The Creevey Papers
Ch. VII: 1811
CHAPTER VII.
1811.
The death of his youngest and favourite child, Princess Amelia, in the autumn of 1810 upset the poor
old King’s intellect for the last time. He
settled into hopeless insanity, and the chief business before Parliament in 1811 was a Bill
constituting the Prince of Wales Regent. Great was the
stir among the Whigs, who began fitting each other into the great and little offices of the
new Government; for who could doubt that the great turn of events, so long and ardently
anticipated, was indeed at hand, and that the Prince, as head of the Whig party, would send
his father’s servants to the right about, and form a Ministry of his own friends.
Judging from Creevey’s correspondence, neither
he nor any of his friends entertained the slightest suspicion about the sincerity of the
Prince’s devotion to Liberal principles, nor understood how much his politics
consisted of opposition to the Court party. It was, therefore, with as much surprise as
dismay that Creevey beheld the change in the Prince’s attitude
towards Ministers as soon as he assumed the Regency.
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[Ch. VII. |
Lord Erskine to Mr. Creevey.
“Reigate, Jany. 10, 1811.
“I send you the Act which you thought never could have
passed. . . . Lord Eldon told me he never
had heard of it and expressed his astonishment. He said that those gentlemen
who had served the King as foreign ministers at a period when the King had a
power by law to remunerate their services by a pension, if he chose to grant
it, had as good a right to it as he—the C[hancellor]—had to his
estate; and of that there can be no doubt.
“I observe Bankes has given notice to revive his Committee [on Public
Expenditure]. I have seen him, and he seems to justify his resolution; but
surely Martin and you, as lawyers, will not mix yourselves
as the author of the first ex post
facto law, touching the rights of subjects, that has ever
passed. . . . I really think that some step should be taken by those who, as
the friends of reform, ought to take care that it does not become odious.
“Bankes says
the act is Perceval’s, but I have
good authority for believing that Perceval would not
justify the ex post facto clause.
“Yours very sincerely,
Mr. Creevey to Mrs. Creevey [at Brighton].
“Great George St., 19th January, 1811.
“(For God’s sake be secret about this letter.)
“My hopes of seeing you to-morrow are at an end, owing
to a most ridiculous resolution of our party to have another division on
Monday, in which of course we shall disclose still greater weakness than in our
last division. I had actually paired off with John
Villiers for the week, but I am sure you will think I am right
in staying over Monday, when I tell you that McMahon told me he was sure the Prince would be hurt if I was not there, and when you read the
enclosed
note from
Sheridan. Nevertheless I give the Prince
credit for not originating this business, but that it has been conveyed to him
by
Tierney or some such artist. I mean
to be down to play a week or ten days on Tuesday. Wm. and
C. had a very comfortable dinner again yesterday upon
my mutton chops at this house, and then went to the House, and just as we had
returned home again at ten o’clock, and I was beginning to dress myself
to go to
Mrs. Taylor’s,
Whitbread came and desired to have some
conversation with me. . . . Sam’s visit was to take
my advice. He said things had now come to such a state of maturity that it was
necessary for him to decide (but here he has just been again, and I am afraid I
shall not have time to tell).
“Well—office was offered him; anything he
pleased, but had he any objection to holding it under Grenville as First Lord, if he [Grenville]
held as before the two offices of First Lord and Auditor,
with the salaries of both? I know not with what disposition he came to
me; he stated both sides of the question, but said his decision must be quick.
I had a difficult responsibility to take upon myself, but I set before him as
strongly as I could the unpopularity of the
Grenvilles—the certainty of this [illegible] place being again and again exposed—the
impossibility of his defending it after having himself driven Yorke from receiving the income of his
tellership whilst he is at the Admiralty, and Perceval from receiving the income of Chancellor of the
Exchequer whilst he is First Lord and Chancellor of the Dutchy—that his
consistency and character were everything to him, and that, if I was him, I
would compell Lord Grenville to make the sacrifice to
publick opinion, and have nothing to do with the Government.
“I went to him this morning, and he had done as I
advised him. He had told Grey his
determination and he has just been here to shew me his letter to him upon the
subject—to be shewn Lord Grenville.
It is perfect in every respect, and will, whenever it is known, do him immortal
honor. The fact, however, is, my lord will strike. They one and all stick to
Whitbread; they can’t carry on
the Government
138 | THE CREEVEY PAPERS | [Ch. VII. |
without him. There is no anger—no ill
will in any of them; all
piano—all upon their knees. Is not this a triumph?”
[Enclosure in above, from Mr.
Sheridan.
“Friday night, Jany. 18th.
“It is determined in consequence of the earnest Desire
of high authority to have a last debate and division on
the Regency bill on Monday next. Here is a Conclave mustering all Hands, and I
am requested to write to you as it is apprehended you mean to leave Town
to-morrow. I conjure you at any rate to be with us on Monday.
“Yours ever faithfully,
Mr. Creevey to Mrs. Creevey.
“Great George St., Saty., Feby. 2nd, 1811.
“I came home at half-past four that I might have time
to write to you, and Whishaw came
instantly after and has staid with me till five. . . . I went to dine at
Hutchinson’s and after all he
never came. He was kept at Carlton House till twelve at night, so Lord Donoughmore and I dined together, and he
was, as he always is, very pleasant. At Brooks’s I found Sheridan just arrived from Carlton House,
where the conclave has just broken up, and the Prince had decided against the pressing advice of all present
not to dismiss the Government. Sheridan was just sober,
and expressed to me the strongest opinion of the injurious tendency of this
resolution to the Prince’s character. Lord
Hutchinson said the same thing to me to-day, and added that
never man had behaved better than Sheridan. I said all I
thought to both Hutchinson and
Sheridan in vindication of
Prinny, but I presume I am wrong, as I stand single in
this opinion. I went, however, to Mrs.
Fitzherbert at twelve to-day, an appointment I made with her
yesterday in the street, and she and I were agreed upon this subject. The
Prince has written to Perceval a letter
which is to be sent to-morrow, stating to him his intention, under
1811.] | WHITBREAD’S PROPOSALS. | 139 |
the present opinion of
the physicians respecting his father, not to change the Government at present,
and at the same time expressing the regret he feels at being thus compelled to
continue a Government not possessing his confidence, and his determination of
changing it should there be no speedy prospect of his Majesty’s recovery
after a certain time.
“Now I do not see, under all the monstrous
difficulties of his situation, any great impropriety of his present resolution,
particularly as he means to have his letter made publick.
“Mrs. Fitz is
evidently delighted at the length and forgiving and confidential nature of
Prinny’s visits. She goes
to-morrow and will tell you, no doubt, how poor Prinny was
foolish enough to listen to some idle story of my having abused his letter to
both Houses, and how she defended me. Poor fellow, one should have thought he
had more important concerns to think of. I went from her to Whitbread, and he again conjured me to attach
myself to the new Government by taking some situation, and went over
many—the Admiralty Board again—Chairman of the Ways and Means,
&c. I was very guarded, and held myself very much up, and said I would take
nothing for which there was not service to be done—nothing like a
sinecure, which I considered a seat at the Admiralty Board to be; but of course
I was very good-humoured. He repeated the conversation between him and
Lord Grey about me. He said my name was
first mentioned by Miss Whitbread, and,
having been so, Lord Grey replied—‘Although
I think Creevey has acted unjustly
to me, and tho’ in the session before last he gave great offence to
many of my friends by something like a violation of confidence, yet on his
own account, on that of Mrs. Creevey
and of anybody connected with them, I had always intended, without you
mentioning him, to express my wishes that he might be included in the
Government.’ Upon which Whitbread stated
from his own recollection of my speech that gave offence, his perfect
conviction of its being no breach of confidence; and so the thing ended with
their united sentiment in favor of my having some office.
“I am affraid you will be hurt at not seeing any
immediate provision for me in this new Government,
140 | THE CREEVEY PAPERS | [Ch. VII. |
should
it take place; but I beg you to give way to no such sentiment. . . . They are
upon a new tack in consulting publick opinion.
Lord Grey and
Lord Grenville have most unequivocally refused to accede to a
proposal of the
Prince of Wales, and which
was stated to be nearest to his heart, viz. to reinstate the
Duke of York as Commander-in-chief. What think you
of this in Grey? and his language to
Whitbread is they must no longer be taunted
with ‘unredeemed pledges.’ I mention these things to shew you they
are on their good behaviour, and that, with such views, they must do what they
ought by me. I am perfectly satisfied with the state of things—this is,
supposing a Government to be formed—and perfectly secure of any wishes of
mine being accomplished.”
“21st Jan., 1811.
“I am very much gratified to find you approve my
counsel to Sam, and
Sam for acting upon it. Every succeeding moment
convinces me of the necessity there was for acting so, and of the infinite
advantage and superiority it will give him over all his colleagues at starting.
“What shall you say to me when I tell you I am not to
vote to-night after all? Villiers
won’t release me from contract of pairing off; at least he consented only
to stay upon terms that I could not listen to, such as—if my being in the division might be of any use to me in the new
arrangement, that then he would certainly stay. This, as you may
suppose, was enough to make me at once decline any further discussion. . . .
However, it is universally known how I am situated, and McMahon told me just now of his own accord
that the Prince had told him this morning ‘that
Villiers would not release Creevey from pairing off with him; that it
was very good of Creevey to stay after this, and to
show himself in the House, as he knew he intended.’ . . . Here
has been Ward* just now to beg I would come
and dine with him tête-à-tête, and
that I should have my dinner at six precisely, as he knew I liked that: so I
shall go. I know he was told the character I pronounced of him one night at
Mrs. Taylor’s after
1811.] | THE PROSPECT OF OFFICE. | 141 |
he was gone, upon which
occasion I neither concealed his merits nor his frailties, and he has been
kinder to me than ever from that time. . . . I don’t know a syllable of
what has transpired to-day between
Prinny
and the grandees, but I must not omit to tell you that the night before last my
Lord Lansdowne* for the first time
condescended to come up to me at Brooks’s, and to walk me backwards and
forwards for at least a quarter of an hour. He asked me how I thought we should
get on in the House of Commons (meaning the new Government), whether we should
be strong enough; to which I replied it would depend upon the conduct of the
Government—that if they acted right they would be strong enough, and that
so doing was not only the best, but the sole, foundation of their strength, and
my lord agreed with me in rather an awkward manner, and was mighty civil and
laughed at all my jokes, and so we parted.”
“Great George St., 1st Feby., 1811.
“I was very much provoked at being detained so long on
the road yesterday that I was just too late for the last Bill, so I eat my
mutton chops and drunk a bottle of wine, and then tea, and then sallied forth
to Mrs. Taylor’s; but alas, she
was dining out, so on I went to Brooks’s, where I found Mr. Ponsonby and others; and then came
Whitbread, Sheridan, and Lord
Hutchinson, the latter of whom insisted upon my coming to dine
with him tête-à-tête to-day, as he
had so much to say to me. He had been dining yesterday with the Prince, and was to be with him again this morning.
You may suppose I intend accepting his invitation; for to-day
Whitbread was deeply involved in private conversation
with these gentry; but, before he left the room, he came up to the table where
I was, and said—‘Creevey,
call upon me to-morrow at twelve if it is not inconvenient to
you;’ and, having left the room, Ward, who was there, said—‘There! Mr.
Under-Secretary, you are to be tried as to what kind of a hand you write,
&c., &c., before you are hired;’ and then we walked home
together, and he told me he had
142 | THE CREEVEY PAPERS | [Ch. VII. |
been offered to be a Paymaster of the Forces, and that he
had refused it, and that he was sure this notice of
Whitbread was to offer me an under-secretaryship in
his office. I went accordingly to Sam this morning, but
quite armed, I am certain, against all disappointment, and with all the air of
an independent man. He began by giving me his opinion that the Prince would not
change the Government, and that he was playing a false, hollow, shabby game. He
said the
Queen had written him a letter
evidently dictated by
Perceval, [
illegible] most cursedly, and that he had been quite
taken in by it. He expressed himself strongly of opinion that he [the Prince]
ought instantly to change the Government; that after all that had passed
between him, the Prince and Lords
Grenville
and
Grey, it would be a breach of honour not
to overthrow the ministers instantly. I confess I was more penetrated, upon
this part of the conversation, with Sam’s anxiety to
be in office than I was with the weight of his arguments against the Prince. At
the same time, it is due to him to add that Sheridan and
Lord Hutchinson insist openly that the Prince, in
justice to his character, is bound to make this change; and again, there
certainly is nothing to make the Prince expect any rapid amendment of the
King. . . . Well, this opinion of
Whitbread being advanced and maintained by him as
aforesaid, he proceeded to say that, in the event of the change taking place,
he was very anxious to know from myself what I should look to—that he and
Lord Grey had talked over the subject
together—that the latter had spoken of me very handsomely, and said that,
tho’ I had in the session before last, fired into the old Government in a
manner that had given great offence to several persons, yet that he was very
desirous I should form part of the new Government.
Whitbread added his own opinion that it was of great
importance I should be in the Government, and then added—‘The
worst of it is there are so few places suited to you that are consistent
with a seat in Parliament; but what is there you should think of
yourself?’ So I replied that was rather a hard question to
answer; that though I was a little man compared to him in the country, yet that
the preservation of my own character and consistency was the first object with
me; that I
1811.] | CREEVEY’S CONDITIONS. | 143 |
could go as a
principal into no office—that was out of the question—and I would
not go into any office as a subaltern, where the character of the principal did
not furnish a sufficient apology for my serving under him; that with these
views I certainly had looked to going with him into any office he might have
allotted to him. He said such had always been his wish, and then
said—‘You know by the Act of Parliament that created the
third Secretary of State, viz., that for the Colonies, neither of the
Under-Secretaries of State can sit in Parliament, and that was what I meant
when I said there were so few places consistent with a seat in
Parliament.’ He said Grey and he had taken
for granted I would not go back to my old place, or a seat at that board, after
firing as I had done into the East I. Company; to which I replied they were
quite right, and I added that, whenever I might be in office or out, I reserved
to myself the right of the free exercise of my opinion upon all Indian
subjects. He then said, with some humility, would I take a seat at the
Admiralty Board; that
Lord Holland would be
there, and that he, of course, would have every disposition to consult my
feelings. I said my first inclination was certainly against it; at the same
time, I begged nothing might be done to prevent Lord
Holland making an offer of any kind to me; that he was a person
I looked up to greatly on his own account, as well as his
uncle’s;* that in all my licentiousness in
Parliament I had never profaned his uncle’s memory; it had been
exclusively directed against his enemies; that I would take a thing from
Lord Holland that nothing should induce me to do from
any Grenvilles; at the same time, I was giving no opinion
further than this, that I begged Whitbread not to prevent
Lord Holland from making me an offer—let it be
what it may. . . .”
How little real union there was among the various sections of the
Opposition, and how greatly the Whigs dreaded the projects dearest to the Radicals, are
well illustrated in the following letters.
144 |
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[Ch. VII. |
Henry Brougham, M.P., to Mr. Creevey.
“April, 1811.
“Dear C.,
“The enclosed answer to a mutinous epistle which I
fired into Holland House t’other day may amuse Mrs. C. and you. Burn it when you have read
it.
“Yours ever,
“H. B.”
[Enclosure from Lord
Holland.
“. . . There is much truth in your complaints of the
present state of public affairs. But how is the evil to be corrected? There is
a want of popular feelings in many individuals of the party. Others are
exasperated with the unjust and uncandid treatment they have received, and are
every day receiving, from the modern Reformers. Another set are violent
anti-Reformers, and alarmed at every speech or measure that has the least
tendency towards reform. There is but one measure on which the party are
unanimously agreed, and no one man in the House of Commons to whom they look up
with that deference and respect to his opinion which is necessary to have
concert and co-operation in a party. . . . It is a state of things, however,
which cannot possibly last. Before next meeting of Parliament, the Prince must either have changed his Ministers, or
he must lay his account with systematic opposition to his government. Even
though the old leaders of the party* should be unwilling to break with him,
they will not be able to prevent their friends from declaring open hostility
against his government. If such a rupture should take place, many would of
course desert the party; but those who remained, agreeing better with one
another in their opinions, and consisting of more independent men, would in
fact be a more formidable opposition than the present. . . . ”]
1811.] |
THE PRINCE’S COOLNESS TO THE WHIGS. |
145 |
Henry Brougham, M.P., to Mr. Creevey.
“Wed.
“. . . I wish you would come to town and let us have a
few mischievous discussions. . . . A report is very prevalent that the siege of
Badajos is raised, previous to another fight. I daresay this will prove true. .
. . I am assured that the Ministers have private letters from Welln., preparing them for a retreat.”
As time went on, although the King’s malady became confirmed, so also seemed the Regent’s inclination to maintain his father’s
Cabinet. The irritation of the Whigs increased in proportion as their hopes sank lower. A
peep down the Prime Minister’s area seems to have opened Creevey’s eyes for the first time to the profligacy of the Heir
Apparent, to which he had been blind enough in the rousing old days at the Pavilion. So
greatly may judgment vary according to the point of view!
Mr. Creevey to Mrs. Creevey.
“20th July, 1811.
“. . . Prinny’s attachment to the present Ministers, his
supporting their Bank Note Bill, and his dining with them, must give them all
hopes of being continued, as I have no doubt they will. . . . The folly and
villainy of this Prinny is certainly beyond anything. I
was forcibly struck with this as I passed Perceval’s* kitchen just now, and saw four man cooks and
twice as many maids preparing dinner for the Prince of Wales and
Regent—he whose wife Perceval set up against him in
open battle—who, at the age of 50, could not be trusted by the sd.
Perceval with the
146 | THE CREEVEY PAPERS | [Ch. VII. |
unrestrained government of these realms during his
father’s incapacity—he who, on his last birthday at Brighton,
declared to his numerous guests that it was his glory to have bred up his
daughter in the principles of
Mr. Fox—he who, in this very
year, declared by letter to the said Mr. Perceval, and
afterwards had the letter published as an apology for his conduct, that he took
him as his father’s Minister, but that his own heart was in another
quarter—by God! this is too much. We shall see whether he does dine there
or not, or whether he will send word at 5, as he did to poor
Kinnaird, that he can’t come. I have been
walking with Kinnaird, and this excuse that came too late
from Prinny, the
Duke of
York and the
Duke of
Clarence has evidently made a deep impression upon his
lordship’s mind against the Bank Note Bill, and everything else in which
the Regent takes a part.”
Journal.
“July 12th, 1811.—. . . We are prorogued till the 22nd of next month
only, but the general opinion is the King will die before that day, and then of course
Parliament meets again. Publick opinion, or rather the opinion of Parliamentary
politicians, is that, in the event of the King’s death, Lords Grenville and Grey will be passed over and the present ministers continued,
with the addition of some of the Prince’s private friends, such as Lords Moira and Hutchinson and Yarmouth and
old Sheridan. The latter is evidently
very uneasy at the present state of things. He sat with me till 5 o’clock
on Sunday morning at Brooks’s—was very drunk—told me I had
better get into the same boat with him in politicks—but at the same time
abused Yarmouth so unmercifully that one quite perceived
he thought his (Yarmouth’s) boat was the best of the
two. Apparently nothing can be so base as the part the Prince is acting, or so
likely to ruin him. . . .
“Brighton, Oct. 30th.—The Prince
Regent came here last night with the Duke of Cumberland and Lord
Yarmouth. Everybody has been writing their names at the Pavilion
this morning, but I don’t hear
of
anybody dining there to-day. . . . I presume we shall be asked there,
altho’ I went to town on purpose to vote against his appointment of his
brother the
Duke of York to the
Commandership-in-Chief of the Army.
Oct. 31st.—We have got an
invitation from the Regent for to-night and
are going. I learn from Sir Philip
Francis, who dined there yesterday, the Prince was very gay. . .
. There were twenty at dinner—no politicks—but still
Francis says he thinks, from the language of the
equerries and understrappers, that the campaign in Portugal and Lord Wellington begin to be out of fashion with
the Regent. I think so too, from a conversation I had with one of the Gyps to-day—Congreve, author of the rocketts, and
who is going, they say, to have a Rockett Corps.* He affects to sneer rather at
Wellington’s military talents. The said
Congreve was at the same school with me at Hackney,
and afterwards at Cambridge with me; after that, a brother lawyer with me at
Gray’s Inn. Then he became an editor of a newspaper . . . written in
favour of Lord Sidmouth’s
administration, till he had a libel in his paper against Admiral Berkeley, for which he was prosecuted
and fined £1000. Then he took to inventing rocketts for the more effectual
destruction of mankind, for which he became patronised by the Prince of Wales,
and here he is—a perfect Field Marshall in appearance. About 12 years ago
he wrote to me to enquire the character of a mistress who had lived with me
some time before, which said mistress he took upon my recommendation, and she
lives with him now, and was, when I knew her, cleverer than all the equerries
and their Master put together.
“Nov. 1st.—We were at the Pavilion last night—Mrs. Creevey’s three daughters and
myself—and had a very pleasant evening. We found there Lord and Lady
Charlemont, Marchioness of
Downshire and
* Afterwards Sir William
Congreve, Bart., M.P., F.R.S. Wellington disapproved of
Congreve’s invention when it was first
brought to his notice. “I don’t want to set fire to any
town, and I don’t know any other use of rockets.”
But he changed his opinion after witnessing their effect in action at
the passage of the Adour in 1814. |
148 | THE CREEVEY PAPERS | [Ch. VII. |
old
Lady Sefton. About
half-past nine, which might be a quarter of an hour after we arrived, the
Prince came out of the dining-room. He
was in his best humour, bowed and spoke to all of us, and looked uncommonly
well, tho’ very fat. He was in his full Field Marshal’s uniform. He
remained quite as cheerful and full of fun to the last—half-past
twelve—asked after Mrs. Creevey’s health, and
nodded and spoke when he passed us. The
Duke of
Cumberland was in the regimentals of his own Hussars,* looked
really hideous, everybody trying to be rude to him—not standing when he
came near them. The officers of the Prince’s regiment had all dined with
him, and looked very ornamental monkeys in their red breeches with gold fringe
and yellow boots. The Prince’s band played as usual all the time in the
dining-room till 12, when the pages and footmen brought about iced champagne
punch, lemonade and sandwiches. I found more distinctly than before, from
conversation with the
Gyps, that Wellington and Portugal
are going down.
“The Prince looked
much happier and more unembarrassed by care than I have seen him since this
time six years. This time five years ago, when he was first in love with
Lady Hertford, I have seen the tears
run down his cheeks at dinner, and he has been dumb for hours, but now that he
has the weight of the empire upon him, he is quite alive. . . . I had a very
good conversation with Lord Charlemont
about Ireland, and liked him much. He thinks the Prince has already nearly
ruined himself in Irish estimation by his conduct to the Catholics.
“Nov. 2nd.—We were again at the Pavilion last night. . . . The
Regent sat in the Musick Room almost all
the time between Viotti, the famous
violin player, and Lady Jane Houston,
and he went on for hours beating his thighs the proper time for the band, and
singing out aloud, and looking about for accompaniment from
Viotti and Lady Jane. It was
curious sight to see a Regent thus employed, but he seemed
* This was a German volunteer regiment, which
disgraced itself at Waterloo by deserting the field at the very crisis
of the French cavalry attack. |
in high good humour. . . . There is nothing
like a Minister about him, nor yet any of his old political friends or
advisers—no
Sheridan,
Moira or
Hutchinson.
Yarmouth and
the
Duke of Cumberland are always on the
spot, and no doubt are his real advisers; but in publick they are mute, and
there is no intercourse between the Regent and them.
Sir Philip Francis is the only one of his old
set here, but he is not here on the Prince’s invitation, nor in his
suite, and is evidently slighted.
Tom
Stepney and I last night calculated that
Francis and
Lord
Keith made out 150 years of age between them, and yet they are
both here upon their preferment with the Regent—the first, one of the
cleverest men one knows, and the other, one of the richest. What a capital
libel on mankind! Francis said to me
to-day:—‘Well, I am invited to dinner to-day, and that is
perhaps all I shall get after two and twenty years’
service.’ What infernal folly for such a person to have put himself
in the way of making so humiliating a confession.
“Nov. 3rd.—. . . I have heard of no one observation the Regent has made get out of the commonest
slip-slop, till to-day Baron Montalembert told me this
morning that, when he dined there on Friday with the staff of this district,
the Prince said he had been looking over the returns of the Army in Portugal
that morning, and that there were of British 16,500 sick in Hospitals in
Lisbon, and 4,500 sick in the field—in all, 21,000. It might be
indiscreet in the Prince to make this statement from official papers, but he
must have been struck with it, and I hope rightly, so as to make him think of
peace. . . .
“Nov. 5th.—We were at the Prince’s both last night and the night before (Sunday). .
. . The Regent was again all night in the Musick Room, and not content with
presiding over the Band, but actually singing, and very loud too. Last night we
were reduced to a smaller party than ever, and Mrs.
Creevey was well enough to go with me and her daughters for the
first time. Nothing could be kinder than the Prince’s manner to her. When
he first saw her upon coming into the drawing-room, he went up and took hold of
both her hands, shook them heartily,
150 | THE CREEVEY PAPERS | [Ch. VII. |
made her sit down
directly, asked her all about her health, and expressed his pleasure at seeing
her look so much better than he expected. Upon her saying she was glad to see
him looking so well, he said gravely he was getting old and blind. When she
said she was glad on account of his health that he kept his rooms cooler than
he used to do, he said he was quite altered in that respect—that he used
to be always
chilly, and was now never so—that he
never had a fire even in his bedroom, and slept with one blanket and sheet
only. . . .
“Nov. 6th.—We were again at the Pavilion last night . . . the party
being still smaller than ever, and the Prince, according to his custom, being entirely occupied with
his musick.
“Nov. 9th.—Yesterday was the last day of the Prince’s stay at this place, and, contrary to my
expectation, I was invited to dinner. We did not sit down till half-past seven,
tho’ I went a little past six. The only person I found was Tom Stepney: then came Generals Whetham, Hammond and Cartwright,
Lords Charlemont, Yarmouth and Ossulston,
Sir Philip Francis, Congreve, Bloomfield and others of the understrappers, and finally the
Regent and the Duke of Cumberland. We
were about sixteen altogether. The Prince was very merry and seemed very well.
He began to me with saying very loud that he had sent for Mrs. Creevey’s physic to London. . . .
At dinner I sat opposite to him, next to Ossulston, and we
were the only persons there at all marked by opposition to his appointment of
his brother the Duke of York, or to the
Government generally, since he has been Regent. He began an old joke at dinner
with me about poor Fonblanque, with whom
I had dined six years ago at the Pavilion, . . . [when] the Prince and we all
got drunk, and he was always used to say it was the merriest day he ever spent.
However, it was soon dropped yesterday.
“The Duke of
Cumberland and Yarmouth
never spoke. The Prince was describing a
pleasant dinner he had had in London lately, and was going over each
man’s name as he sat in his order at the table, and giving to each his
due in the pleasantry of the day. Coming to Col.
[Sir Willoughby] Gordon he said:
1811.] | THE CANNINGITES SCATTERED. | 151 |
‘To be sure, there’s not much
humour in him!’ upon which
Ossulston
and I gave both a kind of involuntary laugh, thinking the said
Gordon a perfect impostor, from our recollection of
his pompous, impudent evidence before the House of Commons in the
Duke of York’s case; but this
chuckling of ours brought from the Prince a very
elaborate panegyric upon Gordon which was meant, most
evidently, as a reproof to Ossulston and myself for
quizzing him.
“We did not drink a great deal, and were in the
drawing-room by half-past nine or a little after; no more state, I think, than
formerly—ten men out of livery of one kind or other, and four or five
footmen. At night everybody was there and the whole closed about one, and so
ended the Regent’s visit to
Brighton.”
And so, it may be added, ended Creevey’s intimacy with the Regent. Henceforward he acted in constant
opposition to his future monarch’s schemes.
Lady Holland to Mrs. Creevey.
[1811?].
“. . . I suppose you have heard that Mr. Canning has entirely disbanded his little
Troop. He dismissed them, desiring they would no longer consider him as the
leader of any Party in the House of Commons. Various reasons are assigned for
it. C. Ellis says that a gentleman whom he
did not name, but who is supposed to be W[illegible]
suspected an immediate negociation with Ministers, and implied that he was the
mouthpiece of the party; upon which Canning, in a moment
of pettishness, set them all adrift. There are various conjectures, but the
only fact is that they are released from their allegiance. Ward says it is hard to serve a year without
wages, but he hopes to get a good character from his last place. The story is
that Huskisson has been off some time
and is coming in. . . . All Canning’s friends are
very sore at this last move; but more because the chief sensation it excites
152 | THE CREEVEY PAPERS | [Ch. VII. |
is laughter, and tho’ jokers themselves, they
cannot endure any ridicule against their own lot. . . . The Regent went to the
Dandy ball last night, and only spoke to
M. Pierrepont, one of the four who invited. He
fairly turned his back upon the others. He sent a message to
Sr. Harry Mildmay, saying he wished to speak
to him; who replied that it must be a mistake, because His R. H. had seen him
and took no notice whatever of him. . . .”
Princess Amelia (1711-1786)
Born in Hanover, she was the second daughter of George II, known for her sharp
tongue.
Princess Amelia (1783-1810)
The youngest daughter of George III; she died of tuberculosis after a long illness to the
despair of her father.
Henry Bankes (1757-1834)
Of Kingston Lacy; educated at Westminster and Trinity College, Cambridge, he was Whig MP
for Corfe Castle (1780-1826).
John Bellingham (1770-1812)
The bankrupt tradesman who assassinated the prime minister Spencer Perceval in the House
of Commons 11 May 1812; unrepentant, he was tried and executed within a week. Byron
witnessed his execution.
Charles Augustus Bennet, fifth earl of Tankerville (1776-1859)
Son of Charles Bennet, the fourth earl (d. 1822); educated at Eton, he was Whig MP for
Steyning (1803-06), Knaresborough (1806-18), and Berwick-on-Tweed) (1820-22); in 1806 he
married Armandine Sophie Leonie Corisande de Gramont.
Sir George Cranfield Berkeley (1753-1818)
English admiral, the son of fourth earl of Berkeley; he was commander of the fleet off
the coast of Portugal (1808-12) and was MP for Gloucester (1781-1812).
Benjamin Bloomfield, first baron Bloomfield (1768-1846)
After serving in the 10th Hussars he was chief equerry, clerk marshal, and private
secretary to the Prince Regent; he was MP for Plymouth (1812-17) and raised to the Irish
peerage in 1825.
Henry Peter Brougham, first baron Brougham and Vaux (1778-1868)
Educated at Edinburgh University, he was a founder of the
Edinburgh
Review in which he chastised Byron's
Hours of Idleness; he
defended Queen Caroline in her trial for adultery (1820), established the London University
(1828), and was appointed lord chancellor (1830).
George Canning (1770-1827)
Tory statesman; he was foreign minister (1807-1809) and prime minister (1827); a
supporter of Greek independence and Catholic emancipation.
Queen Caroline of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel (1768-1821)
Married the Prince of Wales in 1795 and separated in 1796; her husband instituted
unsuccessful divorce proceedings in 1820 when she refused to surrender her rights as
queen.
William Cartwright [Zarach] (1827 fl.)
The author of
The Battle of Waterloo: a Poem (1827) and a regular
contributor to the
Literary Gazette. William Jerdan describes him as
a friend.
William Cartwright (1754-1827)
Of Aynhoe, educated at Eton; he was colonel of the 10th Dragoons and equerry to George
III (1797-1820).
Princess Charlotte Augusta (1796-1817)
The only child of George IV; she married Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg in 1816 and died
in childbirth the following year.
Sir William Congreve, second baronet (1772-1828)
Military engineer patronized by the Prince of Wales; he invented the Congreve Rocket and
was a Tory MP for Gatton (1812-16) and Plymouth (1818-28).
Eleanor Creevey [née Branding] (d. 1818)
The daughter of Charles Branding (1733-1802); in 1779 she married William Ord (d. 1789)
and in 1802, the politician and diarist Thomas Creevey.
Thomas Creevey (1768-1838)
Whig politician aligned with Charles James Fox and Henry Brougham; he was MP for Thetford
(1802-06, 1807-18) Appleby (1820-26) and Downton (1831-32). He was convicted of libel in
1813.
Charles Augustus Ellis, second baron Seaford (1799-1868)
The son of Charles Rose Ellis; after education at Eton and military he was service
under-secretary of state for foreign affairs under Canning (1824-26) and a career
diplomat.
King Ernest Augustus, of Hanover (1771-1851)
The fifth and last surviving son of George III; he was king of Hanover 1837-1851. Though
acquitted, he was thought to have murdered his valet, Joseph Sellis.
Thomas Erskine, first baron Erskine (1750-1823)
Scottish barrister who was a Whig MP for Portsmouth (1783-84, 1790-1806); after defending
the political radicals Hardy, Tooke, and Thelwall in 1794 he was lord chancellor in the
short-lived Grenville-Fox administration (1806-07).
Maria Anne Fitzherbert [née Smythe] (1756-1837)
The consort of the Prince of Wales whom she married in 1785 as her third husband; the
marriage was regarded as illegitimate since she was a Catholic.
John de Grenier Fonblanque (1759-1837)
English barrister educated at Harrow and St John's College, Oxford; he was a member of
the Whig Club, friend of the Prince of Wales, and MP for Camelford (1802-06).
Charles James Fox (1749-1806)
Whig statesman and the leader of the Whig opposition in Parliament after his falling-out
with Edmund Burke.
Henry Richard Fox, third baron Holland (1773-1840)
Whig politician and literary patron; Holland House was for many years the meeting place
for reform-minded politicians and writers. He also published translations from the Spanish
and Italian;
Memoirs of the Whig Party was published in 1852.
Sir Philip Francis (1740-1818)
Son of the translator of the same name, and the likely author of the Junius letters; he
was first clerk at the war office (1762-72), made a fortune in India, and served in
Parliament as a Whig MP.
Frederick Augustus, Duke of York (1763-1827)
He was commander-in-chief of the Army, 1798-1809, until his removal on account of the
scandal involving his mistress Mary Anne Clarke.
Sir James Willoughby Gordon (1772-1851)
English military officer who was military secretary to the duke of York (1804),
quartermaster-general of the army in the Peninsula (1811), and quartermaster-general at the
Horse Guards (1812).
William Wyndham Grenville, baron Grenville (1759-1834)
Educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford, he was a moderate Whig MP, foreign secretary
(1791-1801), and leader and first lord of the treasury in the “All the Talents” ministry
(1806-1807). He was chancellor of Oxford University (1810).
Charles Grey, second earl Grey (1764-1845)
Whig statesman and lover of the Duchess of Devonshire; the second son of the first earl
(d. 1807), he was prime minister (1831-34).
Francis Thomas Hammond (1767-1850)
Of Whepstead near Bury St. Edmunds, military officer; he was for forty years Equerry and
Clerk Martial in the courts of George III and George IV.
Lady Jane Houston [née Maitland] (1769-1833)
The daughter of James Maitland, seventh Earl of Lauderdale; in 1787 she married Samuel
Long, and in 1808 General Sir William Houstoun.
William Huskisson (1770-1830)
English politician and ally of George Canning; privately educated, he was a Tory MP for
Morpeth (1796-1802), Liskeard (1804-07), Harwich (1807-12), Chichester (1812-23), and
Liverpool (1823-30). He died in railway accident.
Charles Kinnaird, eighth baron Kinnaird (1780-1826)
The son of George Kinnaird, seventh baron Kinnaird; he was Whig MP for Leominster
(1802-05) before he succeeded to the title. He was the elder brother of Byron's friend,
Douglas Kinnaird.
Sir John McMahon, first baronet (1754 c.-1817)
Irish politician who was MP for Aldeburgh (1802-12); he was a friend of Sheridan and
secretary to the Prince Regent.
Spencer Perceval (1762-1812)
English statesman; chancellor of the exchequer (1807), succeeded the Duke of Portland as
prime minister (1809); he was assassinated in the House of Commons.
Sir Henry Manvers Pierrepont (1780-1851)
English dandy, the son of Charles Pierrepont, first Earl Manvers. He was a sponsor of the
1813 Dandy Ball and was Envoy to Denmark.
George Ponsonby (1755-1817)
The son of John Ponsonby (d. 1787); he was speaker of the Irish House of Commons, lord
chancellor of Ireland in the Fox-Grenville ministry (1806) and succeeded Lord Grey as
leader of the Whigs in the British House of Commons.
Sir Henry St. John Carew St. John Mildmay, fourth baronet (1787-1848)
English dandy, the son of the third baronet and an associate of Beau Brummel; he was MP
for Winchester (1807-1818). In 1814 he was involved with a crim. con. case with the Earl of
Rosebery; he later became insolvent and shot himself in his residence in Belgrave
Square.
John Scott, first earl of Eldon (1751-1838)
Lord chancellor (1801-27); he was legal counsel to the Prince of Wales and an active
opponent of the Reform Bill.
Richard Brinsley Sheridan (1751-1816)
Anglo-Irish playwright, author of
The School for Scandal (1777),
Whig MP and ally of Charles James Fox (1780-1812).
Sir Thomas Stepney, ninth baronet (1760 c.-1825)
Groom of the bedchamber to the Duke of York; he inherited the title from his brother in
1811. He was the husband of the novelist Catherine Stepney.
Frances Ann Taylor [née Vane] (d. 1835)
Whig hostess, the daughter of Sir Henry Vane, first baronet (1729–1794); in 1789 she
married the politician Michael Angelo Taylor.
George Tierney (1761-1830)
Whig MP and opposition leader whose political pragmatism made him suspect in the eyes of
his party; he fought a bloodless duel with Pitt in 1798. He is the “Friend of Humanity” in
Canning and Frere's “The Needy Knife-Grinder.”
John Charles Villiers, third earl of Clarendon (1757-1838)
Younger son of the first earl of the second creation; he was envoy to the Portuguese
court (1808-1810) and was MP for Old Sarum (1784-90), Dartmouth (1790-1802), Tain burghs
(1802-05), and Queenborough (1807-12, 1820-24); he succeeded his brother in 1824.
Giovanni Battista Viotti (1755-1824)
Italian violinist and composer who worked in London following the French
Revolution.
Elizabeth Waldegrave [née Whitbread] (1791-1843)
The daughter of Samuel Whitbread; in 1812 she married Vice-Admiral William Waldegrave,
who in 1846 would become the eighth earl of Waldegrave.
John William Ward, earl of Dudley (1781-1833)
The son of William Ward, third Viscount Dudley (d. 1823); educated at Edinburgh and
Oxford, he was an English MP, sometimes a Foxite Whig and sometimes Canningite Tory, who
suffered from insanity in his latter years.
Arthur Whetham (1753-1813)
Born in Nottingham, he was first gentleman of the bedchamber to the Duke of Cumberland
and lieutenant-governor of the garrison at Portsmouth (1811-13).
John Whishaw (1764 c.-1840)
Barrister, educated at Trinity College, Cambridge; he was Secretary to the African
Association and biographer of Mungo Park. His correspondence was published as
The “Pope” of Holland House in 1906.
Samuel Whitbread (1764-1815)
The son of the brewer Samuel Whitbread (1720-96); he was a Whig MP for Bedford, involved
with the reorganization of Drury Lane after the fire of 1809; its financial difficulties
led him to suicide.
Charles Philip Yorke (1764-1834)
Tory politician, the son of Charles Yorke (1722–1770); he was MP for Cambridgeshire
(1790-1810), secretary at war (1801-03), home secretary (1803-04), first lord of Admiralty
(1810-11). He was F.S.A. and vice-president of the Royal Society of Literature.