Recollections of the Life of Lord Byron
Chapter II
RECOLLECTIONS
OF THE
LIFE OF LORD BYRON,
FROM THE YEAR
1808 TO THE END OF 1814;
EXHIBITING
HIS EARLY CHARACTER AND OPINIONS, DETAILING THE PROGRESS OF HIS
LITERARY CAREER, AND INCLUDING VARIOUS UNPUBLISHED
PASSAGES OF HIS WORKS.
TAKEN FROM AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS.
IN THE POSSESSION OF THE AUTHOR.
BY THE LATE
R. C. DALLAS, Esq.
TO WHICH IS PREFIXED
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CIRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO THE SUPPRESSION
OF LORD
BYRON’S CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE AUTHOR,
AND HIS LETTERS TO HIS MOTHER,
LATELY
ANNOUNCED FOR PUBLICATION.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR CHARLES KNIGHT, PALL-MALL-EAST.
MDCCCXXIV.
CHAPTER II.
PUBLICATION OF “ENGLISH BARDS AND
SCOTCH
REVIEWERS.”
The work which Lord Byron
thus put into my hands consisted of a number of loose printed sheets in quarto, and was
entitled The British Bards, A Satire. It contained the original
groundwork of his well-known poem, such as he
had written it at Newstead, where he had caused it to be printed at a country press; and
various corrections and annotations appeared upon the margin in his own hand. Some of these
are exceedingly curious, as tending to throw a light upon the workings of his mind at that
early period of his career. To the poem, as it then stood, he added a hundred and ten
lines in its first progress through the press; and made several
alterations, some upon my suggestion, and others upon his own. I wrote to him the following
letter, dated January 24, 1809, immediately upon reading it over:—
“I have read your Satire with infinite pleasure, and were you
sufficiently acquainted with my mind to be certain that it cannot stoop to
flattery, I would tell you that it rivals the Baviad and Mæviad; but, till my praise is of
that value, I will not be profuse of it.
I think in general with you of the literary merit of the
writers introduced. I am particularly pleased with your distinction in
Scott’s character; a man of genius
adopting subjects which men of genius will hardly read twice, if they can go
through them
once. But, in allowing Mr.
Scott to be a man of genius, and agreeing as you must, after the
compliments you have paid to
Campbell
and
M’Neil, that he is not the
only one Scotland has produced, it will be necessary to sacrifice, or modify,
your note relative to the introduction of the kilted goddess, who, after all,
in having to kiss such a son as you picture
Jeffrey, can be but a spurious germ of divinity.
As you have given me the flattering office of looking over
your poem with more than a common reader’s eye, I shall scrutinize, and
suggest any change I may think advantageous. And, in the first place, I propose
to you an alteration of the title. ‘The British
Bards’ immediately brings to the imagination those who were slain by the
first Edward. If you prefer it to the one I
am going to offer, at least let the definite article be left out. I would fain,
however, have you call the Satire, ‘The
Parish Poor of Parnassus;’ which will afford an
opportunity for a note of this nature:—‘Booksellers have been
called the midwives of literature; with how much more propriety may they now be
termed overseers of the poor of Parnassus, and keepers of the workhouse of that
desolated spot.’
I enclose a few other alterations of passages, straws on the
surface, which you would make yourself were you to correct the press.
I will also take the liberty of sending you some two dozen
lines, which, if they neither offend your ear nor your judgment, I wish you
would adopt, on account of the occasion which has prompted them*. I am
acquainted with * * *, and,
though not on terms of very close intimacy, I know him
* In his answer to this letter Lord Byron declined adopting these lines
because they were not his own, quoting at the same time what Lady Wortley Montague said to
Pope, “No
touching,—for the good will be given to you, and the bad
attributed to me.”
|
sufficiently to esteem him as a man. He has but a slender
income, out of which he manages to support two of his relations. His literary
standard is by no means contemptible, and his objects have invariably been good
ones. Now, for any author to step out of the common track of criticism to make
a victim of such a man by the means of a particular book, made up of unfair
ridicule and caricature, for the venal purpose of collecting a few guineas, is
not only unworthy of a scholar, but betrays the malignity of a demon. If you
think my lines feeble, let your own breast inspire your pen on the occasion,
and send me some.
I shall delay the printing as little as possible; but I have
some apprehension as to the readiness of my publishers to undertake the sale,
for they have a large portion of the work of the Poor of
Parnassus to dispose of. I will see them without delay,
and persuade them to it if I can; if not, I will employ
some other.
Southey is a great favourite
of theirs; and I must be ingenuous enough to tell you, that though I have ever
disapproved of the absurd attempt to alter, or rather destroy, the harmony of
our verse, and found
Joan of Arc and
Madoc tedious, I
think the power of imagination, though of the marvellous, displayed in
Thalaba,
‘Arabia’s monstrous, wild, and wondrous son.’
|
evinces genius.
I see your Muse has given a couplet to your noble relation;—I doubt whether it will not
be read as the two severest lines in the Satire, and so, what I could wish
avoided for the present, betray the author: which will render abortive a
thought that has entered my mind of having the Satire most favourably reviewed
in the Satirist, which, on its being known afterwards to be
yours, would raise a laugh against your enemies in that
quarter. Consider, and tell me, whether the lines shall stand. I agree that
there is only
one among the peers on whom Apollo deigns to smile; but, believe me, that
peer is no
relation of yours.
I am sorry you have not found a place among the genuine Sons
of Apollo for Crabbe, who, in spite of something bordering on servility in
his dedication, may surely rank with some you have admitted to his temple. And
now, before I lay down my pen, I will tell you the passage which gave me the
greatest pleasure—that on Little. I am no preacher, but it is very pleasing to read such a
confirmation of the opinion I had formed of you; to find you an advocate for
keeping a veil over the despotism of the senses. Such poems are far more
dangerous to society than Rochester’s. In your concluding line on Little, I would,
though
in a quotation, substitute,
line, or
lay, for life:
‘She bids thee mend thy line and sin
no more*.’ |
Pray answer as soon as you conveniently can, and believe me ever,”
&c. &c.
The couplet to which I referred as having been given by his Muse to his
noble relation, was one of panegyric upon Lord
Carlisle, at which I was not a little surprised, after what I had so lately
heard him say of that nobleman; but the fact is, that the lines were composed before he had
written to his Lordship, as mentioned at the end of the last chapter, and he had given me
the Satire before he had made any of his
meditated alterations. It is, however, curious that this couplet must have been composed in
the short interval between his printing the poem at Newstead and his arrival in town,
per-
* In the original the words were “mend thy
life.” He however adopted the word line.
|
haps under the same feelings which induced him to write to
Lord Carlisle, and at the same time. The lines do not appear in
the print, but are inserted afterwards in Lord
Byron’s hand-writing. They are these:— On one alone Apollo deigns to smile, |
Immediately upon receiving my letter he forwarded four lines to substitute for this
couplet. No future laurels deck a noble head; Nor e’en a hackney’d Muse will deign to smile |
He said that this alteration would answer the purposes of concealment; but it was
other feelings than the desire of concealment which induced him afterwards to alter the two
last lines into No more will cheer with renovating smile |
—and to indulge the malice of his Muse adding these— The puny school-boy, and his early lay, We pardon, if his follies pass away. Who, who forgives the senior’s ceaseless verse, Whose hairs grow hoary as his rhymes grow worse. What heterogeneous honours deck the peer, Lord, rhymester, petit-maitre, pamphleteer. So dull in youth, so drivelling in his age, His scenes alone might damn our sinking stage; But managers, for once, cried hold, enough! Nor drugged their audience with the tragic stuff. Yet at the {fiat | judgment | nausea*} let his lordship laugh, And case his volumes in congenial calf. Yes! doff that covering where morocco shines, “And hang a calf skin on those recreant” lines. |
This passage, together with the two notes which accompanied it in the publication of
the Poem, and in which Lord Byron endeavoured, as much as possible, to
envenom his ridicule, he sent to me, in
* I have here given the exact copy of the original manuscript
which is before me. |
the course of the printing, for insertion, as being necessary,
according to him, to complete the poetical character of Lord Carlisle.
Six lines upon the same subject, which he also sent me to be inserted, he afterwards
consented to relinquish at my earnest entreaty, which, however, was unavailing to procure
the sacrifice of any other lines relating to this point. Under present circumstances they
are become curious, and there can hardly be any objection to my inserting them here. They
were intended to follow the first four lines upon the subject, and the whole passage would
have stood thus— Lords too are bards, such things at times befall, And ’tis some praise in peers to write at all; Yet did not taste or reason sway the times, Ah, who would take their titles with their rhymes. In these, our times, with daily wonders big, A lettered peer is like a lettered pig; Both know their alphabet, but who, from thence, Infers that peers or pigs have manly sense, |
Still less that such should woo the graceful nine; Parnassus was not made for lords and swine. |
Besides the alteration of the panegyrical couplet upon Lord
Carlisle, he readily acquiesced in my suggestions of placing Crabbe amongst the genuine sons of Apollo, and sent me these lines: There be who say, in these enlightened days, That splendid lies are all the poet’s praise, That strained invention ever on the wing Alone impels the modern bard to sing. ’Tis true that all who rhyme, nay all who write, Shrink from the fatal word to genius—trite; Yet Truth sometimes will lend her noblest fires And decorate the verse herself inspires: This fact in Virtue’s name let Crabbe attest, Though Nature’s sternest painter, yet the best. |
As to the title of the Poem, Lord Byron agreed with me in
rejecting his own, but also rejected that I had proposed, and substituted the one with
which it was published, “English Bards and
Scotch Reviewers”
Upon taking the Satire to my publishers, Messrs. Longman and Co., they
declined publishing it in consequence of its asperity, a circumstance to which he
afterwards adverted in very strong language, making it the only condition with which he
accompanied his gift to me of the copyright of Childe Harolds Pilgrimage, that it should not be
published by that house. I then gave it to Mr.
Cawthorn, who undertook the publication.
In reading Lord Byron’s
Satire, and in tracing the progress of the
alterations which he made in it as it proceeded, it is impossible not to perceive that his
feelings rather than his judgment guided his pen; and sometimes he seems indifferent
whether it should convey praise or blame. The influence of his altered feelings towards his
noble relation has been already shown; and an instance likewise occurred where he, on the
contrary, substituted approbation for cen-
sure, though not of so
strong a nature as in the former case. Towards the end of the Poem, where he,
inconsiderately enough, compares the poetical talent of the two Universities, in the first
printed copy that he brought from Newstead the passage stood thus: Shall hoary Granta call her sable sons, Expert in science, more expert in puns? Shall these approach the Muse? ah, no! she flies And even spurns the great Seatonian prize: Though printers condescend the press to soil, Hoyle, whose learn’d page, if still upheld by whist, Required no sacred theme to bid us list.— Ye who in Granta’s honours would surpass, Must mount her Pegasus, a full-grown ass; A foal well worthy of her ancient dam, Whose Helicon is duller than her Cam. Yet hold—as when by Heaven’s supreme behest, If found, ten righteous had preserved the rest In Sodom’s fated town, for Granta’s name Let Hodgson’s genius plead, and
save her fame. But where fair Isis rolls her purer wave, The partial muse delighted loves to lave; |
On her green banks a greener wreath is wove, To crown the bards that haunt her classic grove, Where Richards wakes a genuine
poet’s fires, And modern Britons justly praise their sires. |
Previously, however, to giving the copy to me, he had altered the fifth line with his
pen, making the couplet to stand thus: Though printers condescend the press to soil, |
and then he had drawn his pen through the four lines, beginning Yet hold, as when by Heaven’s supreme behest, |
and had written the following in their place. Oh dark asylum of a Vandal race! At once the boast of learning and disgrace, So sunk in dulness and so lost in shame, |
I confess I was surprised to find the name of Smythe uncoupled from its press-soiling companion, to be so suddenly ranked
with that of Hodgson in such
high praise. When, however, the fifth edition, which was suppressed, was afterwards
preparing for publication, he again altered the two last lines to— Can make thee better, or poor Hewson’s worse. |
In another instance, his feeling towards me induced him carefully to cover over with a
paper eight lines, in which he had severely satirized a gentleman with whom he knew that I
was in habits of intimacy, and to erase a note which belonged to them.
It is not difficult to observe the working of Lord
Byron’s mind in another alteration which he made. In the part where he
speaks of Bowles, he makes a reference to Pope’s deformity of person. The passage was
originally printed in the country, thus.—
Bowles! in thy memory let this precept
dwell, Stick to thy sonnets, man! at least they’ll sell; Or take the only path that open lies For modern worthies who would hope to rise:— Fix on some well-known name, and bit by bit, Pare off the merits of his worth and wit; On each alike employ the critic’s knife, And where a comment fails prefix a life; Hint certain failings, faults before unknown, Revive forgotten lies, and add your own; Let no disease, let no misfortune ’scape, And print, if luckily deformed, his shape. Thus shall the world, quite undeceived at last, Cleave to their present wits, and quit the past; Bards once revered no more with favour view, But give these modern sonnetteers their due: Thus with the dead may living merit cope, Thus Bowles may triumph o’er the shade of Pope! |
He afterwards altered the whole of this passage except the two first lines, and in its
place appeared the following:— Bowles! in thy memory let this precept
dwell, Stick to thy sonnets, man! at least they sell. But if some new-born whim, or larger bribe, Prompt thy crude brain, and claim thee for a scribe; If chance some bard, though once by dunces feared, Now prone in dust can only be revered; |
If Pope, whose fame and genius from the
first Have foiled the best of critics, needs the worst, Do thou essay,—each fault, each failing scan; The first of poets was, alas! but man. Bake from each ancient dunghill every pearl, Let all the scandals of a former age Perch on thy pen and flutter o’er thy page; Affect a candour which thou cans’t not feel, Clothe envy in the garb of honest zeal, And do from hate, what Mallet did for
hire. Oh! hadst thou lived in that congenial time, Thronged with the rest around his living head, Not raised thy hoof against the lion dead, A meet reward had crowned thy glorious gains, And linked thee to the Dunciad for thy pains. |
I have very little doubt that the alteration of the whole of this passage was
occasioned by the reference to Pope’s personal deformity which
Lord Byron had made in it. It is well known that he himself had an
evident defect in one of his legs, which was shorter than the other, and ended in a club
foot. On this subject he generally appeared very susceptible, and
sometimes when he was first introduced to any one, he betrayed an uncomfortable
consciousness of his defect by an uneasy change of position; and yet at other times he
seemed quite devoid of any feeling of the kind, and once I remember that, in conversation,
he mentioned a similar lameness of another person of considerable talents, observing, that
people born lame are generally clever. This temporary cessation
of a very acute susceptibility, is a phenomenon of the human mind for which it is difficult
to account; unless perhaps it be that the thoughts are sometimes carried into a train,
where, though they cross these tender cords, the mind is so occupied as not to leave room
for the jealous feeling which they would otherwise excite. Thus, Lord
Byron, in the ardour of composition, had not time to admit the ideas, which,
in a less excited moment, would rapidly have risen in connexion with the thought of Pope’s deformity of person; and
the greater vanity of talent superseded the lesser vanity of person, and produced the same
effect of deadening his susceptibility in the conversation to which I allude.
In Lord Byron’s original Satire,
the first lines of his attack upon Jeffrey, were
these—
Who has not heard in this enlightened age, When all can criticise th’ historic age; Who has not heard in James’s bigot reign, Of Jefferies! monarch of the scourge and
chain? |
These he erased and began, Health to immortal Jeffrey! once, in
name, England could boast a judge almost the same! |
With this exception, and an omission about Mr.
Lambe towards the end, the whole passage was published as it was first
composed; indeed, as this seems to have been the inspiring object of the Satire, so these
lines were most fluently written, and re-quired least correction
afterwards. Respecting the propriety of the note which is placed at the end of this
passage, I had much discussion with Lord Byron. I was anxious that it
should not be inserted, and I find the reason of my anxiety stated in a letter written to
him after our conversation on the subject.—I here insert the letter, dated February
6, 1809:—
“I have received your lines*, which shall be inserted
in the proper place. May I say that I question whether
own and disown be an
allowable rhyme?
Translation’s servile work at length disown, And quit Achaia’s muse to court your own. |
You see I cannot let any thing pass; but this only proves to you how much
I feel interested.
* Those complimenting the translators of the Anthology.
|
I have inserted the note on the kilted goddess; still I
would fain have it omitted. My first objection was, that it was a fiction in
prose, too wide of fact, and not reconcileable with your own praises of
Caledonian genius. Another objection now occurs to me, of no little importance.
There seems at present a disposition in Scotland to withdraw support from the
Edinburgh Reviewers: that
disposition will favour the circulation of your Satire in the north: this note
of yours will damp all ardour for it beyond the Tweed. You have yet time; tell
me to suppress it when I next have the pleasure of seeing you, which will be
when I receive the first proof. I did hope to be able to bring the proof this
morning, but the printer could not prepare the paper, &c. for the press
till to-day. I am promised one by the day after to-morrow.
I trust you will approve of what I have done with the
bookseller. He is to be at
all the expense and risk, and to account for half the
profits*, for which he is to have one edition of a thousand copies. It would
not have answered to him to have printed only five hundred on these terms. I
have also promised him that he shall have the publishing of future editions, if
the author chooses to continue it; but I told him that I could not dispose of
the copyright.
I have no doubt of the Poem being read in every quarter of
the United Kingdom, provided, however, you do not
affront Caledonia.”
Lord Byron, in accordance with this letter, sent me a
choice of couplets to supersede the one to the rhyme of which I had objected,
Though sweet the sound, disdain a borrowed tone, Resign Achaia’s lyre, and strike your own; |
* The whole of the profits were left to the publisher without
purchase. |
or, Though soft the echo, scorn a borrow’d tone, Resign Achaia’s lyre, and strike your own. |
But he protested against giving up his note of notes, as he called it, his solitary
pun. I answered him as follows, in a letter dated February 7, 1809:—
“On another perusal of the objectionable note, I find
that the omission of two lines only would render it inoffensive—but, as
you please.
I observed to you that in the opening of the Poem there appears to be a sudden
stop with Dryden. I still feel the gap
there; and wish you would add a couple of lines for the purpose of connecting
the sense, saying that Otway and
Congreve had wove mimic scenes, and
Waller tuned his lyre to love. If
you do, “But why these names, &c.” would follow well—and
it
is perhaps the more requisite as you lash our present
Dramatists*.
Half Tweed combin’d his waves to form a tear, |
will perhaps strike you, on reconsidering the line, to want alteration.
You may make the river-god act without cutting him in two: you may make him
ruffle half his stream to yield a tear†.
‘Hoyle, whose
learned page, &c.’ The pronoun is an identification of the antecedent
Hoyle, which is not your meaning—say, Not he whose learned page, &c.
Earth’s chief dictatress, Ocean’s lonely
queen”— |
The primary and obvious sense of
lonely is
solitary, which does not preclude the idea
* He inserted the following couplet— For nature then an English audience felt. |
† The line was printed thus— Tweed ruffled half his waves to form a tear. |
|
of the ocean having other queens. You may have some
authority for the use of the word in the acceptation you here give it, but,
like the custom in Denmark, I should think it more honoured in the breach than
the observance.
Only offers its service; or why not
change the epithet altogether*?
I mention these little points to you now, because there is
time to do as you please. I hope to call on you to-morrow; if I do not, it will
be because I am disappointed of the proof.”
During the printing of the Satire, my intercourse with Lord Byron was
not only carried on personally, but also by constant notes which he sent me, as different
subjects arose in his mind, or different suggestions occurred. It was interesting to see
how much his thoughts were bent upon his
* He changed it to “mighty.” |
Poem, and how that one object gave a colour to all others that passed
before him at the time, from which in turn he drew forth subjects for his Satire. After
having been at the Opera one night, he wrote those couplets, beginning, Then let Ausonia, skill’d in every art, To soften manners, but corrupt the heart, &c. |
and he sent them to me early on the following morning, with a request to have them
inserted after the lines concerning Naldi and
Catalani: so also other parts of the Satire
arose out of other circumstances as they passed, and were written upon the spur of the
moment.
To the Poem, as I originally
received it, he added a hundred and ten lines, including those to Mr. Gifford, on the Opera, Kirke White, Crabbe, the Translators
of the Anthology, and Lord Carlisle; and most of the address to Mr. Scott towards the con-
clusion. He
once intended to prefix an Argument to the Satire, and wrote one. I have it, among many
other manuscripts of his; and, as it becomes a curiosity, I insert it.
ARGUMENT INTENDED FOR THE SATIRE.
The poet considereth times past and
their poesy—maketh a sudden transition to times present—is incensed
against book-makers—revileth W. Scott
for cupidity and ballad-mongering, with notable remarks on Master Southey—complaineth that
Master Southey hath inflicted three poems, epic and
otherwise, on the public—inveigheth against Wm. Wordsworth, but laudeth Mr.
Coleridge and his elegy on a young ass—is disposed
to vituperate Mr. Lewis—and
greatly rebuketh Thomas
Little (the late) and the Lord
Strangford—recommendeth Mr.
Hayley to turn his attention to prose—and exhorteth the
Moravians to glorify Mr.
Grahame—sympathizeth with the Rev.
Bowles—and deploreth the melancholy fate of Montgomery—breaketh out into invective
against the Edinburgh
Reviewers—calleth them hard names, harpies, and the
like—apostrophiseth Jeffrey and
prophesieth—Episode of Jeffrey and Moore, their jeopardy and deliverance;
portents on the morn of the combat; the Tweed, Tolbooth, Frith of Forth
severally shocked; descent of a goddess to save Jeffrey;
incorporation of the bullets
with his sinciput and
occiput—Edinburgh Reviews en masse—
Lord
Aberdeen,
Herbert,
Scott,
Hallam,
Pillans,
Lambe,
Sydney Smith,
Brougham, &c.—The
Lord Holland applauded for dinners and
translations—The Drama;
Skeffington,
Hook,
Reynolds,
Kenney,
Cherry, &c.—
Sheridan,
Colman, and
Cumberland called upon to
write—Return to poesy—scribblers of all sorts—Lords sometimes
rhyme; much better not—
Hafiz,
Rosa Matilda, and X. Y.
Z.—
Rogers,
Campbell,
Gifford, &c., true poets—Translators of the
Greek
Anthology—
Crabbe—
Darwin’s style—Cambridge—Seatonian
Prize—Smythe—
Hodgson—Oxford—
Richards—Poeta loquitur—Conclusion.
Anonymous,
“Dallas’s Recollections of Lord Byron” in Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 94 (November 1824)
Mr. DALLAS, the author of the
“Recollections,” has
soon followed the subject of his work to the “bourne whence no traveller
returns.” He was at the time of his death 70 years of age, and was personally
connected with the Noble Lord’s family, his sister
having married the father of the present Peer. These circumstances led, at one period of his
Lordship’s life, to a degree of intimacy; in the course of which Mr.
Dallas not only became one of his Correspondents, but was entrusted with the
duty of an Editor to several of his poems, and lastly was made the depositary of many of his
Lordship’s confidential letters to his mother and other persons. Whether those letters
were or were not intended by Lord Byron to see the light at
a future period, is a matter of some doubt. We confess we think they were; but his executors
have restrained their publication. A long “preliminary statement,” of 97 pages,
drawn up by the Rev. A. R. C. Dallas, son of the Author,
is occupied with the disputes between his father and the executors, who obtained an injunction
from the Court of Chancery against the publication of the Letters. We pass over this, and come
to the “Recollections.” . . .
Anonymous,
“Dallas’s Recollections of Lord Byron” in Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 94 (November 1824)
In our review of Capt.
Medwin’s book (p. 436), we have observed, that the publication of Childe Harold was
“the crisis of Lord Byron’s fate as a
man and a poet.” The present volume sets this truth in the strongest light;
but it adds a fact so extraordinary, that if it were not related so circumstantially, we
own we should hesitate to give it credence—this fact is, that Lord
Byron himself was insensible to the value of Childe Harold, and could with difficulty be brought to
consent to its publication! He had written a very indifferent paraphrase of Horace’s Art of Poetry, and was anxious to have it
published. . . .
Anonymous,
“Dallas’s Recollections of Lord Byron” in Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 94 (November 1824)
Childe Harold, with all its moral
faults, is beyond a doubt the great work of Lord Byron. No
one, after reading it, can deny him to be a Poet. Yet was this production the ruin of his
Lordship’s mind. “The rapidity of the sale of the Poem,” says Mr. Dallas, “its reception, and the elution of the
author’s feelings were unparalleled.” This elation of feeling was the
outbreaking of an inordinate vanity which had at last found its food, and which led him in the
riotous intoxication of his passions to break down all the fences of morality, and to trample
on everything that restrained his excesses. Mr. Dallas rendered him
essential service, by persuading him to omit some very blamable stanzas: and when he could not
prevail on him to strike out all that was irreligious, he entered a written Protest against certain passages. This protest, which is a very curious document, is
preserved in p. 124 of the volume before us. Probably Lord Byron grew
weary of such lecturing; for in a few years he dropped his intimacy with Mr.
Dallas, and fell into other hands, which only accelerated his degradation. . . .
Anonymous,
“Dallas’s Recollections of Lord Byron” in Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 94 (November 1824)
It certainly does appear that Mr. Dallas,
from the first to the last of his intimacy with Lord Byron,
did every thing that a friend, with the feelings of a parent, could do to win his Lordship to
the cause of virtue, but unhappily in vain. . . .
Anonymous,
“Dallas’s Recollections of Lord Byron” in Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 94 (November 1824)
The concluding chapter of this book is written by Mr. Dallas, jun. to whom his father on his death-bed confided the task of
closing these “Recollections.” This Gentleman’s
reflections on the decided and lamentable turn which the publication of Childe Harold gave to Lord Byron’s character, are forcible and just. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
Since
Orrery wrote his defamatory life of Swift, and since Mr.
Wyndham published Doddington’s diary, in order to expose the author of that strange record of venality, we are not
aware that the friends or family of any writer have deliberately set down to diminish his
fame and tarnish his character. Such, however, has been the case in the work before us. We
do not mean to say that such was the first object in view by the author or authors of this
volume. No; their first object was the laudable motive of putting money into their purses;
for it appears upon their own showing, that Mr. R. C. Dallas, having
made as much money as he could out of lord Byron in his life time,
resolved to pick up a decent livelihood (either in his own person or that of his son) out
of his friend’s remains when dead. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
But it appears that Mr. R. C. Dallas
could not wait for his money so long as was requisite, and that in the year 1819 he became
a little impatient to touch something in his life time: accordingly, in an evil hour, he
writes a long long letter to lord Byron, containing a debtor and
creditor account between R. C. Dallas and his lordship; by which, when
duly balanced, it appeared that said lord Byron was still considerably
in arrears of friendship and obligation to said R. C. Dallas, and
ought to acquit himself by a remittance of materials (such is
Mr. R. C. Dallas’s own word, in his own letter, as will be
seen by and by) to his creditor Mr. R. C.
Dallas. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
The death of lord Byron, of
course, seemed at once to promise this settlement: no sooner had he heard it, than he set
about copying the manuscripts; he wrote to Messrs.
Galignani at Paris, to know whether they would “enter into the speculation” of publishing some very interesting manuscripts
of lord Byron; he set off for London; he sold the volume to a London:
bookseller, and “he returned without loss of time to
France.” His worthy son has told us all this himself, at pages 94 and 96 of his
volume, and has actually printed the letter his father wrote to Messrs.
Galignani, to show, we suppose, how laudably alert Mr. R. C.
Dallas evinced himself to be on this interesting opportunity of securing his
lawful property. The booksellers, also, performed their part; they announced the “Private Correspondence” of lord Byron for
sale; and, as it also appears by this volume, were so active as to be prepared to bring
their goods to market before lord Byron’s funeral. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
They thought
differently of the publication of private letters; and Mrs. Leigh
desired Mr. Hobhouse one of the executors, to write
to Mr. R. C. Dallas to say, that she should think the publication, in
question “quite unpardonable,” at least for the present, and unless
after a previous inspection by his lordship’s family. Unfortunately for Mr.
Dallas, it appears, according to this volume, that Mr.
Hobhouse did not in this letter, state that he was lord
Byron’s executor; but merely appealed to Mr. R. C.
Dallas’s “honour and feeling,” wishing
probably to try that topic first; and thinking it more respectful to do so, than to
threaten the author with legal interference at once. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
Mr. Dallas was resolved upon getting his money, and wrote a very angry
letter, not to Mr. Hobhouse but to Mrs. Leigh
(which, his prudent son has also printed), containing menaces not unkilfully calculated to
intimidate that lady, especially considering that she must have been at that moment
peculiarly disposed to receive any unpleasant impressions—her brother’s corpse
lying yet unburied. For an author and seller of Remains the time was
not ill chosen—by a gentleman and a man, another moment, to say nothing of another
style, might perhaps have been selected. But no time was to be lost; the book must be out
on the 12th of July, and out it would have been had not the executors procured an
injunction against it on the 7th of the same month, and thus very seriously damaged, if not
ruined, Mr. R. C. Dallas’s “speculation.” . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
Ninety-seven
pages of the volume are taken up with a statement of the proceedings in Chancery, which
were so fatal to the “speculation.” In this statement, which is written by
Mr. Alexander Dallas, the son of Mr.
R. C. Dallas, who died before the volume could be published, it may easily
be supposed that all imaginable hard things are said of those who spoiled the speculation.
The executors, and lord Byron’s sister, are spoken of in terms
which, if noticed, would certainly very much increase those “expenses” of which the Rev. Alexander Dallas so
piteously complains; for we doubt if any jury would hesitate to return a verdict of libel
and slander against many passages which we could point out in the preliminary
statement. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
Lord Byron was taken into Scotland by his mother and
father, and Mrs. Leigh was left in England with her
grandmother, to whom her father had consigned her on condition that she should provide for
her. They were thus separated from 1789 until lord Byron came to
England; when thy met as often as possible, although it was not easy to bring them
together, as Mrs. Byron, the mother of
lord Byron, had quarrelled with lady
Holdernesse. For the intercourse which did take place, the brother and
sister were indebted to the kind offices of lord
Carlisle. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
That lord Byron might have dropt an
unguarded opinion as to relationship in general is possible, though such an error is
nothing in comparison with the atrocity of coolly recording that opinion as if it had been
an habitual sentiment, which we say it was not. We say that it is untrue that lord Byron declaimed against the ties of
consanguinity. It is untrue that he entirely withdrew from the
company of his sister during the period alluded to. It is untrue
that he “made advances” to a friendly intercourse with her only after the
publication of Childe Harold, and only at
the persuasion of Mr. R. C. Dallas. Mrs. Leigh corresponded with lord Byron at the very time
mentioned, and saw in lord Carlisle’s house in
the spring of 1809; after which he went abroad, and did not return until July 1811. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
We speak from the same authority, when we say that what is said of
lord Carlisle, though there was, as all the world
knows, a difference between his lordship and lord Byron,
is also at variance with the facts. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
Such was Mr. Alexander
Dallas’s letter to Mr.
Hobhouse; and that he should, after writing such a letter, make a statement
which he knew the production of that letter could positively contradict, is an instance of
confidence in the forbearance of others such as we never have happened before to witness.
We beg the reader to compare the words in italics from Mr.
Dallas’s statement with the words in capitals from Mr.
Dallas’s letter—and then to ask himself whether he thinks
lord Byron’s
reputation, or that of his relations and friends, has much to suffer or
fear from such a censor as the Reverend Alexander Dallas. In the
Statement, he tells the world that Mr. Hobhouse is mentioned in
lord Byron’s letters in the enumeration of his suite; and,
in a remark, that lord Byron was satisfied at being alone. In the
letter, he tells Mr. Hobhouse, that “he (Mr.
Hobhouse) is mentioned throughout the whole of the correspondence with great
affection.” . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
It answered the purpose of the editor to
deal in the strongest insinuations against Mr. Hobhouse; but,
unfortunately, his father had, in the course of his correspondence with lord
Byron, mentioned that gentleman in very different terms—what does
the honest editor do? he gives only the initial of the name, so that the eulogy, such
as it is, may serve for any Mr. H * *. Mr. R. C.
Dallas’s words are, “I gave Murray your note on M * *, to be placed in the page with Wingfield. He must have been a very extraordinary
young man, and I am sincerely sorry for H * *, for whom I have felt an
increased regard ever since I heard of his intimacy with my son at Cadiz, and that they
were mutually pleased” [p. 165]. The H * * stands for
Hobhouse, and the M * * whom R. C. Dallas
characterises here, “as an extraordinary young man,” becomes, in the hands
of his honest son, “an unhappy Atheist” [p. 325], whose name he mentions,
in another place, at full length, and characterises him in such a way as must give the
greatest pain to the surviving relations and friends of the deceased. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
We now come to the reverend gentleman’s father, and as the death of
lord Byron did not prevent that person from writing
what we know to be unfounded of his lordship, we shall not refrain, because he also is
dead, from saying what we know to be founded of Mr. R. C.
Dallas. In performing this task we are, most luckily, furnished with a list
of Mr. Dallas’s pretensions, by Mr. Dallas
himself, in the shape of a letter written by that person to lord Byron
in 1819, of which the Reverend Alexander Dallas has
thought fit to publish a considerable portion. To this letter, or list of Mr. R.
C. Dallas’s brilliant virtues, and benefits conferred upon
lord Byron, we shall oppose an answer from a person, whom neither
Mr. R. C. Dallas nor his reverend son had ever dreamt could appear
against them again in this world—that person is lord Byron
himself. For it so happens, that although his lordship did not reply to the said letter by
writing to the author, yet he did transmit that epistle, with sundry notes of his own upon
it, to one of his correspondents in England. The letter itself, with lord
Byron’s notes, is now lying before us, and we shall proceed at once to
cite the passages which lord Byron has commented upon, all of which,
with one exception, to he noticed hereafter, have before been given to the public. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
Across these passages, opposite the words “saving you from
perpetuating the enmity,” lord Byron has put
“the Devil you did?” and over the
words “rapid retrograde motion” lord Byron has
written “when did this happen? and how?”
. . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
We have now to mention that, Mr. R. C.
Dallas after the words which conclude his letter, as given by his son,
namely, these words: “but my present anxiety is, to see you restored to your
station in this world, after trials that should induce you to look seriously into
futurity.”—after these words, we find in the original letter the
following— . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
The upshot of this letter appears to be, to obtain my sanction to
the publication of a volume about
Mr. Dallas and
myself, which I shall not allow. The letter has remained and will remain
unanswered. I never injured Mr. R. C. Dallas, but did him all
the good I could, and I am quite unconscious and ignorant of what he means by
reproaching me with ungenerous treatment; the facts will speak for themselves to
those who know them—the proof is easy. . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
These persons, whose work, or rather, whose conduct we are reviewing, have tried all the
common topics by which they think they may enlist the sympathy of their readers in their
favour, to the prejudice of their illustrious benefactor. They have bandied about the
clap-trap terms of atheism, scepticism, irreligion, immorality, &c. but the good sense,
nay more, the generosity, the humanity, and the true Christian spirit of their
fellow-countrymen, will reject such an unworthy fellowship. They may weep over the failings
of Byron; but they will cast from them, with scorn and reprobation,
detractors, whose censure bears on the face of it, the unquestionable marks of envy,
malice, and. all uncharitableness. Can anything be more unpardonable, anything more unfair,
for instance, than for the editor of this volume (the clergyman) to take for granted, that
the Conversations of Medwin are authentic, though he himself has given an
example of two gross mis-statements in them, which would alone throw a doubt over their
authenticity; and upon that supposition to charge lord Byron with being sunk to the lowest
depths of degradation? What are we to say to this person who, at the same time that he
assumes the general truth of the Conversations, makes an
exception against that part of them, which represents lord
Byron’s dislike of the anti-religious opinions of Mr. Shelley? . . .
[John Cam Hobhouse],
“[Review of Dallas and Medwin on Byron]” in Westminster Review
Vol. 3 (January 1825)
If the author of “Aubrey” had but read, or had not forgotten lord
Byron’s preface to the second edition of English Bards and Scotch Reviewers, he would have spared us
all this fine writing, for that preface explains that “phenomenon of the human mind, for which it is difficult to
account,” and which this poor writer has accounted for so
profoundly. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 17
No. 97 (February 1825)
The story of his having said to his mother, when he and Mr
Hobhouse parted company on their travels, that he “was glad to be
alone,” amounts to nothing; for who is he, and above all, who is the poet, who does
not often feel the departure of his dearest friend as a temporary relief? The man
that was composing Childe Harold had other
things to entertain him than the conversation of any companion, however pleasant; and we
believe there are few pleasanter companions anywhere than Mr Hobhouse.
This story, however, has been magnified into a mighty matter by Mr Dallas, whose name has recently been rather wearisomely connected with
Lord Byron’s. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 17
No. 97 (February 1825)
Old Mr Dallas appears to have been an
inveterate twaddler, and there are even worse things than twaddling alleged against him by
Mr Hobhouse, in the article we have been quoting.
The worst of these, however, his misstatement as to the amount of his pecuniary obligations to
Lord Byron, may perhaps be accounted for in a way much
more charitable than has found favour with Mr Hobhouse; and as to the son,
(Mr Alexander Dallas,) we assuredly think he has
done nothing, but what he supposed his filial duty bound him to, in the whole matter. Angry
people will take sneering and perverted views of the subject matter of dispute, without
subjecting themselves in the eyes of the disinterested world, to charges so heavy either as
Mr Hobhouse has thought fit to bring against Mr A.
Dallas, or as Mr A. Dallas has thought fit to bring against
Mr Hobhouse. As for the song of which so much has been said, what is it, after all, but a mere
joke— . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 17
No. 97 (February 1825)
Dallas’s book,
utterly feeble and drivelling as it is, contains certainly some very interesting
particulars as to his feelings when he was a very young author. The whole getting up of the
two first cantos of Childe Harold—the
diffidence—the fears —the hopes that alternately depressed and elevated his
spirits while the volume was printing, are exhibited, so as to form a picture that all
students of literature, at least, will never cease to prize. All the rest of the work is
more about old Dallas than young Byron, and is
utter trash. . . .
Leigh Hunt,
Lord Byron and Some of his Contemporaries (London: Henry Colburn, 1828)
The only publications that contained any thing at once new and true
respecting Lord Byron were, Dallas’s Recollections, the Conversations by
Captain Medwin, and Parry’s and Gamba’s Accounts of his Last Days. A good deal of the real
character of his Lordship, though not always as the writer viewed it, may be gathered from
most of them; particularly the first two. . . .
Leigh Hunt,
Lord Byron and Some of his Contemporaries (London: Henry Colburn, 1828)
Dallas, who was a sort of lay-priest, errs from
being half-witted. He must have tired Lord Byron to death with blind
beggings of the question, and solemn mistakes. The wild poet ran against him, and scattered
his faculties. To the last he does not seem to have made up his mind, whether his Lordship
was Christian or Atheist. I can settle at least a part of that dilemma. Christian he
certainly was not. He neither wrote nor talked, as any Christian, in the ordinary sense of
the word, would have done: and as to the rest, the strength of his belief probably varied
according to his humour, and was at all times as undecided and uneasy, as the lights
hitherto obtained by mere reason were calculated to render it. . . .
Leigh Hunt,
Lord Byron and Some of his Contemporaries (London: Henry Colburn, 1828)
Now, the passage here quoted was quoted by myself, one of those
“atheists and scoffers,” according to Mr.
Dallas, by whom “he was led into defiance of the sacred
writings.” . . .
Pietro Gamba,
A Narrative of Lord Byron’s Last Journey to Greece (London: John Murray, 1825)
Again, in order to prove the difficulty of living with Lord Byron, it is said, that “When Mr. Hobhouse and he travelled in Greece together, they
were generally a mile asunder.” I have the best authority for saying, that
this is not the fact: that two young men, who were continually together and slept in the
same room for many months, should not always have ridden side by side on their journey is
very likely; but when Lord Byron and Mr. Hobhouse
travelled in Greece, it would have been as little safe as comfortable to be
“generally a mile asunder;” and the truth is, they were generally
very near each other. . . .
William Lisle Bowles (1762-1850)
English poet and critic; author of
Fourteen Sonnets, elegiac and
descriptive, written during a Tour (1789), editor of the
Works
of Alexander Pope, 10 vols (1806), and writer of pamphlets contributing to the
subsequent Pope controversy.
Henry Peter Brougham, first baron Brougham and Vaux (1778-1868)
Educated at Edinburgh University, he was a founder of the
Edinburgh
Review in which he chastised Byron's
Hours of Idleness; he
defended Queen Caroline in her trial for adultery (1820), established the London University
(1828), and was appointed lord chancellor (1830).
Thomas Campbell (1777-1844)
Scottish poet and man of letters; author of
The Pleasures of Hope
(1799),
Gertrude of Wyoming (1808) and lyric odes. He edited the
New Monthly Magazine (1821-30).
Angelica Catalani (1780-1849)
Italian soprano who in 1806 made her London debut at the King’s Theatre.
James Cawthorne (1832 fl.)
London bookseller who published Byron's
English Bards and Scotch
Reviewers (1809); he had a shop at 132 Strand from 1810-32.
Andrew Cherry (1762-1812)
Irish actor and playwright who performed in Dublin and English provincial theaters; he
was author of
The Soldier's Daughter (1804).
Hewson Clarke (1787-1845 fl.)
The Cambridge-educated son of a barber, the editor of
The Scourge
(1811-12) and contributor to
The Satirist (1807-14) was an early
mocker of Lord Byron; later in life he published a continuation of Hume's
History of England, 2 vols (1832).
Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772-1834)
English poet and philosopher who projected
Lyrical Ballads (1798)
with William Wordsworth; author of
Biographia Literaria (1817),
On the Constitution of the Church and State (1829) and other
works.
George Colman the younger (1762-1836)
English poet, playwright and censor of plays; manager of the Haymarket Theater
(1789-1813); author of
The Iron Chest (1796) taken from Godwin's
novel
Caleb Williams.
William Congreve (1670-1729)
English comic dramatist; author of, among others,
The Double
Dealer (1694),
Love for Love (1695), and
The Way of the World (1700).
George Crabbe (1754-1832)
English poet renowned for his couplet verse and gloomy depictions of country persons and
places; author of the
The Village (1783),
The
Parish Register (1807),
The Borough (1810), and
Tales of the Hall (1819).
Richard Cumberland (1732-1811)
English playwright and man of letters caricatured by Sheridan as “Sir Fretful Plagiary.”
Memoirs of Richard Cumberland, written by himself was published
in two volumes (1806-07).
Edmund Curll (1675-1747)
London bookseller of unsavory reputation who engaged in a lifelong pamphlet war with
Alexander Pope.
Charlotte Dacre [née King] [Rosa Matilda] (1782 c.-1825)
English poetess, daughter of the radical writer John King; she published in the
Morning Post and
Morning Herald under the
name “Rosa Matilda.” In 1815 she married Nicholas Byrne, owner and editor of the
Morning Post.
Erasmus Darwin (1731-1802)
English physician and philosophical poet, the author of
The Loves of
the Plants (1789); his interests in botany and evolution anticipated those of his
more famous grandson.
John Dennis (1658-1734)
English playwright and critic who feuded with Alexander Pope; he was author of
The Advancement and Reformation of Modern Poetry (1701).
John Dryden (1631-1700)
English poet laureate, dramatist, and critic; author of
Of Dramatick
Poesie (1667),
Absalom and Achitophel (1681),
Alexander's Feast; or the Power of Musique (1697),
The Works of Virgil translated into English Verse (1697), and
Fables (1700).
Henry Richard Fox, third baron Holland (1773-1840)
Whig politician and literary patron; Holland House was for many years the meeting place
for reform-minded politicians and writers. He also published translations from the Spanish
and Italian;
Memoirs of the Whig Party was published in 1852.
William Gifford (1756-1826)
Poet, scholar, and editor who began as a shoemaker's apprentice; after Oxford he
published
The Baviad (1794),
The Maeviad
(1795), and
The Satires of Juvenal translated (1802) before becoming
the founding editor of the
Quarterly Review (1809-24).
George Hamilton- Gordon, fourth earl of Aberdeen (1784-1860)
Harrow-educated Scottish philhellene who founded the Athenian Society and was elected to
the Society of Dilettanti (1805); he was foreign secretary (1841-1846) and prime minister
(1852-55).
James Grahame (1765-1811)
Scottish poet; author of the oft-reprinted blank-verse poem,
The
Sabbath (1804). He corresponded with Annabella Milbanke.
Henry Hallam (1777-1859)
English historian and contributor to the
Edinburgh Review, author
of
Introduction to the Literature of Europe, 4 vols (1837-39) and
other works. He was the father of Tennyson's Arthur Hallam.
William Hayley (1745-1820)
English poet, patron of George Romney, William Cowper, and William Blake. His best-known
poem,
Triumphs of Temper (1781) was several times reprinted. Robert
Southey said of him, “everything about that man is good except his poetry.”
Hon. William Herbert (1778-1847)
English poet, naturalist, MP, and clergyman; he was the son of Henry Herbert, first earl
of Carnarvon and the author of
Select Icelandic Poetry, translated from
the Originals (1804, 1806).
Charles James Hoare (1781-1865)
English clergyman and friend of Hannah More and T. B. Macaulay; he was author of a
Seatonian Prize poem,
The Shipwreck of St. Paul (1808).
Francis Hodgson (1781-1852)
Provost of Eton College, translator of Juvenal (1807) and close friend of Byron. He wrote
for the
Monthly and
Critical Reviews, and was
author of (among other volumes of poetry)
Childe Harold's Monitor; or
Lines occasioned by the last Canto of Childe Harold (1818).
Theodore Edward Hook (1788-1841)
English novelist, wit, and friend of the Prince of Wales; he edited the
John Bull (1820) and appears as the Lucian Gay of Disraeli's
Conigsby and as Mr. Wagg in
Vanity Fair.
Charles Hoyle (1772 c.-1848)
College Librarian at Trinity College, Cambridge during Byron's tenure there; author of
Exodus; an Epic Poem (1807) and other works.
Frederick Howard, fifth earl of Carlisle (1748-1825)
The Earl of Carlisle was appointed Lord Byron's guardian in 1799; they did not get along.
He published a volume of
Poems (1773) that included a translation
from Dante.
Francis Jeffrey, Lord Jeffrey (1773-1850)
Scottish barrister, Whig MP, and co-founder and editor of the
Edinburgh
Review (1802-29). As a reviewer he was the implacable foe of the Lake School of
poetry.
George Jeffreys, first baron Jeffreys (1645-1689)
Known as the “hanging judge,” he was chief justice of king's bench (1683-1685) in which
capacity he presided over the trial of Algernon Sidney and the Rye House plotters; he died
in the Tower of London.
James Kenney (1780-1849)
Irish playwright, author of
The World (1808); he was a friend of
Lamb, Hunt, Moore, and Rogers.
William Lamb, second viscount Melbourne (1779-1848)
English statesman, the son of Lady Melbourne (possibly by the third earl of Egremont) and
husband of Lady Caroline Lamb; he was a Whig MP, prime minister (1834-41), and counsellor
to Queen Victoria.
Hector Macneill (1746-1818)
Scottish poet and West Indian merchant; author of
Scotland's Skaith,
or, The History of Will and Jean (1795) and other popular ballads and
lyrics.
David Mallet (1702 c.-1765)
Anglo-Scottish poet, playwright, and place-man, friend of James Thomson, author of the
ballad “William and Margaret.”
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu [née Pierrepont] (1689-1762)
English poet and epistolary writer, daughter of the first duke of Kingston; she quarreled
with Alexander Pope and after living in Constantinople (1716-18) introduced inoculation to
Britain.
James Montgomery (1771-1854)
English poet and editor of the
Sheffield Iris (1795-1825); author
of
The Wanderer of Switzerland (1806) and
The
World before the Flood (1813).
Thomas Moore (1779-1852)
Irish poet and biographer, author of the
Irish Melodies (1807-34),
The Fudge Family in Paris (1818), and
Lalla
Rookh (1817); he was Byron's close friend and designated biographer.
Giuseppe Naldi (1770-1820)
Italian bass who performed for twelve seasons in London.
Thomas Otway (1652-1685)
English tragic poet; author of
The Orphan (1680) and
Venice Preserved (1682).
James Pillans (1778-1864)
Edinburgh Reviewer and rector of Edinburgh High School, afterwards professor of Latin at
Edinburgh University. He earned Byron's enmity for his review of Francis Hodgson's
Juvenal.
Alexander Pope (1688-1744)
English poet and satirist; author of
The Rape of the Lock (1714)
and
The Dunciad (1728).
Samuel Jackson Pratt [Courtney Melmoth] (1749-1814)
English miscellaneous writer who abandoned a clerical career to become an actor and
voluminous writer of sentimental literature; regarded as a charlatan by many who knew him,
Pratt acquired a degree of respectability in his latter years. He patronized the poetical
shoemaker-poet Joseph Blacket.
James Ralph (1705 c.-1762)
Whig poet and journalist born in Philadelphia; as the author of the blank-verse
Night (1728) he was ridiculed by Alexander Pope in
The Dunciad.
Frederick Reynolds (1764-1841)
The author of nearly a hundred plays, among them
The Dramatist
(1789) and
The Caravan; or the Driver and his Dog (1803). He was a
friend of Charles Lamb.
George Richards (1767-1837)
English poet and clergyman who gained much attention with his Oxford prize-poem
The Aboriginal Britons (1791).
Samuel Rogers (1763-1855)
English poet, banker, and aesthete, author of the ever-popular
Pleasures of Memory (1792),
Columbus (1810),
Jaqueline (1814), and
Italy (1822-28).
Henry St. John, first viscount Bolingbroke (1678-1751)
English politician and writer, friend of Alexander Pope; author of
The
Idea of a Patriot King (written 1738), and
Letters on the Study
and Use of History (1752).
Richard Brinsley Sheridan (1751-1816)
Anglo-Irish playwright, author of
The School for Scandal (1777),
Whig MP and ally of Charles James Fox (1780-1812).
Sydney Smith (1771-1845)
Clergyman, wit, and one of the original projectors of the
Edinburgh
Review; afterwards lecturer in London and one of the Holland House
denizens.
William Smyth (1765-1849)
The son of a Liverpool banker, he was educated at Eton and Peterhouse, Cambridge, and was
Professor of Modern History at Cambridge (1807). He published of
English
Lyricks (1797) and
Lectures on Modern History
(1840).
Robert Southey (1774-1843)
Poet laureate and man of letters whose contemporary reputation depended upon his prose
works, among them the
Life of Nelson, 2 vols (1813),
History of the Peninsular War, 3 vols (1823-32) and
The Doctor, 7 vols (1834-47).
Thomas Stott [Hafiz] (1755-1829)
Irish poet and friend of Thomas Percy, prolific contributor of patriotic verse to the
periodicals; author of
The Songs of Deardra, and other Pieces
(1825).
Edmund Waller (1606-1687)
Poet and politician remembered for the deviousness of his politics, the wealth of his
estate, and the smoothness of his verse. His lyrics addressed to Sacharissa were much
admired.
Henry Kirke White (1785-1806)
Originally a stocking-weaver; trained for the law at Cambridge where he was a
contemporary of Byron; after his early death his poetical
Remains
were edited by Robert Southey (2 vols, 1807) with a biography that made the poet
famous.
William Wordsworth (1770-1850)
With Coleridge, author of
Lyrical Ballads (1798), Wordsworth
survived his early unpopularity to succeed Robert Southey as poet laureate in 1843.
The Satirist, or, Monthly Meteor. (1807-1814). Originally issued with colored plates, the Tory-inspired
Satirist
was edited by George Manners (1778–1853) from October 1807 to June 1812, and William Jerdan
(1782–1869) from July 1812 to August 1814; it was continued as
Tripod,
or, New Satirist (July-Aug. 1814). The humor was coarse, and Byron the target in a
series of pieces by Hewson Clarke (1787-1845 fl.).
Alexander Pope (1688-1744)
The Dunciad. (London: A. Dodd, 1728). Pope's mock-heroic satire on the abuse of literature unfolded over time, appearing as
The Dunciad: an Heroic Poem in Three Books (1728),
The Dunciad Variorum (1729),
The New Dunciad (1742), and
The Dunciad in Four Books (1743). The original hero, Lewis
Theobald, was replaced by Colley Cibber in 1743.
Robert Southey (1774-1843)
Madoc. (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1805). A verse romance relating the legendary adventures of a Welsh prince in Wales and
pre-Columbian America.