“. . . Sefton’s conduct can only be explained on the supposition
that he feels himself bound not to abandon, in their difficulties, an
administration which he originally promised to support; but I do not think this
feeling can prevail long against his own opinion and the increasing opinion of
the publick. At present, according to all appearances, they will not be able to
extricate themselves from this Turkish scrape. I have a letter to-day from
Paris saying that the Russian army has crossed the Pruth, with the intention of
permanently occupying the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. This, in
their diplomatick jargon, they say is not to be considered—any more than
Navarin—as a measure of war, but as a moyen
d’ exécuter le traité de médiation. This is not
very unlike the case of a man who should knock another down, and then
say—‘I did not do it with an intention of hurting you, but
only from the most friendly desire to keep you quiet.’ Whatever
the explanation may be worth, of the fact I have no doubt, and as little that
the Russians will not again abandon the possession of these countries. These
[illegible], notwithstanding the gloss which it is
endeavoured to put upon the measure, as well as a general apprehension of the
increasing power of Russia, which has been quickened by her late successes in
Persia, have already produced speculations on the necessity of a combination to
resist her projects, and there seems no great improbability in supposing that
the cannon fired at Navarin may prove the signal of another general war in
Europe. The best chances against it are to be found in the general poverty of
140 | THE CREEVEY PAPERS | [Ch. VI. |
“As to Brougham—I believe him to be mad. Our correspondence has ceased, but I have lately seen, under his own hand, things that would surprise even you . . . that Canning had no more to do with the treaty of the 6th of July than you or I, and that it was entirely the Duke of Wellington’s . . . that there is a complaint of the King’s unconstitutional interference with the patronage of the Ministers. If this should be proved to be so (the if is good) nobody wd. be more for resisting it than himself; and, if requisite, he should be glad to see a union of the respectable men of all parties, headed by Lord Grey, for that purpose. . . . All this I have seen actually in black and white—does it furnish a case to justify my suspicion of madness?
“At the end comes out the true solution of the
riddle. He is full of indignation at Phillimore’s being put over Lushington’s head, because the latter was counsel for the
Queen. No thought of himself, of
course! nor any reference to his own situation, proving indisputably his claim
to the acknowledgment of disinterestedness, which you may remember in his
letter to me. . . . The Duchess of
Northumberland told Mrs. Grey
the other day that about Navarin the King
had said that the actor deserved a ribband, but the act a halter. A pleasant
distinction for his My.’s Ministers! Lansdowne, however, I hear is in favour ever since he submitted
about Herries,
1827-28.] | LORD GREY’S SPECULATIONS. | 141 |