—His death—The funeral service over his remains— Disastrous consequences of the death of Lord Byron—The transfer of the remains to Zante, and thence to England.

The weather continued to be more rainy than ever. Lord Byron could not take his usual rides, and his health was affected by want of air and exercise. He was at this time exposed to another annoyance.


On the night of the 31st of March, nearly at twelve o’clock, a Greek came to him, with tears in his eyes, complaining of one of his German guards, who, he said, had returned to his quarters intoxicated; had broken open the door, had drawn his sword, and had alarmed his whole family so much, as to make it necessary for him to have recourse to Lord Byron for immediate protection. Lord Byron, persuaded how necessary it was to show the Greeks that their foreign auxiliaries would be guilty of no outrage towards them, instantly despatched one of his officers, with a file of soldiers, to arrest the delinquent, and carry him to the artillery barracks. He was a Russian, who had arrived only lately, and had been very urgent to procure his admission into our brigade. When arrested and taken to the barracks, he asserted that the Greek had told what was untrue. He said that he had broken open the door because he had
been assigned those quarters, and had lodged there several days; and the man would not let him in, but kept him outside, exposed to violent rain. He complained of the time and manner of his arrest; and at once sent a long representation to Lord Byron, accusing the adjutant who arrested him. My Lord immediately answered him in the following terms.

“April 1, 1824.

“I have the honour to reply to your letter of this day. In consequence of an urgent, and, to all appearance, a well-founded complaint, made to me yesterday evening, I gave orders to Mr. Hesketh to proceed to your quarters with the soldiers of his guard, and to remove you from your house to the Seraglio; because the owner of your house declared himself and his family to be in immediate danger from your conduct; and added, that that was not the first time that you had placed them in similar circumstances. Neither Mr. Hesketh nor myself could imagine that you were in bed, as we had been assured of the contrary; and certainly such a situation was not contemplated. But Mr. Hesketh had positive orders to conduct you from your quarters to those of the artillery brigade; at the same time being desired to use no violence; nor does
it appear that any was had recourse to. This measure was adopted because your landlord assured me, when I proposed to put off the inquiry until the next day, that he could not return to his house without a guard for his protection, and that he had left his wife and daughter, and family, in the greatest alarm; on that account putting them under our immediate protection; the case admitted of no delay. As I am not aware that Mr. Hesketh exceeded his orders, I cannot take any measures to punish him; but I have no objection to examine minutely into his conduct. You ought to recollect that entering into the auxiliary Greek corps, now under my orders, at your own sole request and positive desire, you incurred the obligation of obeying the laws of the country, as well as those of the service.

“I have the honour to be, &c.
“N. B.”

April 1 and 2.—There was a rumour that a body of troops had sailed from the castle, and had disembarked at Chioneri, a village on the southern shore of Missolonghi. At first there was some alarm in the town; but it was soon known that, in fact, a launch, belonging to one of the brigs that was returning into the Gulf, had attempted to
land her men in order to procure water, and had been driven off by some twenty peasants.

Mavrocordato presented to Lord Byron Signor Tricupi, arrived the day before from Zante. He was the son of one of the primates of Missolonghi, who had been educated by the means furnished by Lord Guildford, and was acquainted with the French, English, and Italian languages. He was a young man not only well-informed, but of a sound good sense, and a right judging patriotism; and had been selected as deputy to the general government to represent western Greece. This was the young man who afterwards pronounced the funeral oration of Lord Byron.

At two o’clock in the afternoon of the third of April, many canoes arrived, containing about 150 soldiers belonging to
Cariascachi of Anatolico, who came to demand vengeance and justice for an injury inflicted the day before on a nephew of his by the people of Missolonghi. A great alarm spread itself over the whole city; all the shops were shut, and the bazaars deserted. Our brigade was ordered to hold itself in readiness to act at a moment’s warning. The alarm still continuing, I wrote to Mavrocordato, to know if there was any ground for fearing that a serious affray would ensue. He replied, that he had taken every precaution, and that he hoped nothing would occur; but that it would be prudent to have our brigade in readiness, and not to suffer them to separate. Byron ordered his troops to continue under arms, but to preserve the strictest neutrality, without mixing in any quarrel, either by actions or words. Bodies of armed men, in the meanwhile, paraded the streets. It was now added, that 300
Suliotes were marching upon Missolonghi. The citizens posted themselves at the batteries, and resolved to resist their entrance.

As yet it appeared that this was only a private quarrel, which had originated in a blow that a nephew of Cariascachi had received the day before in a fray with a citizen of Missolonghi. But late in the evening, Praidi came to my Lord with a letter which Mavrocordato had received from Cranidi, and which instructed him respecting the intrigues of the late executive to destroy the present rulers, and particularly ruin Mavrocordato. This intelligence made us suspect that Cariascachi had been induced to undertake his present enterprise to favour the views of the factious in the Morea.

April 4.—This morning we received the news that a party of Suliotes had made
themselves masters of Basiladi, and that some of
Cariascachi’s people had arrested two of the primates in the night, and had carried them secretly to Anatolico. The tumult and indignation which this intelligence produced throughout the city increased every moment. The Turkish fleet was observed sailing out of the Gulf; and it was at once suspected that this movement was in concert with the designs of the factious, especially as Basiladi was the key to the port of Missolonghi. Preparations were accordingly made for bringing some guns to bear upon the fortress, and all the batteries were manned by the troops of the town. The anxiety of the inhabitants seemed at its height; as for ourselves we kept constantly upon our guard. Lord Byron and myself rode out three miles from the town, as the weather was finer, and there was less appearance of rain than there had been for almost three months.
Unfortunately, however, the events of the last days made it necessary for us to delay our departure for Salona, as the absence of Lord Byron at such a juncture might have appeared like an abandonment of Missolonghi, and would, indeed, most probably have caused the ruin of that important place. But it is easy to judge how great our disappointment must have been, to give up our favourite project at a time when we appeared on the point of reaping the reward of all our labours and our protracted expectations.

April 5.—At the early part of the day, the soldiers of Cariascachi were still in Missolonghi; but about noon, the two primates, who had been carried off to Anatolico, returned home, and the mutineers evacuated both Missolonghi and Basiladi.

It was nine in the evening when Lord
Byron received the following letter from the governor of the town.

“My Lord,

Constantine Volpiotti, who is now a guest in the house of your landlord, is strongly suspected of high treason. Not being willing to permit any of the town guard to enter a house inhabited by you, I pray you to order him under charge of your own guards to the outward gate, where the police will be in readiness to receive him. The Signor Praidi will inform you more minutely of the business.

“Believe me,
“Your most devoted,

My Lord immediately consigned Volpiotti to the town guard. He was the father of our host’s wife. As he came from Ioannina he had passed by Anatolico, and had had several conferences with Cariascachi: he had long been suspected of being a spy. The letters which were found upon him confirmed this suspicion. The same day the police arrested a secret agent
of the insurgents in the Morea. One of our own officers, walking near the walls of the town, had also remarked a man on horseback gallop towards the place from the direction of Lepanto, and after measuring the depth of the town-moat, retire at full speed. The proper measures were taken for coming to the bottom of these machinations; and a military commission was named to examine minutely into the whole affair.

April 7.—The next day, the chieftains Longa, Stornari, Bozzari, and Macri, having heard of these traitorous designs, came in all haste to Anatolico, to which place also more than 2000 men had already marched, to uphold the regular government. But the arrival of these troops, however opportune, was the cause of fresh embarrassments; for there was a total want of provisions for their daily maintenance. In this emergency,
the governor, the primates, and the chieftains, had recourse to the usual source of supply; but, as the expenses of our whole brigade, of the fortifications, of the laboratory, and indeed of so many other establishments, all fell upon the same shoulders,
Lord Byron was obliged to refuse his assistance on this occasion. The consequence was that the government was constrained to sequester some magazines of flour belonging to certain Ionian merchants; a violent measure, it must be owned, which the necessity of the case could alone suggest. Mavrocordato, in this unhappy state of affairs, was overwhelmed with calumnies and even insults. Much has been said against this man; but my own opinion is, that his constancy, his patience, and his ability, will one day or the other be fully acknowledged, and secure for him those praises which have been withheld by the ignorance or the jealousy of his contemporaries. I am aware
indeed that this hope is but a poor recompense for the regrets and disappointments which have embittered almost every moment of his career since he became a public man; and I own that his example will not add to the allurements of ambition. As
Cariascachi was blockaded in his own house at Anatolico, and as all the primates and captains, and the whole population, were much incensed against him, Mavrocordato, fearing that some serious disturbances might ensue, betook himself in person to that town, and soon published the following proclamation.




“All of you feel that the safety of your country is the first wish of every true Greek. The events of the last few days have given rise to many suspicions against the chieftain George Cariascachi. The political and military chiefs have invited him to exculpate himself, and
have named a commission to examine him, together with all those suspected of treason against their country. All those who may have cognizance of any such conspiracy are requested to present themselves to the Archbishop, who will receive their informations previously to their being laid before the appointed judges. Let them be restrained by no fear; let them remember what is their duty, and that the salvation of their country, and of every family in the state, requires this at their hands. The whole nation exclaims against treachery; and will know how to protect those good patriots who shall come forward to declare the truth.

N. Luriottis, Secretary.
“30 March, (O. S.)

April 8.—The Prince transmitted this proclamation to Lord Byron with the following letter.

“My Lord,

“I set out yesterday, in spite of the bad weather, to obviate the disagreeable consequences which might ensue from the affair of Cariascachi; and I had the satisfaction of arriving in time. The accompanying proclamation will inform you of the turn which this treason has taken. The examination will commence at three o’clock this evening. I shall do every thing that
is possible to prevent a disturbance. This is the reason why I shall continue to remain here until to-morrow.


Judging it proper that the people should be fully informed of every occurrence, I drew up an account of the whole transaction, and published it in the Greek Telegraph*.

April 9.—Lord Byron had suffered visibly in his health during the last day or two: the events just mentioned, and the weather, had made him more than usually nervous and irritable: but he this morning received letters from Zante and from England which raised his spirits exceedingly. They brought news of the probable conclusion of the loan, which was a great consolation indeed to us, in the midst of our

* This affair ended by the exposure of Cariascachi, and by his flight into the mountains of Agrafa.

distresses; but what comforted him personally was some favourable intelligence respecting his
daughter and his sister. He learnt that the latter had been seriously indisposed at the very time of his fit, but had entirely recovered her health. He was delighted at this news; but he remarked the coincidence as something singular. He was perhaps, on the whole, rather given to attach importance to such accidents; at least, he noted them as out of the common course of nature.

He had not been on horseback for three or four days; and though the weather was threatening, he resolved to ride. Three miles from the town we were overtaken by a heavy rain, and we returned to the town walls wet through, and in a violent perspiration. I have before mentioned that it was our practice to dismount at the walls, and return to our house in a boat. This
day, however, I entreated him to go back on horseback the whole way, as it would be very dangerous, warm as he was, to remain exposed to the rain in a boat for half an hour. But he would not listen to me, and said, “I should make a pretty soldier, indeed, if I were to care for such a trifle.” Accordingly, we dismounted, and got into the boat as usual.

Two hours after his return home, he was seized with a shuddering: he complained of fever and rheumatic pains. At eight in the evening I entered his room; he was lying on a sofa, restless and melancholy. He said to me, “I suffer a great deal of pain; I do not care for death; but these agonies I cannot bear.” The medical men proposed bleeding, but he refused, observing,“Have you no other remedy than bleeding?—there are many more die of the lancet than the lance.” Some
of the physicians answered, that it was not absolutely necessary to bleed as yet, and I fear were too much inclined to flatter his prejudice against that operation. But there was not then the slightest suspicion of any danger, nor was there any at that moment.

April 10.—The next day he felt himself perpetually shuddering; but he got up at his usual hour, and transacted business; but he did not go from home.

April 11.—He resolved to ride out this day an hour before his usual time, fearing that, if he waited later, the rain would prevent him altogether. We rode for a long time in the olive woods, and Lambro, a Suliote officer attached to our brigade, accompanied by a numerous suite, attended him. Byron spoke much, and appeared in good spirits.


April 12.—The next day he kept his bed with an attack of rheumatic fever. It was thought that his saddle had been wet; but it is more probable that he was only suffering from the previous exposure to the rain, which perhaps affected him the more readily on account of his over-abstemious mode of life.

April 13.—He rose from his bed the next day, but did not go out of the house. The fever appeared to be diminished; but the pains in his bones and head still continued: he was melancholy and very irritable. He had not been able to sleep since his attack, and he could take no other nourishment than a little broth, and a spoonful or two of arrow-root.

April 14.—The following day he got out of bed at twelve: he was calmer; the fever was less, apparently, but he was very weak,
and suffered from the pains in his head. He wished however, notwithstanding the weather was threatening, to go out on horseback, or at least in a boat; but his physicians dissuaded him. It was now thought that his malady was got under, and that in a few days he would be quite recovered. There was no suspicion of danger, and he told us he was rather glad of his fever, as it might cure him of his tendency to epilepsy. He received many letters, and he told me what answer I was to give to them*.

April 15.—The fever was still upon him; but the pains in his head and his bones

* I think it was on this day that, as I was sitting near him on his sofa, he said to me, “I was afraid I was losing my memory, and, in order to try, I attempted to repeat some Latin verses with the English translation, which I have not endeavoured to recollect since I was at school. I remembered them all except the last word of one of the hexameters.”

were gone. He was easier—he even wished to ride out; but the weather would not permit. He transacted business, and received many letters, particularly one on the part of the Turkish governor, to whom he had sent the prisoners he had set at liberty. The Turk thanked him, and asked for a repetition of this favour. The letter pleased him much. It appears, however, from the account of his English valet,
Mr. William Fletcher, that both on this day and the day before he had entertained some suspicions that his complaint was of no ordinary nature, and that his physicians did not understand it; but he had not the least apprehension of danger.

April 16.—It happened unfortunately that I was myself confined to my bed this day by a sprained ankle, and could not see my Lord; but they told me that he was better; that his complaint was follow-
ing the usual course, and that there was no fear. He himself wrote an answer to the Turkish governor, and sent it to me to be translated into Greek; but in the evening he became worse.

April 17.—The next day I contrived to get to his room. His countenance at once awakened the most dreadful suspicions: he was very calm; he talked to me in the kindest manner about my accident, but in a hollow, sepulchral tone. “Take care of your foot, ” said he; “I know by experience how painful it must be.” I could not stay near his bed: a flood of tears rushed into my eyes, and I was obliged to withdraw.

This was the first day that the medical men seemed to entertain serious apprehensions of the event. He was bled twice, first in the morning, and at two in the
afternoon, and lost about two pounds of blood. He did not faint, and his eyes were lively, but he had no sleep; he perspired on the head and neck; and the disease seemed attacking the head. I now for the first time heard some mention of
Dr. Thomas, and of the necessity of sending for him from Zante. But Mr. Fletcher said that he had proposed this two or three days previously, but that my Lord refused. For my own part, I do not think that there was any suspicion of danger until the seventeenth—at least, I heard nothing of it; on the contrary, he was thought better on the day before. He was dreadfully distressed by want of sleep, and he now said to Doctor Millingen, “I know that, without sleep, a man must die or go mad: I would sooner die a thousand times.” He repeated this to his valet, Mr. Fletcher.


April 18.—During the night of the seventeenth he had some attacks of delirium, in which he talked of fighting; but neither that night nor the next morning was he aware of his peril. This morning his physicians were alarmed by appearances of inflammation of the brain, and proposed another bleeding, to which Lord Byron consented, but soon ordered the vein to be closed. At twelve o’clock I came to his bedside. He asked me if there were any letters come for him. There was one from the Archbishop Ignatius to him, which told him that the Sultan had proclaimed him, in full divan, an enemy of the Porte. I thought it best not to let him know of the arrival of this letter. A few hours afterwards other letters arrived from England, from his most intimate friends, full of good news, and most consolatory in every way, particularly one from Mr. Hobhouse, and
another from the
Honourable Douglas Kinnaird; but he had then lost his senses—it was too late. But at the time first mentioned, Lord Byron, when I told him there were no letters, said, “I know there is one from Luriottis to Mavrocordatto.” “It is true,” said I, “my Lord.” “That is just what I want to see,” he replied. Accordingly in five minutes I returned with the letter. He opened it himself—it was written partly in French, partly in Greek. He read it into English from the French without hesitation, and attempted to translate the Greek. Fearing that it might fatigue him too much, I offered to get it translated. “No, no,” he said, and at last made it out himself. This letter mentioned that the loan was concluded; that my Lord was to be the head of a commission for its disposal; and that part of the money would be immediately transmitted.


There was another part of the letter which displeased him, and he said, “I wish Napier and Hobhouse were here—we would soon settle this business.” He could not at this moment (twelve o’clock of the 18th) have had the least presentiment of his danger.

It was Easter day; on which holiday, after twelve o’clock, the Greeks are accustomed to discharge their fire-arms and artillery. Fearing that the noise might be injurious to my Lord, we thought of marching our artillery brigade out of the city, and by exercising our guns, to attract the crowd from the vicinity of his house. At the same time, the town guard patroled the streets, and informing the people of the danger of their benefactor, invited them to make as little noise as possible near the place where he lay. Our scheme succeeded
perfectly; but, nevertheless, we should not have been induced to quit the house if we had been aware of the real state of our friend. I do not think that he suspected it himself, even so late as three in the afternoon. At this time he rose, and went into the next room. He was able to walk across the chamber, leaning on his servant
Tita. When seated, he told Tita to bring him a book, mentioning it by name. The servant brought it to him. About this time Dr. Bruno entreated him, with tears in his eyes, to be again bled. “No,” he said: “if my hour is come, I shall die whether I lose my blood or keep it.” After reading a few minutes, he found himself faint, and leaning upon his servant’s arm, he tottered into the next room, and returned to bed.

At half past three, Dr. Bruno and Dr. Millingen, becoming more alarmed, wished
to call in two other physicians, a
Doctor Treiber, a German, and a Greek, named Luca Vaya, the most distinguished of his profession in the town, and physician to Mavrocordato. My Lord at first refused to see them; but being told that Mavrocordato advised it, he said, “Very well, let them come; but let them look at me and say nothing.” They promised this, and were admitted. When about him, and feeling his pulse, one of them wished to speak—“Recollect your promise,” he said, “and go away.”

At four o’clock, after this consultation of his physicians, he seemed to be aware of his approaching end. I think this was the exact time, and not before. Dr. Millingen, Fletcher, and Tita were round his bed. The two first could not contain their tears, and walked out of the room. Tita
also wept, but he could not retire, as
Byron had hold of his hand; but he turned away his face. Byron looked at him steadily, and said, half smiling, in Italian—Oh questa è unabella scena. He then seemed to reflect a moment, and exclaimed, “Call Parry.” Almost immediately afterwards a fit of delirium ensued, and he began to talk wildly, as if he were mounting a breach in an assault. He called out, half in English, half in Italian—“Forwards—forwards—courage—follow my example—don’t be afraid,” &c.

When he came to himself, Fletcher was with him: he had before desired him to send for Dr. Thomas. He then knew he was dying, and seemed very earnest in making his servant understand his wishes. He was anxious about his servants, and remarked that he was afraid they would be ill from sitting up so long in attendance
upon him. He said, “I wish to do some thing for
Tita and Luca.” “My Lord,” said Fletcher, “for God’s sake never mind that now, but talk of something of more importance.” But he returned to the same topic, and taking Fletcher by the hand continued, “You will be provided for—and now hear my last wishes.” Fletcher begged that he might bring pen and paper to take down his words, and at the same time expressed a hope that he might yet live. “No,” replied Lord Byron, “there is no time—mind you execute my orders. Go to my sister—tell her—go to Lady Byron—you will see her, and say ——” Here his voice faltered, and gradually became indistinct; but still he continued muttering something in a very earnest manner for nearly twenty minutes, though in such a tone that only a few words could be distinguished. These were only names, “AugustaAdaHobhouseKin-
naird. He then said, “Now I have told you all.” “My Lord,” replied Fletcher, “I have not understood a word your Lord ship has been saying.” Lord Byron looked most distressed at this, and said, “Not understand me? What a pity—then it is too late—all is over.”—“I hope not,” answered Fletcher; “but the Lord’s will be done.” Byron continued, “Yes, not mine.” He then tried to utter a few words, of which none were intelligible except “my sister—my child.”

Since their last consultation, the majority of the medical men had thought that the crisis of the disorder was now come; and that the principal danger now was the extreme weakness of the patient; and that restoratives should be administered. Dr. Bruno thought otherwise; but it was resolved to give a draught of claret and bark and opium, and to apply mustard blisters
to the soles of the feet.
Byron took the draught readily, but refused the blisters: accordingly, I was sent for to persuade him, and I returned in all haste with Mr. Parry. On my arrival they informed me that he was asleep, and that he had suffered the blisters to be applied not to his feet, but elsewhere. The physicians augured well of this sleep—perhaps it was but the effect of the medicine, and only hastened his death.

He awoke in half an hour. I wished to go to him—but I had not the heart. Mr. Parry went, and Byron knew him again, and squeezed his hand, and tried to express his last wishes. He mentioned names, as before, and also sums of money: he spoke sometimes in English, sometimes in Italian. From those about him, I collected that, either at this time, or in his former interval of reason, he could be understood to say—“Poor Greece!—poor town!—my poor
servants!” Also, “Why was I not aware of this sooner?” and “My hour is come!—I do not care for death—but why did I not go home before I came here?” At another time he said, “There are things which make the world dear to me [Lo lascio qualche cosa di caro nel mondo]: for the rest, I am content to die.” He spoke also of Greece, saying, “I have given her my time, my means, my health—and now I give her my life!—what could I do more?”

It was about six o’clock in the evening when he said, “I want to go to sleep now;” and immediately turning round, he fell into that slumber, from which, alas! he never awoke. From that moment he seemed incapable of sense or motion: but there were occasional symptoms of suffocation, and a rattling in the throat, which induced his servants now and then to raise his head.
Means were taken to rouse him from his lethargy, but in vain*. He continued in this state for four-and-twenty hours; and it was just a quarter past six o’clock on the next day, the 19th, that he was seen to open his eyes, and immediately shut them again. The physicians felt his pulse—he was gone!

In vain should I attempt to describe the deep, the distressing sorrow that overwhelmed us all. I will not speak of myself, but of those who loved him less, because they had seen him less. Not only Mavrocordato and his immediate circle, but the whole city and all its inhabitants were, as it seemed, stunned by this blow—it had been so sudden, so unexpected. His illness, indeed, had been known; and for the three last days none of us could walk in the streets without anxious inquiries from every one

* A great many leeches were applied to his temples, and the blood flowed copiously all night.

who met us, of “How is my Lord?” We did not mourn the loss of the great genius—no, nor that of the supporter of Greece—our first tears were for our father, our patron, our friend. He died in a strange land, and amongst strangers; but more loved, more sincerely wept, he could never have been, wherever he had breathed his last. Such was the attachment, mingled with a sort of reverence and enthusiasm, with which he inspired those around him, that there was not one of us who would not, for his sake, have willingly encountered any danger in the world. The Greeks of every class and every age, from Mavrocordato to the meanest citizen, sympathised with our sorrows. It was in vain that, when we met, we tried to keep up our spirits—our attempts at consolation always ended in mutual tears.

The proclamation issued by Prince Mavrocordato, on the day of Lord Byron’s
death, was not a formal, but a real tribute to his memory, and will, to the end of time, serve as a faithful record of his devotion for the great cause of Grecian independence*.

* Provisional Government of Western Greece.
Art. 1185.

The present day of festivity and rejoicing has become one of sorrow and of mourning. The Lord Noel Byron departed this life at six o’clock in the afternoon, after an illness of ten days; his death being caused by an inflammatory fever. Such was the effect of his Lordship’s illness on the public mind, that all classes had forgotten their usual recreations of Easter, even before the afflicting event was apprehended.

The loss of this illustrious individual is undoubtedly to be deplored by all Greece; but it must be more especially a subject of lamentation at Missolonghi, where his generosity has been so conspicuously displayed, and of which he had even become a citizen, with the further determination of participating in all the dangers of the war.

Every body is acquainted with the beneficent acts of his Lordship, and none can cease to hail his name as that of a real benefactor.

Until, therefore, the final determination of the national government be known, and by virtue of the powers with which it has been pleased to invest me, I hereby decree,


As soon as we could recover sufficient spirits to do any thing, we sealed up the effects of the deceased with the government seal: a commission was appointed, at which the governor himself presided, to examine his papers, and to take the necessary measures. No will was found, and only a few

1st. To-morrow morning, at daylight, thirty-seven minute guns will be fired from the Grand Battery, being the number which corresponds with the age of the illustrious deceased.

2d. All the public offices, even the tribunals, are to remain closed for three successive days.

3d. All the shops, except those in which provisions or medicines are sold, will also be shut; and it is strictly enjoined that every species of public amusement, and other demonstrations of festivity at Easter, shall be suspended.

4th. A general mourning will be observed for twenty-one days.

5th. Prayers and a funeral service are to be offered up in all the churches.

(Signed) A. Mavrocordato.

George Praidis, Secretary.

Given at Missolonghi,

this 19th day of April, 1824.

manuscript writings, all of which, after an inventory had been made of them, were most scrupulously also put under seal, in order to be consigned to his executors. I sent off an express to Zante, with letters for
Lord Sidney Osborne, his relation and friend; and with orders for the messenger to proceed by way of Ancona to England. It was resolved that the body should be embalmed; and, after the suitable funeral honours had been performed, should be embarked for Zante—thence to be conveyed to England.

Accordingly the medical men opened the body and embalmed it; and having enclosed the heart and brain and intestines in separate vessels, they placed it in a chest lined with tin, as we had no means of procuring a leaden coffin capable of holding the spirits necessary for its preservation on the voyage. Dr. Bruno drew up an account of the ex-
amination of the body; and a Swiss physician,
Dr. Meyer, who was present, and had accidentally also seen Mad. de Stael after her death, mentioned to us that the formation of the brain in both these illustrious persons was extremely similar, but that Lord Byron had a much greater quantity*.

* I have before me Dr. Bruno’s report, of which I venture to give the following translation from the Westminster Review.

1. On opening the body of Lord Byron, the bones of the head were found extremely hard, exhibiting no appearance of suture, like the cranium of an octogenarian, so that the skull had the appearance of one uniform bone: there seemed to be no diploë, and the sinus frontalis was wanting,

2. The dura mater was so firmly attached to the internal parietes of the cranium, that the reiterated attempts of two strong men were insufficient to detach it, and the vessels of that membrane were completely injected with blood: it was united from point to point by membranous bridles to the pia mater.

3. Between the pia mater and the convolutions of the brain were found many globules of air, with exudation of lymph and numerous adhesions.


April 20.—At sunrise, on the morning after his death, seven-and-thirty minute

4. The great falx of the dura mater was firmly attached to both hemispheres by membranous bridles, and its vessels were tinged with blood.

5. On dividing the medullary substance of the brain, the exudation of blood from the minute vessels produced specks of a bright red colour. An extravasation of about two ounces of bloody serum was found beneath the frons varioli at the base of the hemispheres, and in the two superior or lateral ventricles a similar extravasation was discovered at the base of the cerebellum, and the usual effects of inflammation were discoverable throughout the cerebrum.

6. The medullary substance was in more than ordinary proportion to the corticle, and of the usual consistency. The cerebrum and the cerebellum, without the membranes, weighed 6 lbs. (“mediche”)

7. The channels or sulci of the blood-vessels on the internal surface of the cranium were more numerous than usual, but small.

8. The lungs were perfectly healthy, and of much more than ordinary volume (gigantiselle).

9. Between the pericardium and the heart there was about an ounce of lymph; and the heart itself was of greater size than usual, but its muscular substance was extremely flaccid.

guns were fired from the principal battery of the fortress; and one of the batteries of the corps under his orders also fired one gun every half hour for the succeeding four-and-twenty hours. We were soon ap-

10. The liver was much smaller than usual, as was also the gall-bladder, which contained air instead of bile. The intestines were of a deep bilious hue, and distended with air.

11. The kidneys were very large, but healthy, and the vesica relatively small.

And to the truth of this statement the undersigned have affixed their signatures.

Dr. Francesco Bruno, Domestic Physician

and Surgeon of the Hon. Lord Byron.

Julius Millingen, Staff-Surgeon to his

Lordship’s Corps.

Henry Treiber, M. D., and Surgeon-Major

of Brigade in the Artillery Corps.

Lucas Vaya, Physician and Surgeon of the

Suliote Corps.

Given the 26-14 of April,

in Missolonghi, 1824.

I acknowledge the truth and authenticity of the above signatures, and in confirmation thereof, &c.

prised that the Turks at Patras, hearing our cannon, and learning the cause, testified their satisfaction, and insulted over our sorrows by discharges of musketry: this tribute alone was wanting to the memory of the benefactor of Greece;—but the barbarians may have occasion to lament the loss of the friend of humanity, and the protector of the oppressed.

April 21.—For the remainder of this day and the next, a silence, like that of the grave, prevailed over the whole city. We intended to have performed the funeral ceremony on the twenty-first, but the continued rain prevented us. The next day (22d), however, we acquitted ourselves of that sad duty, as far as our humble means would permit*. In the midst of his own brigade,

* The following account of the funeral ceremony was inserted in the Greek Telegraph, No. 6.

La sua spoglia mortale fu portata dalla casa dove

of the troops of the government, and of the whole population, on the shoulders of the

giaceva alla chiesa di S. Nicola presso alle mura. La processione fù condotta, così, due fila di soldati della Guarnigione forse in numero di 1200 erano schierati lungo la via dalla casa del defunto fino alla Chiesa, portando le bocche dei fucili a terra. Precedeva il Vescovo con molti altri sacerdoti portando la Croce e salmeggiando.

Seguiva una compagnia d’Infanteria Regolare comandata dal Cap. Lypton appartenente alla brigata ausiliaria che il nobile Lord stava organizando, e di cui egli era Colonello comandante. Veniva apresso il Principe A. Mavrocordato, presidente del corpo legislativo, governatore generale della Grecia occidentale, &c. accompagnato del Conte Pietro Gamba luogotenente colonello nella brigata del nobile Lord. Seguiva il feretro portato da quattro ufficiali della stessa brigata, i Sig. Hesketh, cap. luog. ajutante di campo del nobile Lord, Winter luogotenente, Rosner, cap. luog., ajutante del corpo, Basili luogo Drogmano generale; Questi erano cambiati da quattro ufficiali generali Greci; i Sig. Alexaki Vlakkopulo, ministro della guerra, Nota Bozzari, Zonga, &c. Sul feretro erano dipinti gli stemmi del nobile Lord; le sue armi ed il suo elmo con una corona d’alloro giacevano sopra. Veniva dietro il suo Cavallo coperto a lutto, e apresso la sua ordinanza col resto della sua famiglia in lutto. Intorno al feretro e di dietro seguivano i medici con .tutti gli altri ufficiali civili e militari. Era chiuso il convoglio.funebre dalla compagnia irregolare del capitano Lambro Zerva, Suliotto, e degli altri capitani ag

officers of his corps, relieved occasionally by other Greeks, the most precious portion of his honoured remains were carried to the church, where lie the bodies of
Marco Bozzari and of General Normann. There we laid them down: the coffin was a rude, ill-constructed chest of wood; a black mantle served for a pall; and over it we placed a helmet and a sword, and a crown of laurel. But no funeral pomp could have left the impression, nor spoken the feelings, of this simple ceremony. The wretchedness and desolation of the place itself; the wild and half civilised warriors around us; their

giunti alia brigata. Arrivato alia Chiesa fù ricevuto solennemente dall’ Archivescovo d’Arta, Sig. Porfirio Furono cantate le sacre preci. Ad intervalli furono sparate salve d’artiglieria e di moschettaria—sei cannoni della brigata erano schierati nella piazza vicina sotto il comando del capitano Steltzberg, che salutarono il convoglio con 25 colpi di cannone.

La sacra funzione fu chiusa da un elogio funebre pronunziato del Signior Tricupi, che trasse abbondante la grime di roconocenza e di dolore di tutta l’udienza

deep-felt, unaffected grief; the fond recollections; the disappointed hopes; the anxieties and sad presentiments which might be read on every countenance—all contributed to form a scene more moving, more truly affecting, than perhaps was ever before witnessed round the grave of a great man.

When the funeral service was over, we left the bier in the middle of the church, where it remained until the evening of the next day, and was guarded by a detachment of his own brigade. The church was crowded without cessation by those who came to honour and to regret the benefactor of Greece. In the evening of the 23d, the bier was privately carried back by his officers to his own house. The coffin was not closed till the 29th of the month. Immediately after his death, his countenance had an air of calmness, mingled
with a severity, that seemed gradually to soften; for when I took a last look of him, the expression, at least to my eyes, was truly sublime.

April 24.—On this day answers arrived from Zante, and we learnt that just as our messenger reached that place with the fatal news, Dr. Thomas, and another of the first physicians of the island, were embarking for Missolonghi. Sir Frederick Stovin, the resident, had attended to all our wishes: he had forwarded the despatches for Corfu and England; and was providing several Ionian boats for the transport of the remains, and of Lord Byron’s household and effects, to Zante. The same or the next day also arrived Mr. Trelawny, the friend of Byron, and who had accompanied him from Genoa to Greece. He was at Salona when my first message respecting his Lord-
ship’s illness had reached
Colonel Stanhope. He set off immediately, hoping to arrive in time, but he was too late.

May 2.—We were some days occupied in the necessary preparations, and in waiting for the boats from the islands: at last they came; and on the morning of the 2d of May we embarked with the remains of our lamented friend, under a mournful salute from the guns of the fortress. How different from that which had welcomed the arrival of Byron only four months ago!

We were nearly three days on our passage, and it so happened that we were obliged, by contrary winds, to take that very course in our return in which we had risked such dangers on our voyage to Missolonghi; and we anchored one night near the same rocks where Lord Byron had sought shelter from the Turkish frigate.


May 4.—On the evening of the 4th of May we made the port of Zante, and heard that Lord Sidney Osborne had arrived, and not finding us in that island, had sailed for Missolonghi.

May 5.—On the next day we took up our quarters in the Lazaretto, and we found that, two days after the death of our friend, the brig Florida had arrived, having on board the first instalment of the loan, under charge of Captain Blaquiere, who was also the bearer of a commission from the Greek deputies in London and the contractors and managers of the loan, by which Lord Byron was appointed principal commissioner for the transfer and disposal of the monies so obtained.

Had Mr. Blaquiere found Lord Byron in life and health, what innumerable benefits would immediately have accrued to
Greece! With so much additional authority, and such an incalculable increase of his means, he would doubtless have realised many of those hopes, and accomplished those projects, which might have fixed the independence of Greece on solid foundations. The organisation, of which he had already formed a sort of nucleus, would have spread itself into all quarters of the confederacy, and have given energy and importance to the national government. A proper application of the new funds would have at once decided the fate of the fortresses of the Morea—of Lepanto, and probably of the Negroponte; and might have enabled the Greeks to assume the offensive not only by sea, but by land. The very appearance of the success which had crowned his efforts to obtain the all-important aid from England would, even of itself, have increased the confidence of the Greeks in their illustrious benefactor, and would have
operated with decided influence on the ensuing campaign.

As it was, the death of Lord Byron was the signal of general alarm*, and of no less

* Those who wish to form some conception of the effect produced on the foreign auxiliaries by the death of Lord Byron may consult the admirable and touching letters of Mr. Trelawny, published in Colonel Stanhope’s Account of Greece in 1823 and 1824. The details there given of Lord Byron’s last illness and death are not quite correct; but where Mr. Trelawny comes to speak of the general impression produced by that lamentable event, he describes, and pathetically describes, what is recognised for truth by all those who were witnesses of the melancholy scene. “I think,” says Mr. Trelawny, “Byron’s name was the great means of getting the loan. A Mr. Marshall, with £8000 per annum, was as far as Corfu, and turned back on hearing of Lord Byron’s death.” In another place he says, “His name was the means, chiefly, of raising the loan in England. Thou sands of people were flocking here: some had arrived as far as Corfu, and hearing of his death, confessed they came out to devote their fortunes not to the Greeks, or from interest in the cause, but to the noble poet; and the pilgrim of eternity having departed, they turned back.”

confusion; and had it not been for the exertions of
Mavrocordato, the worst consequences might have ensued, not only in western Greece, but in every part of the country. The arrival of the money, from which so much had been expected, had been made unavailable; for the other commissioners did not think themselves at liberty to act without their principal. A Candiote Greek, who, at Lord Byron’s recommendation, had nearly concluded a loan for 20,000 dollars at Zante, no sooner heard of his death than he found himself deprived of his credit, and was obliged to return. Nothing but the supineness of the enemy could have saved Greece from the most disastrous reverses. The Turks did make themselves masters of Ipsara, and would have gained much more important points, had not those merchants at Zante, with whom the first instalment of the loan had been deposited, magnanimously resolved to
run every risk in order to do their duty by the borrowers of those supplies. The happy events which followed that generous measure are a sufficient proof of the beneficial effects which would have been produced by the immediate application of the money on its arrival, under the control of that man, whose name and whose exertions had added to the lustre even of the cause of Greece!

A few days after our arrival at Zante Colonel Stanhope came from the Morea: he had already written to inform us that the Greek chieftains of Athens had expressed their desire that Lord Byron should be buried in the Temple of Theseus. The citizens of Missolonghi had made a similar request for their town; and we thought it advisable to accede to their wishes so far as to leave with them, for interment, one of the vessels containing a portion of the ho-
noured remains. As he had not himself expressed any wishes on the subject, we thought the most becoming course was to convey him to his native country. Accordingly, the ship that had brought us the specie was engaged for that purpose; Colonel Stanhope kindly took charge of her; and on the 25th of May, the Florida, having on board the remains of Lord Byron, set sail for England from the port of Zante.