Journal of a Visit to Greece
Chapter IX
CHAPTER IX.
The aspect of affairs, after five years’ struggle with her
powerful foe, was now becoming threatening to the existence of Greece as a free nation.
Colocotroni, though joined by almost all the chiefs
of the Morea, had not assembled above 5000 men. The Moreots remained in their territory, and
the inhabitants of the Morea seemed resolved on no further exertion. The President, Conduriotti, was absent from Napoli, at Hydra. Prince Demetrius Ipsilanti, as he had before done when
Courschid Pacha’s formidable army entered
the Morea, now took the field with 300 men, and received the authority, but not the means, from
the Government to raise 2000.
Ibrahim Pacha’s force, including the garrisons of
Navarino, Modon, and Coron, amounted to about 15,000 men. He extended his operations on either
side of Navarino along the coast as far as Calamata and Arcadia; and, at the head of 6000
infantry and 300 cavalry, advanced in person on Tripolizza. The Egyptians having now penetrated
into the heart of the mountainous passes and defiles of the Morea, an important blow was
expected to be struck by Colocotroni; but no defence was
attempted. On their approach the Greeks evacuated Tripolizza, setting fire to such goods as
might be useful to the enemy; and the Egyptians entered the town three days after. On the 23d
of June, Ibrahim Pacha’s Mamelukes were seen under the walls of
Napoli di Romania, capturing some camels, within gun-shot of the garrison, and his troops were
at Argos, having traversed the Morea undisturbed and unimpeded, as if marching through the
sandy plains of his own dominions.
The crisis of Greece seemed decisive. All Roumelia, save Athens, a few
mountain-tops, and Messolunghi, was in the power of the enemy. Messolunghi, if not relieved,
could not long hold out. In the Morea all resistance seemed at an end: the Greek fleet was
dispersing, and the Hydriots spoke of abandoning their country, and seeking refuge with their
families in America. The consternation was universal. The Government now thought of
preparations, for which there was no longer time; of forming cavalry, and the few horses that
were in Napoli were put in requisition. The command of the garrison was offered to Colonel Favrier, who had been absent from Greece, but had
lately returned, accompanied by several officers, and proposed to the Government to organize
1000 regulars, for one year, with his own resources; but a crowded and unprovisioned fortified
town, wanting in every thing needful for its defence, was a charge no one would accept at a
moment
when it was too late, by any effort, to remedy past neglect. The
command of the regulars was ceded to Colonel Favrier, and in this
emergency every attention was shown to foreign officers. Those who embark in the cause of the
Greeks must prepare for much suffering, to witness many scenes of wanton cruelty, encounter
endless obstacles, arm themselves with inexhaustible patience, and seek their reward in the
satisfaction of having added their mite to a good cause.
Ipsilanti had, with 500 men, taken up a position at the
Mulos on the sea-side opposite Napoli, near Argos, and flanking the road from Tripolizza.
Ibrahim Pacha, making, it was reported, a
reconnoissance in person, was here wounded in the arm; and in consequence ordered the last
battalion of his Moors, who were marching on Argos, to deploy on a hill which commanded the
position, and make an attack; which Ipsilanti repulsed with great bravery,
the
Moors filling the garden of the house, which he occupied, and a
French officer, Mons. Graglia, was slightly wounded by his side. An
officer of Colonel Favrier’s, M. Le
Croix, with two or three gun-boats, conducted a well-directed fire on the Turks,
who retired, after losing 100 men.* An American officer, of the name of
Muller, a young man of bravery and conduct, with ten Bulgarians,
cleared the garden of the Moors, sword in hand, and their main body being already at Argos,
they did not repeat the assault. Our small body of cavalry had * The Prince, in his despatch to the Government, of the affair of
the Mulos, stated the loss of the enemy at 400, which he mentioned to Le
Croix; and that he did not do so with any view to magnify his own
exploits, as he had no other desire but to devote his life to his country, but he
wished to make the most of the affair to raise the spirits of the people and soldiers
in this moment of consternation; and Le Croix made a corresponding statement in his
report: but the real loss amounted to 100 men, which does not argue much in favour of
the intrepidity of Ibrahim Pacha’s Moors;
for the Mulos was by no means an advantageous or a strong position. |
some unimportant skirmishes, which, however, made an imposing appearance,
under the walls of the town. Through Coletti, and by the
instances of my friend Emanuel Kalergi, with whom I now
staid, liberty was allowed me, he being responsible for my appearance. We fell in near Napoli,
with a party not exceeding our own force; but, though we were well mounted on fine Arabians,
and the Greeks were the elite of the garrison of Napoli, they would not make or stand a charge,
and after skirmishing with pistol shots, and having three horses wounded, (no men) the
Mamelukes forming, drove us within range of the guns of the fortress.
Though reiterated proclamations were issued for levée en masse, to march and join Colocotroni and Ipsilanti, and all shops
and coffeehouses were closed, the streets of Napoli continued crowded with thousands of
soldiers and armed men.
After remaining two days at Argos, burning
the villages
and devastating the plain, Ibrahim Pacha returned to
Tripolizza, and a second time passed the long and perilous defile on that route unattacked.
Ipsilanti could not assemble troops to harass his
march, as they dispersed to finish the plunder of the deserted villages around.*
Ibrahim Pacha had neither artillery nor provisions, and
unless he expected the co-ope-
* Our horsemen, on the Turks withdrawing, had scoured the country as
far as Argos; but, uncertain whether a detachment of the enemy might not have remained,
only four of our party of thirty at first entered the town, which was still partly
burning. The town and the surrounding plain presented a dismal scene of the ravages of
war. The wind passing raised clouds of smoke from the different villages, and the sunk
fire of the houses; while the dreary stillness that reigned in Argos was only broken by
the clattering of our horses’ hoofs on the broken tiles that strewed the streets,
or the falling in of another building adding to the work of devastation and ruin. A
small bird or two flying from one scorched branch to another of the once flourishing
trees, as if seeking their place of wonted rest, and the domestic cat, still haunting
the spot of its former threshold, were the only living objects that met the eye. |
ration of his fleet or treachery at Napoli, it seemed an extraordinary
movement. Napoli was a scene of uproar and confusion, and a general pillage was expected to
take place. The populace began a massacre of the few Turks who were living among them, but the
Government being informed of it, they immediately put a stop to it, and the Turks were
collected together, and a guard placed over them. A massacre of 150 Turkish prisoners took
place at Hydra, owing to a Turkish slave on board an Hydriot vessel having set fire to her.
Circumstances now obliged me to leave Napoli. Not being very solicitous of the
imputation of having left the Greeks in the hour of danger, without entering into particulars,
I sent two letters relative to the circumstance which determined me to do so; one, in bad
French, to Mavrocordato, the other to Capt. Hamilton. I have already mentioned that I was
imprisoned, on the pretext of having left the camp without leave.
LETTER I.
Napoli di Romania, 9th Juin (G. style) 1825.
Monsieur,
Vous n’avez pas l’excuse des autres barbares de votre pays.
Vous n’ignorez ni les usages du pays dont je prends ma naissance, ni ce
que doit attendre un étranger qui vient ici, d’un Gouvernement qui
professe des principes libres, mais qui au contraire s’obstine à
pratiquer les actes les plus tyranniques et plus injustes; mais je
n’entrerai pas dans une discussion politique. Vous
connoissez bien les raisons que j’avois de ne me pas presenter à ces
authorités qui sont sous vos ordres. Et vous savez bien aussi que dans des
pareilles circonstances même chez nous, où règne la discipline militaire
la plus sévère on en dépense en faveur de quelque malheur particulier. Mais
pourquoi m’adresser à vous, commençant par l’injustice et
prédéterminé de ne me rendre aucune. L’accusation est une prétexte si
frivole qu’elle ne demande pas presque une réponse, et qui ne fera que
vous rendre méprisable aussi en Europe, si j’ai le bonheur
d’échapper aux coups de vos assassins.
To further justify my opinion that Mavrocordato, if he dared, was capable of any villany, I will state one
anecdote of him:—Three or
four Frenchmen, whom enthusiasm for the
Greeks had induced to desert from their ship at Smyrna, had come to Napoli in an open boat, and
were received in the regulars, as common soldiers. On their vessel coming to Napoli, they were
demanded by their captain; and they, fearing they might be given up, attempted to leave the
town, which might easily and ought to have been, connived at by the Greeks. Two of them had
succeeded in escaping. Mavrocordato had one called, assured him of his
protection, and that they should not be given up if they remained in the regiment, and desired
him to find his comrades and bring them back, which the man, trusting to his professions, did;
on which they were all seized and delivered up to be shot. This shows that the appellation by
which Mavrocordato is known among the Suliotes of Mamroscotato,
black-hearted (literally, black livered) is well merited. He is not so ready to comply with
demands, when his own interests are at stake. On the approach of an
English brig of war the Weasel, off Messolunghi, to demand restitution
for piracies committed by Messolunghi privateers, he mounted his horse, and left the town, to
avoid the explanation.
LETTER II.
To Captain Hamilton, R. Ar. Cambrian
Frigate.
Napoli, G. Style, June 17th, 1825.
Sir,
It appears the Greek Government have already
mentioned to you the affair of the cave of Ulysses. How they have stated the affair I know not; but Captain Hamilton, who has been so long on the
Mediterranean station, must be well aware, not every word from a Greek merits
belief. I am now under an arrest on that account. The plea they state is
groundless. They arrest me because I left the camp without leave. I did not do so.
I had the permission of my general to go to the cave, when I was first informed of
the atrocious attempt to assassinate Trelawney. I found him in imminent danger, from want of medical
assistance. I came instantly to Napoli to procure it, without returning to the camp
it is true, as going and returning would have occupied two days. I ask you, as a
military man, whether, in our service, I should not have
been perfectly justified in so doing: and here, where
military regulations and
discipline have
not an existence, it is absurd to a degree, and in the case of
a native captain, would never have been thought of. The
villain
Fenton, the perpetrator of the act,
was, some months ago, engaged by
Mavrocordato to murder both Ulysses and
Trelawney. I was then with Ulysses,
before he joined the Turks, and Fenton at that time carried on
the intrigue, under the pretence, to us (true or false) of entrapping
Mavrocordato. A
Mr.
Jarvis, an American, now here, was
Mavrocordato’s chief agent in that affair: it passed
over: but the other day, Trelawney was attempted to be
assassinated by this same Fenton, and immediately after,
Ulysses was killed (how, Heaven knows) at Athens. I am
arrested and imprisoned, among thieves and assassins, because I came for a surgeon
for Trelawney. What I now demand, is either to be set at
liberty, or, if they have any charge against me, to be tried. I am vexed to find
myself obliged to occupy your attention on my affairs, but I should feel obliged if
you would exercise your influence in my favour.
I have the honour to be, &c.
Captain Hamilton, whose active benevolence on the
Mediterranean station had given him great influence with both Greek and Turk, being with his
squadron, at Napoli, removed any difficulty I might otherwise have found in leaving it. Had
that not been the case, Captain
Derine, of the French frigate lying there, had politely offered me his
protection. I received a passage from the Hon. Captain
Abbot, on board the Rose sloop, and sailed for Zante;
not sorry to find myself again in the society of my countrymen, and experiencing their
kindness, both on board and afterwards on shore, from the first authorities, and the very
gentlemanly officers of the 90th, at that Island. We met forty sail of the Egyptian fleet,
sailing towards Alexandria, and arrived at Zante, as the Constantinopolitan fleet, fifty-three
sail, including eight frigates, passed and blockaded Messolunghi, a squadron of twelve sail
only being detached to Patras; but this overwhelming force remained nearly a month off
Messolunghi, making but a few ill-directed attacks with gun-boats, which were completely
repulsed by the garrison; and the Greek fleet, under Admiral
Miaulis, of twenty-two sail, attended by six fire-ships, arriving, he made good
his entrance, and sinking one Turkish brig, and burning another, relieved
and provisioned Messolunghi; on which the Turks sailed away for the Levant, and Messolunghi
will most probably hold out, till the winter coming on breaks up the Turkish camp.
The ultimate result of this contest considered, putting the interference or
support of foreign powers out of the question, appearances incline against the probability of
the Greeks being able to maintain their independence. Opposed to the Porte alone, the Greeks
might hope to struggle on for some time; all the Sultan’s operations being carried on with such inactivity and want of
enterprize. But the better conducted plans and policy of the Pacha
of Egypt seems to exceed their strength; and there is only a chance for them, in
the event of the Pacha being embroiled with the Porte. But, independent of external foes, the
internal state of the country affords no prospect of consolidation; no end to factions and
dissensions; no possibility of their
lands being cultivated, or any
commerce carried on, and consequently no improvement of their revenues. However the revolution
may end, if left to themselves, a long state of misery, and a protracted, barbarous, and cruel
warfare, cannot fail to ensue, debarring the Greeks from all chance of present improvement.
After witnessing the tumultuous state of the Morea, the aspect of Zante formed
a pleasing contrast. The Ionian Greeks were increasing in wealth and prosperity under a firm
and just administration; enjoying tranquillity, and made happy, in despite of themselves, by a
Government, which placed in an embarrassing situation by its vicinity and immediate connexion
with the belligerent powers, had undeviatingly pursued an enlightened policy, influenced by the
dictates of humanity.
Captain Hamilton had arranged the affair concerning
Trelawney with the Greek Government, and a brig of
war was appointed for his
conveyance from the country; when I embraced an
offer made me to go to England with Captain Demetrius
Miaulis, and in August 1825, bade farewell to Greece.
It is a truth, the Greeks are in a state of the lowest moral degradation.
Self-interest is the sole guide of all their actions: but what they once were, we know; and, if
freed from a state of debasing slavery, that they will improve is certain. With all their
faults, they are highly gifted; hence an interesting people. They possess a fine genius, and an
acuteness in intellect, a tact, and a natural grace in manner, unequalled by any other nation:
they can well assume the semblance of an amiable character, and in time the reality may also be
added. But in the interior, should future circumstances permit, let them send their youth for
education to those countries where honour and true patriotism are yet something more than a
name; and then only may Modern Greece hope to see such talents as Mavrocor-
dato’s, unperverted by a Fanariot education, and such characters as the Ipsilantis, Marco
Botzari, Maiulis, and Canaris, multiplied among her sons; then may she hope to have
good Statesmen and Patriots, good Generals and good Admirals, able to guide their country to
prosperity and power!