Memoirs of the Rev. Samuel Parr
Ch XV. 1820-1821
CHAPTER XV.
A.D. 1820—1821.
Story of Queen Caroline—Dr.
Parr’s introduction to her, when Princess of Wales—Her travels
abroad—Her reputation assailed by calumnious reports—Their effect on the public mind in
England—Dr. Parr’s protest against the exclusion of her name
from the Liturgy—Affair of St. Omer—The Queen’s arrival in London—Her cause espoused
by the nation—Dr. Parr admitted to her presence and councils—Her
answers to the addresses of the people—Her trial—and acquittal—Dr.
Parr’s estimate of her character—Mr.
Canning’s testimony in her favour—Her sufferings—and
death—Dr. Parr’s reflections on the outrages at her funeral.
The year 1820 unfolds a dark and distressing page in English
history; from which every reader, who honours his king, and loves his country, would gladly
turn away, with an ardent wish that it could be blotted out, as a tale of falsehood or
fiction, for ever. This is the amazing and melancholy story of Queen Caroline, wife of George IV., of
whom posterity will be astonished to read in British annals that, though a sovereign
princess, and the royal consort of England, she was brought to public trial, by the demand,
not of the people, but of the court; and that on the charge, not of a state crime, but of a
civil or moral offence, which, if committed at all, was committed under circumstances,
usually regarded as exculpatory, in the courts of English judicature. More astonished still
will posterity be, as they read on, to learn that even this
charge, on the very first touch of examination, crumbled into dust; and proved, indeed, to
be the mere fabrication of a deep and dreadful conspiracy, aiming at nothing less than to
deprive an innocent female of her fair fame, and a queen of her rightful crown and dignity.
But most of all astonished, and no less indignant, will future ages be, to find, in
pursuing farther the mournful tale, that though her Majesty’s reputation survived the
rude shock which had assailed it, and even rose triumphant from the attempt to degrade and
destroy it; and that though her royal dignity was, in consequence of the imperious decree
of public opinion, acknowledged; yet that all its due splendour, and almost all its just
rights, were, with studied purpose, denied or withheld. Nor, without sympathetic concern
and grief, largely intermingled with amazement and indignation, will men of future
times—following the melancholy story to its sequel—review the hard fate of an English
queen, convicted of no crime, yet forsaken by almost all of royal and noble rank in the
country; and left exposed to perpetual mortification and insult, from the whole tribe of
court-dependants and venal writers—treatment which so preyed upon her spirits, so shook and
agitated her frame, as to lay the foundation of a painful disorder, terminating in
premature death.
Early in 1814, it is well known, her late Majesty was induced, by no good
advice, to leave the kingdom, with the intention of passing a few years abroad. It was some
time before that period, that Dr. Parr had the honour
of being first introduced to
her Royal Highness, then Princess of
Wales, whose reception of him he always described as most gracious and gratifying. Several
times he visited her at Blackheath; once or twice he accompanied her to the theatre; and
once he was in the train of her attendants at the exhibition of pictures at the Royal
Academy, Somerset-house.
Her Majesty continued abroad six years; during which time, she travelled
through many of the principal countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa; but fixed her
residence chiefly at the palace D’Este, on the lake Como, near Milan. It was here,
most of all, that she was surrounded with spies, and beset with snares; that every step of
her conduct was watched; and, not only little unfavourable appearances, but even the most
innocent or meritorious actions, were converted into causes of suspicion, or grounds of
accusation. Tales of scandal, imputing the lowest profligacy, were framed and propagated,it
was said, by hired agents; and the grossest falsehoods, from frequency of repetition, and
boldness of assertion, acquired at length the credit and the confidence of truth. With
these tales, every Englishman visiting Italy was sure, at almost every turn, to be met.
They were perpetually rung in his ears; in many cases he had not the means, or had,
perhaps, no adequate motive to inquire into their truth or falsehood; and, thus deceived
himself, he returned home, full-charged with such reports, as, if well-founded, would prove
the Queen of England to have been one of the vilest and most abandoned of her sex. Such
reports, repeated by a thousand
tongues, could not fail to produce
the effect intended, by exciting a general suspicion, and even a prevailing belief, of
guilty conduct, especially in the higher circles, among whom chiefly they were circulated.
On the death of the late King the royal wanderer prepared to return to
England, to assume the high dignity, which now devolved upon her. The writer well remembers
a conversation, which passed between Dr. Parr and
some of his friends, in the library at Hatton, on the credibility of the many reports,
derogatory to her honour, which were, at that moment, put into more active circulation than
ever. With all his favourable prepossessions, he said, he could not help feeling the most
painful apprehensions that so many reports must have their foundation, in some gross
impropriety, if not criminality, of conduct. Still, however, he strenuously maintained,
even in that case, that a public investigation, with a view to degradation and dethronement
would be a measure, equally unwise and unconstitutional. “What!” said
he, “are we going to set up the new and unheard-of principle, that private
misconduct disqualifies for royal dignity?—Why, upon that principle, we should dethrone
more than half the princes that ever reigned.” He loved the British monarchy
far too well, he said, not to dread the effect on the public mind, of tearing down the veil
which it is often prudent to draw around the private life of princes; and throwing open to
the full gaze, the follies and the vices to which they, more than other persons, are ever
exposed. He would admit no
distinction in the case of a profligate
king or queen: and when urged with the often-alleged impropriety of allowing one of
blasted, or even suspected character, to preside at the head of female society in moral
Britain, he insisted that the worst which could happen in such a case would be, that a
queen or a princess, finding her drawing-room deserted, and herself despised, would soon
seek a refuge, either in retirement at home, or concealment abroad.
Impressed with these views, and, at the same time, by no means disposed to
confound the distinction between a suspicion and a proof of guilt; when the order of
council, dated Feb. 12, 1820, was issued, for the exclusion of the Queen’s name from
the liturgy, Dr. Parr instantly, and strongly, and
publicly expressed his disapprobation of it. He considered it as a measure at once unwise,
unjust, and, after a careful consideration of the statute, illegal: and his solemn protest
against it, of which the following is a copy, he has left recorded in the parish Prayer
Book of Hatton:—
“Numerous and weighty are the reasons which induce me deliberately
and solemnly to record in the Prayer Book of my parish the particulars which follow. With
deep and unfeigned sorrow, I have read a London Gazette,
dated Feb. 12, 1820, ordering the exclusion of the Queen’s name from the liturgy. It
is my duty as a subject and an ecclesiastic, to read what is prescribed for me, by my
sovereign, as head of the Church of England. But it is not my duty to express approbation,
as well as to yield obedience, when my feelings as a man,
and my
principles as a Christian, compel me to disapprove and to deplore. If the person who, for
many years, was prayed for, as Princess of Wales, has not ceased to be the wife of the
royal personage, who was Prince of Wales, most assuredly she becomes Queen when he becomes
King: and Queen she must remain, till by some judicial process her conjugal relation to her
legitimate sovereign be authoritatively dissolved. Whensoever, therefore, I shall pray for
all the royal family, I shall include Queen Caroline,
as a member of it. Though forbidden to pronounce her royal name, I shall, in the secret and
sacred recesses of my soul, recommend her to the protection of the Deity. I shall pray that
God may endue her with his holy spirit, enrich her with his heavenly grace, prosper her
with all happiness, and bring her to his everlasting kingdom, through Jesus Christ our
Lord.—Thursday, Feb. 17, 1820, Samuel Parr,
LL.D. resident minister of Hatton for thirty-four years and eleven months.”
In another memorandum, on the same subject, inserted in the same
prayer-book, are the following words:—
“I have long been convinced, from the statute, that the
omission of the Queen’s name was illegal. By a strange oversight, the
privy-council did not extend their regulation to what is called the bidding
prayer. Not having received any order to omit the name of Queen Caroline in that prayer, I have
introduced it, and shall continue to introduce it, before the
sermon.—S. Parr.”
Early in the month of June following, it was
with an
astonishment which he shared, in common with the whole country, that Dr. Parr received intelligence of the extraordinary scene,
which had passed at St. Omer. There, it is well known, her Majesty, then on her way home,
was met by an offer from government of £50,000 a year for life, with an amnesty for past
imputed offences, on condition of never assuming the title of queen, and never returning to
England. This offer, instantly rejected with the highest indignation, was followed by a
threat of instituting a legal inquiry into her conduct, on a charge of adultery;
accompanied by the farther threat of regarding her first appearance on British ground, as
the signal for commencing proceedings. The threats were repelled with the same cool
contempt as the bribe; and without the smallest wavering in her mind, without even
consulting her legal adviser, who was then at St. Omer she hastened forward to Calais, and
there embarked for England.
It would be difficult to describe the great and tumultuous agitation,
excited throughout the whole country, by the strange proceedings at St. Omer, followed by
the arrival of the Queen herself in London; where, as if in the presence of the whole
nation, she threw down the challenge to her accusers: proudly disdaining, on the one hand,
their offers of a princely revenue, with a promise of impunity; and scornfully defying, on
the other, their threats of exposure and punishment. Such conduct, under such
circumstances, it was every where loudly asserted and reasserted, could only be accounted
for on one of two suppositions—con-
scious innocence, or stark madness.
From that moment, the Queen was almost universally regarded as a calumniated and injured
woman, coming in collision with a tremendous power; and consigned to infamy and ruin, for
no fault of her own, but from the pure misfortune of standing in the way of the views and
wishes of other persons. If the court and the courtiers be excepted, it may be truly said
that one common and deep-felt sentiment pervaded the whole public mind, of indignation at
the wrongs, and of sympathy with the sufferings of a high-spirited, but ill-fated princess,
forced into a contest for her honour and her rights, against such fearful odds. Never did
scorn of supposed injustice, and abhorrence of supposed cruelty, assume an air and attitude
of more determined resistance; never did generous enthusiasm, in behalf of a hapless
victim, burst forth in nobler efforts, than in the conduct of the English people, on this
great occasion. The whole population seemed to rise, as one man, hastening to mingle in the
unequal strife; hurling defiance against the ministerial oppressors, and throwing the
shield of their protection round the oppressed. Thus the most powerful combination,
perhaps, ever arrayed against a single individual, was defeated, by the still mightier
power of public opinion; and the cause and triumph of the Queen became the cause and
triumph of the nation.
From the moment that intelligence of the affair at St. Omer reached him,
Dr. Parr considered it almost, if not quite,
decisive of the point at issue between the royal person accused and her accu-
sers. “Yes!” said he to the writer, “in
that affair, I can see the clearest indications, on the one side, of treachery, scared
at its own purpose, and distrustful of its own grounds; and, on the other, the calm
consciousness of innocence, true to itself, fearless of inquiry, and confident of
coming safely and honourably out of it.” This first impression soon gathered
strength, not only from the recurrence of his former good opinion, founded on some personal
knowledge of her Majesty, when Princess of Wales; but, also, from the recollection of a
similar attempt, in 1806, over which she had completely triumphed; and, in no long time,
the conviction, firmly fixed itself in his mind, that this was a second plot, more deeply
laid than the first, concerted with the same view of abrogating her Majesty’s
conjugal and regal claims, by the only possible means, that of defaming and destroying her
character. Under that conviction, which the occurrences of almost every day tended to
confirm, Dr. Parr instantly resolved upon the line of conduct which he thought it became
him to adopt, with an utter disregard of every possible or probable consequence to
himself.1
In pursuance of this resolution, soon after her Majesty’s return to
England, Dr. Parr hastened to London, to offer his
congratulations on her safe arrival in this country, and to tender his assurances of
continued and devoted attachment to her person and dignity. He was received with all the
respectful and grateful regard, due to one of his high
1 “Ille autem sui judicii, potius, quid
se facere pavesset, intuebatur, quam quid illi laudaturi
forent.”—Corn.
Nep. |
consideration, as a divine and a scholar, coming forward so promptly,
and taking the part so courageously of a persecuted female, of elevated rank, indeed, but
to whom was fearfully opposed all the powers of the state, and from whom stood aloof almost
all that was great and noble in the land. He was from this time admitted into her
Majesty’s confidence: he was consulted by her on several important occasions; and was
always proud and happy to offer his best advice, on every subject connected with her honour
and her interest.
It was in consequence of his recommendation, that the Rev. Robert Fellowes, then so well known to the public by
his many excellent publications on the great subjects of religion and morals, and, since
his accession to the fortune of the late Cursitor-Baron
Maseres, by his public spirit and generosity in the cause of learning and
science, was appointed to the office of domestic chaplain and private secretary to the
Queen. In this latter capacity, the arduous task devolved upon him of enditing the answers
to the numerous congratulatory addresses presented to the Queen, from all parts of the
kingdom, and from all classes of the community, on her first arrival, in the midst of her
loyal subjects; and afterwards, on the happy occasion of the compulsory abandonment of the
charges against her. Though in some of these answers, it was generally considered that the
topics were not very wisely chosen, and that expressions were, in a few instances,
introduced, not well-accordant with the sober dignity of a royal person; yet they were most
of them greatly and
justly admired for their high and ardent tone of
thought, for their beauty and energy of language, and for their noble spirit of liberty and
philanthropy, so worthy of the enlightened sovereign of a free people. These answers have
been often attributed, in part at least, to Dr. Parr:
but, in a letter, now lying before the writer, Dr. Fellowes distinctly
states that they were all composed by himself; and that though some were previously read to
Dr. Parr, yet in no instance was a word of alteration proposed or
suggested by him.
But there was one extraordinary publication—“the letter addressed by
her Majesty to the King”—so much applauded by some, and censured by others, in which
both Dr. Fellowes and Dr.
Parr declared that they had no participation whatever. It was, indeed, shown
in manuscript to her private secretary by the Queen; but it was not submitted to his
revision; nor did she think proper to reveal the writer’s name to him. The letter,
whoever may be its author, is powerfully written, in a strain of very bold and very bitter
invective; and yet is it possible to say, that there was nothing in the wrongs and
provocations of the royal person, whose name it bears, which might be fairly urged to
excuse, if not to justify it?
After a residence for several months in London, occasionally, in
attendance upon the Queen, towards the end of August, Dr.
Parr returned to Hatton; and resumed the laborious task, in which he had
been for some time engaged; and of which he thus speaks, in writing to a friend:
“I am busied night and day, preparing such a catalogue
of my numerous books, as may guide my executors, when I am no more: nor can any
consideration easily draw me away from this business.” His attention,
however, was, at the same time, almost incessantly directed towards the critical state of
her Majesty’s affairs, who was then in the very midst of the fiery ordeal, through
which she was made to pass. Though remaining at a distance from the extraordinary scene,
his presence not being then required; yet he marked, with intense anxiety, the whole course
of the strange and anomalous proceedings, in which British justice and common equity seemed
to be alike disregarded.
Their very commencement in “a bill of pains and penalties” he
reprobated, as having in it all the iniquity of an ex post
facto law. The charges, as set forth with so much art and effort,
though with so little power, in the opening speech of the attorney-general, some of which
were never even attempted to be proved, seemed to him so monstrous, as to outrage all
probability, to belie our common nature, and, by their own incredibility, to stab, and
almost to destroy themselves. But when the evidence was actually produced, which, in order
to sustain for a moment such charges, ought to have been the best and most unexceptionable,
he largely participated in the general astonishment to find that it was the worst possible;
in itself the most suspicious and unsatisfactory that could be; and in many of its material
circumstances afterwards completely rebutted. Improbable, however, in the extreme, as the
charges,
and contemptible as the evidence, appeared to him; yet he
was always deeply impressed with the apprehension that the mighty power of the ministerial
prosecutors would ultimately prevail. But after a long and severe struggle, it is well
known, the “bill of pains and penalties” was carried by so small a majority in
the House of Lords, that it was thought necessary to abandon it; and then, with exultation,
proportioned to the previous depression of hope, Dr. Parr shared in
the high-bounding joy of the whole country, on the great occasion of a magnanimous queen,
discomfiting all her enemies, and breaking triumphantly away from all the snares drawn so
closely round her,—from which it seemed at one time hardly possible she could escape.
Contrasted with the wrongs and the sufferings of Queen Caroline, Dr.
Parr often talked with delight of her personal merits and attractions, which
he represented as extraordinary. He thought that impartial posterity would place her high
in the rank of eminent women, and still higher in the rank of illustrious princesses. He
described her as possessed of a good understanding, of a noble and lofty spirit, of a warm
and benevolent heart; gay, lively, open, unsuspicious in her temper; pleasing, though not
strikingly beautiful in her person; amiable and engaging in her manners, in which, however,
ease and frankness, he owned, prevailed more than dignity. He often, with great
satisfaction, referred to the fair and honourable testimony borne to her character by the
late Foreign Secretary of State; and that,
too, at the very moment,
when the flood-gates were ready to be drawn, and the whole torrent of calumnious abuse,
long accumulating, to be poured in, with overwhelming fury upon her. Nothing, indeed, could
be more finely turned, or more delicately touched, than the praise which Mr. Canning bestowed upon the powers of her mind and the
fascination of her manners: “such,” he said, “as would render
her the grace, the life, and the ornament of any court in Europe, in which she might
choose to appear.” Equally remarkable was the generous warmth, with which
that distinguished orator, previous to the commencement of the investigation, declared his
wish and his hope, and even his confident expectation, “that she would come out of
all her trials and difficulties with a pure conscience and unsullied fame.”
Public declarations so favourable to the Queen, and, as uttered by a leading member of
administration, so important to her interests, could not fail of attracting the admiring
attention of Dr. Parr; and almost unbounded was his applause, when
they were followed by Mr. Canning’s resignation of office. That
minister chose rather to retire from his share in the administration of government, than to
act inconsistently with his honest convictions, or to violate the pledge he had given in
the following words: “So help me God! I will never place myself in the situation
of an accuser towards this illustrious individual.” Previous to his
resignation, he also declared, “that if he had stood in any other situation than
that which he occupied, he should have been ready to fly to her
aid; and then he should have been all ardour and affection, if he might use the
expression, in her service.”1
It is stated in some published “Recollections” of one of his friends and
pupils, that “when hard pressed upon the subject, Dr.
Parr acknowledged that the late Queen had, in a few instances, justly
incurred the imputation of levity.” To the present writer, he has often,
without the slightest hesitation, made the same admission: but it should be understood,
that he meant no more than such instances of levity, as transgress the little rules of
reserve and propriety, which are thought in this country, and justly thought, to become
female decorum, or to befit princely dignity; and by no means such as offend against moral
purity. So indeed the Recollector himself rightly puts it. “If Dr.
Parr admitted,” says he, “that the Queen, in some few
instances, turned aside from the sober austerities and the strict decorums of an
English matron, it was only in lesser matters; and even from these she
might,” he insisted, “have been recalled by mild
remonstrance.”—“But this lady,” said Dr.
Parr, “was beset with spies, and surrounded by enemies, whose
malignant penetration virtue itself could not escape.”2
Standing conspicuously forward to maintain the cause of an oppressed
individual against the designs of her formidable foes, consisting of his Majesty’s
ministers, their numerous dependants, and their faithful allies, the clergy, Dr. Parr became, as
might have been expected, the object of much public animadversion.
But in the proud consciousness of his own upright intentions, he suffered the censorious
remarks of others to pass unheeded. “I set at defiance,” said he,
writing to a friend, “the invectives of party-scribblers, and the taunts of
courtiers, and the frowns of nobles and princes.” It was always with evident
feelings of self-gratulation, that he spoke of the independence which he had secured for
himself, by never courting, for their favour, the great, and never cringing, for their
patronage, to the men in power. Thus he gained, as he often remarked, “the
advantage of entire freedom from restraint, in adopting those views of a momentous
public question, which best approve themselves to his own honest
conviction.”—“I feel the comfort of that now,” said he. In
one of the public journals, distinguished by the frequency and the severity of its attacks
upon him, some offensive and injurious observations had been inserted, during his late
residence in London, which concluded, insolently enough, with advising him “to go
back to his parishioners, and to resume his official duties, in that church, of which
he might be, but was not, the ornament.” When some of his friends represented
that these observations called for a reply from him, he spurned indignantly at the thought,
exclaiming, “Let the asses bray!” and when the same point was a second
time urged upon him, by some other of his friends, he still persisted in his determination.
On this last occasion, he observed that he knew who the writer was; upon whom he
good-humouredly bestowed some praise; and he even acknowledged that
the article in question was well written. Then emphatically repeating the
words—“The church, of which he might be, but was not, the
ornament”—he resumed, with a complacent smile, the pipe, which he had just laid
down.
When the vast power of a government, like that of England, ruling by
influence, is considered; and when, also, the difficulty is fairly estimated, of
obliterating unfavourable impressions of another, which strong suspicion of guilty conduct
has once fixed in the mind, even though the suspicion prove to be unfounded; it will excite
no great surprise to find that, of all the nobility and the higher order of gentry,
convinced of her Majesty’s innocence, there were few who had the firmness of courage,
and the independence of spirit, to appear amongst her friends and adherents. But if almost
all who were elevated in rank or station shrunk away from the presence of an acknowledged,
though not a crowned, queen: some, however, there were, who remained faithfully attached to
her person and her interests even to the last. Among these, none have established for
themselves a stronger claim to the grateful and respectful regards of their contemporaries,
or to the honourable and reverential remembrance of posterity, than Lady Ann Hamilton and Lord and Lady Hood. To them will
indisputably belong a share of the same high and hallowed plaudits, which, for ages to
come, will follow the names of Bishop Juxton and the
Abbé Edgeworth; who, regardless of hazard or
obloquy to themselves, consoled the sorrows of two
fallen princes;
and with firm and affectionate fidelity accompanied, the one Charles I., and the other Louis XVI., to
the scaffold. The loyal and generous devotion of the noble lord, and of the two noble
ladies, just named, to their royal mistress, sinking down under the weight of accumulated
sufferings, was, it may easily be believed, the object of admiration, and the theme of
frequent and fervent praise, to Dr. Parr; and he has recorded the
sense he entertained of their merits and their services, in the following clauses of his
Last Will:—“I bequeath a ring to the Right Honourable Lady Ann
Hamilton, whose dignified manners, whose discriminating judgment, and
whose heroic fidelity in the cause of her majesty, Queen
Caroline, are worthy of her Ladyship’s elevated rank, and of her
descent from the ancient and most noble family, of which she bears the
name.”—“I bequeath rings to the Right Honourable Lord and
Lady Hood, as a mark of my respect, generally, for their
virtues in private life, as well known in my neighbourhood; and, particularly, for
their fidelity and kindness in the cause of their most injured Queen.”
Extreme distress in the present world is never very lasting; and all
excruciating pains, whether of body or mind, soon make an end of themselves or of the
sufferer. The acquittal of the Queen, though it dispersed the clouds of suspicion and
calumny which had gathered over her fair fame, was yet followed with nearly all the
consequences to herself, which would have attended degradation. “I have, indeed,
the empty name,” she truly said,
“but I have
none of the privileges or the dignities of a queen.” Instead of befitting
honour, studied insult was her portion. Even after her acquittal, she was still
“scandal’s choicest mark;” and, in hostility to her, the
flatterers of power, and the hunters after preferment, found the greatest advantages to
themselves. Added to other mortifications, she seems to have keenly felt her exclusion even
from the sight of the splendid pageantry of the coronation, in which she ought to have been
a principal figure; and it was within less than a fortnight after that time that she was
seized with the fatal distemper, which hurried her to the grave.
Her death was peaceful and pious. There was evidently a deep sense of the
injuries she had suffered; but no trace of that guilt, with which she was charged; and
which, if it existed, must have been felt; and if felt, could not well have been wholly
concealed. No! there was all the peace of a good conscience, and serene hope leaning on
divine favour, and looking to heavenly felicity. Till the last chill touch of death, hers
was a heart glowing with all the best and the kindliest feelings of our nature; affection
to her friends, gratitude to “her faithful English,” and generous
forbearance towards her enemies. “They have destroyed me,” were almost
her last expiring words, “but I forgive them.” On several most trying
and difficult occasions, she exhibited, all must allow, the high spirit and dignity of
conscious integrity and virtue. But if ever she was magnanimous in life; in death she was
heroic. Rarely has dying behav-
iour appeared clothed with higher
degrees of religious and moral grandeur than hers. It gives a direct contradiction to the
calumnious reports raised and propagated against her. The wretch, who lived, as she is said
to have lived, could never die as she died.1
The writer will not trust himself to describe the horrible outrages, which
attended the last mournful ceremony of conveying her remains from England, according to her
own desire, for interment near those of her family at Brunswick. They are besides too
deeply impressed on the remembrance of every reader, to need repetition here. But the
feelings on the sad occasion, high-beating in every bosom, not closed up by party prejudice
against all sense of common decency and humanity, were forcibly expressed by Dr. Parr, in the following language, which, in
communication with his friend, Dr. Wade, burst from
his torn and indignant spirit:—
“Even if this unfortunate and injured Queen had violated her
duty; the Scriptures furnish us with an instance of the compassion and respect, due to
royal persons, upon whom the grave has closed. For when Jehu was
on the point of gratifying his vengeance against the wife of Ahab,
and had commanded her to be thrown down from the wall, he yet remembered her
illustrious birth, and exclaimed, “Go, see now what is become of this unhappy
woman, and bury her—for she is a king’s daughter.”—But here, when,
on the contrary, the innocence of the accused person has
been established after two severe investigations; and once, too,
be it observed, in the judgment of those, who have notoriously taken an active part
with her persecutors;—when the feelings of an enlightened and generous people have been
strongly excited in her favour;—when her reiterated and aggravated sufferings have
procured for her a lively. sentiment of pity;—when her patience and magnanimity, under
the sharpest trials, had made her an object of universal admiration;—under these
circumstances, surely the hearts even of her fiercest adversaries might have been
melted to some degree of the same pity, if not raised to some pitch of the same
admiration, by her recent death, and the greatness of spirit with which she met
it.”
George Canning (1770-1827)
Tory statesman; he was foreign minister (1807-1809) and prime minister (1827); a
supporter of Greek independence and Catholic emancipation.
Queen Caroline of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel (1768-1821)
Married the Prince of Wales in 1795 and separated in 1796; her husband instituted
unsuccessful divorce proceedings in 1820 when she refused to surrender her rights as
queen.
King Charles I of England (1600-1649)
The son of James VI and I; as king of England (1625-1649) he contended with Parliament;
he was revered as a martyr after his execution.
Robert Fellowes (1770-1847)
Educated at St Mary Hall, Oxford, after taking orders he published
Religion without Cant (1801) and was editor of the
Critical
Review (1806-11). Samuel Parr was instrumental in obtaining for him the post of
secretary to Queen Caroline.
Lady Anne Hamilton (1766-1846)
The daughter of Archibald Hamilton, ninth duke of Hamilton; she was lady-in-waiting to
Princess Caroline.
A Secret History of the Court of England from the
Accession of George III to the Death of George IV (1832) was published under her
name and without her consent.
Henry Hood, second viscount Hood (1753-1836)
Of Whitley Abbey, the son of the admiral (d. 1816); he was commander of the Portsmouth
Volunteers (1803) and succeeded to his mother's barony in 1806. He was Lord Chamberlain to
Queen Caroline.
William Juxon, archbishop of Canterbury (1582-1663)
Educated at Merchant Taylors' School and St John's College, Oxford, he succeeded Laud as
Bishop of London in 1633 and, a favorite of Charles I., was appointed archbishop of
Canterbury upon the Restoration.
Louis XVI, king of France (1754-1793)
King of France 1774-1793; the husband of Marie Antoinette, he was guillotined 21 January
1793.
Francis Maseres (1731-1824)
Educated at Clare College, Cambridge, he was a wealthy lawyer, administrator in Canada,
and prolific writer.
Cornelius Nepos (100 BC c.-25 BC c.)
Roman biographer and friend of Cicero, author of
De viris
illustribus.
Samuel Parr (1747-1825)
English schoolmaster, scholar, and book collector whose strident politics and assertive
personality involved him in a long series of quarrels.
Arthur Savage Wade (1787-1845)
Educated at St John's College, Cambridge, he was rector of St. Nicholas in Warwick, a
friend of Samuel Parr, and a Chartist podium speaker.
The London Gazette. (1665-). The official organ of the British government, published twice weekly.