A Memoir of the Reverend Sydney Smith
Letters 1812
85.] To Francis Jeffrey, Esq.
January, 1812.
Dear Jeffrey,
I certainly am very intolerant and impatient, and I
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will endeavour to be less so, but do not be hurt by my
critiques on your criticisms; you know (if you know anything) the love and
respect I have for you; this is not enough—add also, the very
high admiration. But it is the great fault of our Review that our
wisdom is too long; it did well at first, because it was new to find so much
understanding in a journal. But every man takes up a Review with a lazy spirit,
and wishes to get wise at a cheap rate, and to cross the country by a shorter
path. Health and respect!
86.] To Francis Jeffrey, Esq.
June, 1812.
My dear Jeffrey,
I feel that I owe you an apology for troubling you so often
about the Review; but I am really
desirous of doing something for it, and, in my search for new books, they turn
up at different times, and compel me to make these different appeals to you.
The subjects I have already mentioned are:—1st. Sir
F. Burdett on
the Law of Imprisonment for Libel; 2nd. The
Statement of the late Negotiations; 3rd. The Duke of Sussex’s speech; 4th (and
now for the first time), Halliday’s ‘Observations on the Present State of the
Portuguese Army;’ in which I propose to include some short
statement of, and observations upon, Lord
Wellington’s campaigns in Portugal. The last undertaking
is the only one to which a fresh answer is required from you.
Horner is, I think, getting better.
There never was a period when the hopes of good Whigs were so cruelly
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disappointed. I dare say Lords
Grey and
Grenville meant
extremely well, but they have bungled the matter so, as to put themselves in
the wrong, both with the public and with their own troops. The bad faith of the
Court is nothing. If they had suspected that bad faith, they should have put it
to the proof, and made it clear to all the world that the Court did not mean
them well; at present they have made the Court the object of public love and
compassion, made
Lord Yarmouth appear like
a virtuous man, given character to the
Prince, and restored the dilapidation of kingly power.
I write from Cambridge, and shall be at York on Friday to
dinner. Adieu! and believe me ever your sincere friend,
87.] To the Earl Grey.
Heslington, August 17th,
1812.
Dear Lord Grey,
I really think you are unjust to ——. He may be capricious, unjust, fickle, a thousand faults;
but, if you mean by discreditable motives, any love of office or concern about
it, I sincerely think him exempted from any feelings of that nature.
I suppose you know by this time the nature of Canning’s last negotiation; if not, he
was to have come in with two members in a Cabinet of fifteen; and Lord Liverpool, who negotiated the arrangement,
conceived it to be agreed between Lord
Castlereagh and Canning that they were to
enjoy co-ordinate power and importance in the Commons,—at least, as much
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as any Ministerial arrangement could confer equal power
upon such unequal men. In a subsequent explanation however, it turned out that
Lord Castlereagh had no such intentions; that he
intended to keep the lead in the House of Commons, and to be considered as the
Minister of the Crown in that assembly. This put an end to the negotiation.
I do not know whether you like praise, but I cannot help
saying how much I was struck with your style of writing in the State Papers
published by Lord Moira. It is impossible
that anything can be more clear, manly, and dignified; it is a perfect model for State-paper writing. After saying thus
much of the mode, it is right to add, I am the critic in
the Edinburgh Review upon the substance of the negotiation. I have given reasons for my
opinion, preserving, as I hope and intended and felt, the greatest possible
respect for you; but I am foolish in supposing that you heed or read the
obscure speculations of reviewers and scribblers.
I remain ever, my dear Lord Grey, very
truly yours,
88.] To Francis Jeffrey, Esq.
September, 1812.
My dear Jeffrey,
I have to thank you for many kind letters, which I would
have answered sooner, but that I have been expecting the Review, upon which I wished to offer you my
opinion.
I like the review of Malcolm very much; there is such an appearance of
profound knowledge of the sub-
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ject, joined to so very
gentlemanlike a spirit of forbearance, that it gives me considerable pleasure.
I liked very much the article on Peace, and the
review on Miss Edgeworth;
John Knox I have not yet read.
I am very glad you like my
review of the Negotiation; pray tell me if it is much complained of
by the Whigs. I shall not regret having written it if it is; but if I reconcile
the interests of
truth with the feelings of party, so
much the better; I am sure it is the good sense and justice of the question.
Whilst I write, our poor, amiable old friend is mouldering in her tomb; I had a
most sincere affection for her, and such a friend I shall not soon replace, and
I feel the loss with very sincere grief. Miss
—— is deeply affected: she is made up of fine feelings, and her
mother filled her whole heart and soul.
I know not how to rejoice in the useless splendour of
Lord Wellington’s achievements,
for I am quite a disbeliever in his ultimate success; but I am incapable of
thinking of anything but building, and my whole soul is filled up by lath and
plaster.
Mrs. Fletcher has been here and dined
with us,—self and spouse. I was surprised to find her unaffected, and more
sensible than from her blazing sort of reputation I had supposed to be the
case; more handsome, too, than I had judged her in Edinburgh: in short, she
produced a very agreeable impression both upon Mrs.
Sydney and me.
I see Seymour is
selling his Scotch place. I am glad to find you are in the country, for then I
am sure you are happy. Yours affectionately,
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MEMOIR OF THE REV. SYDNEY SMITH. |
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89.] To John Allen, Esq.
December 29th, 1812.
My dear Allen,
I thank you sincerely for your friendly and considerate
communication respecting the opinion of the Archbishop.
You may easily imagine that I have reflected a good deal
upon the expediency of an undertaking so very serious as that of building. I
may very likely have determined wrong, but I have determined to the best of my
judgment, anxiously and actively exerted. I have no public or private chance of
changing my situation for the better; such good fortune may occur, but I have
no right to presume upon it. I have waited and tried for six years, and I am
bound in common prudence to suppose that my lot is fixed in this land. That
being so, what am I to do? I have no certainty of my present house; the
distance is a great and serious inconvenience; if I am turned out of it, it
will be scarcely possible, in so thinly inhabited a country, to find another. I
am totally neglecting my parish. I ought to build; if I were bishop, I would
compel a man in my situation to build; and should think that any incumbent
acted an ungentlemanlike part who compelled me to compel him, and who did not
take up the money which is lent by the Governors of Queen Anne’s bounty
for the purpose of building.
Such, I conceived, would be the Archbishop’s opinion of me had I availed myself of his
good-nature to apply for perpetual absence from my living, and for permission
to live in hired houses. In all conver-
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sations I have had
with him, he has never discouraged the idea of building, but, on the contrary,
always appeared to approve and promote it. I am therefore surprised not a
little at what you tell me, and can only interpret it to mean that he would not
absolutely have compelled me to build, but that he would have thought it mean
and unfair in me not to have made an exertion of that kind. His mere
forbearance from the use of authority is an additional reason for beginning.
Lastly, I have gone so far that even if the communication were more authorized
and direct, I could hardly recede. To kick down the money I have been saving
for my family has cost me a great deal of uneasiness, and at one time I had
thought of resigning my living. Having now decided according to the best means
of an understanding extremely prone to error, nothing remains but to fight
through my difficulties as well as I can.
It will give me sincere pleasure to think that you take an
interest in my well-doing (not that I doubted it), but a particular instance
(like this) is more cheering than a general belief.
Health, happiness, and as many new years as you wish!
John Allen (1771-1843)
Scottish physician and intimate of Lord Holland; he contributed to the
Edinburgh Review and
Encyclopedia Britannica and published
Inquiry into the Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative in
England (1830). He was the avowed atheist of the Holland House set.
Sir Francis Burdett, fifth baronet (1770-1844)
Whig MP for Westminster (1807-1837) who was imprisoned on political charges in 1810 and
again in 1820; in the 1830s he voted with the Conservatives.
George Canning (1770-1827)
Tory statesman; he was foreign minister (1807-1809) and prime minister (1827); a
supporter of Greek independence and Catholic emancipation.
Elizabeth Fletcher [née Dawson] (1770-1858)
A Yorkshire woman who married the Scottish law-reformer Archibald Fletcher and became an
Edinburgh hostess and friend of Anne Grant; in later life she settled in the Lake District
and befriended Wordsworth. Her
Autobiography was published in
1874.
William Wyndham Grenville, baron Grenville (1759-1834)
Educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford, he was a moderate Whig MP, foreign secretary
(1791-1801), and leader and first lord of the treasury in the “All the Talents” ministry
(1806-1807). He was chancellor of Oxford University (1810).
Charles Grey, second earl Grey (1764-1845)
Whig statesman and lover of the Duchess of Devonshire; the second son of the first earl
(d. 1807), he was prime minister (1831-34).
Sir Andrew Halliday (1782-1839)
After studying medicine at Edinburgh he was an army surgeon and physician to the Duke of
Clarence; he published on lunatic asylums and contributed to the
Literary
Gazette and
Gentleman's Magazine.
Edward Venables-Vernon Harcourt, archbishop of York (1757-1847)
The son of George Venables-Vernon, first Baron Vernon, educated at Westminster and
All-Souls College, Oxford; he was prebendary of Gloucester (1785-91), bishop of Carlisle
(1791-1807), and archbishop of York (1807-47).
Francis Horner (1778-1817)
Scottish barrister and frequent contributor to the
Edinburgh
Review; he was a Whig MP and member of the Holland House circle.
Francis Jeffrey, Lord Jeffrey (1773-1850)
Scottish barrister, Whig MP, and co-founder and editor of the
Edinburgh
Review (1802-29). As a reviewer he was the implacable foe of the Lake School of
poetry.
Georgina Meynell Ingram [née Pigou] (1789-1868)
The daughter of Frederick John Pigou (1767-1830) and his wife Louise, friends of Samuel
Rogers; in 1819 she married Hugo Charles Meynell Ingram.
Louisa Esther Charleville Pigou [née Minchin] (d. 1812)
Of Hill-street, Berkeley Square, daughter of Humphrey Minchin (d. 1796) MP for
Okehampton; she was a friend of Sarah and Samuel Rogers; in 1788 she married Frederick John
Pigou (1767-1830).
Lord Webb Seymour (1777-1819)
The son of the tenth duke of Somerset; he was a scientist and associate of Sydney Smith
and John Playfair.
Catharine Amelia Smith [née Pybus] (1768-1852)
The daughter of John Pybus, English ambassador to Ceylon; in 1800 she married Sydney
Smith, wit and writer for the
Edinburgh Review.
John William Ward, earl of Dudley (1781-1833)
The son of William Ward, third Viscount Dudley (d. 1823); educated at Edinburgh and
Oxford, he was an English MP, sometimes a Foxite Whig and sometimes Canningite Tory, who
suffered from insanity in his latter years.
Richard Wellesley, first marquess Wellesley (1760-1842)
The son of Garret Wesley (1735-1781) and elder brother of the Duke of Wellington; he was
Whig MP, Governor-general of Bengal (1797-1805), Foreign Secretary (1809-12), and
Lord-lieutenant of Ireland (1821-28); he was created Marquess Wellesley in 1799.