Recollections of the Life of Lord Byron

Captain Parry’s plan for placing the fortress of Missolonghi and the harbour in a state of efficient defence.—To effect this object, Captain Parry requires that the Prince Mavrocordato shall place 1,000 dollars at his disposal, also a sufficient quantity of wood.

Fortifications.—Captain Parry will place the fortifications in a state of defence. He will make a traverse on every battery, and will place an ammunition-chest under each of them, which shall contain 100 rounds of powder in cartridges for each gun, wads, &c. He will put all the guns and platforms in repair, and furnish rammers, head-spunges, wood-hooks, and muzzle-caps for the guns.

Gun-boats.—Captain Parry will fit up four gun-boats, the materials being furnished. He will make carronade slides on them, arrange them for oars, and make a grate in one of them for heating shot.

Laboratory.—Captain Parry will also complete the Laboratory, and render it fit for manufacturing the ammunitions and materials of war.

Memorandum.—Lord Noel Byron was to pay the extra expense, could the government have come forward; the extra expense would have been about 3,000 dollars.

The sum of 1000 dollars shall be given to Captain Parry, one-third part of it to be paid to him on the day he fixes for commencing the work, which must be at the latest four days from this date. The other two-thirds shall be paid to him, one on the fourteenth, and the other on the twenty-first day from this date.

As to the wood necessary for the work, Captain Parry should give in an estimate of the quantity and quality of the wood he will require. In the mean time, as there are some large oak trees at a small distance from the town, Captain Parry may make what use of them he thinks proper.

Workmen.—Captain Parry may form a company of sappers, miners, and gunners, by making such a choice as he thinks fit; but as the government supposes the persons composing this company may demand larger pay than that mentioned in the plan, it promises to pay them.

Anonymous, “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Literary Magnet Vol. 4 (June 1825)

“More last words of John Baxter!” our readers will exclaim: we have already Medwin’s Conversations; Dallas’s Recollections; Gamba’s Residence; Childe Harolde’s Wanderings; and a host of others, in all shapes and sizes, from the ponderous quarto, to the pigmy “pocket edition.” If we required any further evidence of the extent of the illustrious subject’s talents, or the probability of his immortality, than what his works are capable of bestowing, we should regard the never-dying interest that is attached to every thing concerning him, as the completest evidence of the permanency of his literary fame. Mr. Parry writes in a bold seaman-like style, and his work bears with it a very evident air of identity. In Medwin’s and Dallas’s books, we have too much of the poet; in the volumes before us, the man stands upright in the various lights and shades of his character. Lord Byron neither required the fulsome adulation of the Dragoon Captain, nor the sage apologies of Mr. Dallas, to make us believe, that at the bottom he was a really good, but dreadfully misled, man; and that had his life been spared, there was no doubt but what the finer qualities of his soul would have endeared him to the world which he so eminently adorned. From the intelligence Mr. Parry’s book affords us, we entertain no doubt, that had medical aid been procured at the period of the lamentable catastrophe, the life so dear to Greece, liberty, and song, would have been saved. . . .

[Henry Southern], “Personal Character of Lord Byron” in London Magazine Vol. 10 (October 1824)

It is said that his intention was not to remain in Greece,—that he determined to return after his attack of epilepsy. Probably it was only his removal into some better climate that was intended. Certainly a more miserable and unhealthy bog than Missolonghi is not to be found out of the fens of Holland, or the Isle of Ely. He either felt or affected to feel a presentiment that he should die in Greece, and when his return was spoken of, considered it as out of the question, predicting that the Turks, the Greeks, or the Malaria, would effectually put an end to any designs he might have of returning. At the moment of his seizure with the epileptic fits prior to his last illness, he was jesting with Parry, an engineer sent out by the Greek committee, who, by dint of being his butt, had got great power over him, and indeed, became every thing to him. Besides this man there was Fletcher, who had lived with him twenty years, and who was originally a shoemaker, whom his Lordship had picked up in the village where he lived, at Newstead, and who, after attending him in some of his rural adventures, became attached to his service: he had also a faithful Italian servant, Battista; a Greek secretary; and Count Gamba seems to have acted the part of his Italian secretary. Lord Byron spoke French very imperfectly, and Italian not correctly, and it was with the greatest difficulty he could be prevailed upon to make attempts m a foreign language. He would get any body about him to interpret for him, though he might know the language better than his interpreter. . . .

Go to: John Bowring, “Lord Byron in Greece” in Westminster Review Vol. 2 (July 1824)

[John Gibson Lockhart], “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine Vol. 18 No. 103 (August 1825)

This man now tells his story of what he saw and heard of Lord Byron’s behaviour and conversation while in Greece. He makes no ridiculous professions of accuracy. He plainly says, the idea of noting down what Lord Byron was pleased to say to him in private conversation never once entered his head. But he adds, and who can doubt it, that finding himself thrown into close contact of this sort with a man of Lord Byron’s extraordinary genius and celebrity, whatever things of any importance were said by Lord Byron did make a strong, an indelible impression on his mind. And, with- out pretending to give the words—unless when there is something very striking indeed about them—he does profess himself able and determined to give the substance. We need, indeed, but little of such professions, to make us believe, that the conversations which he relates did substantially take place between him and Lord Byron. They carry the stamp of authenticity upon their front. The man that said these things was a man of exquisite talent—of extraordinary reach and compass of reflection—of high education and surpassing genius. This is enough for us. Mr Parry is an excellent person in his own way, but he is plainly as incapable of inventing these things, as if he had written himself down on his title-page, “Author of Ahasuerus, a Poem.” . . .

[John Gibson Lockhart], “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine Vol. 18 No. 103 (August 1825)

Mavrocardato was, and is, universally admitted to be the most accomplished of the Greek statesmen, and he was at this period the President of the Provisionary Government; yet this agent of the Greek committee rates Major Parry, for giving Mavrocordato the title by which he had always been distinguished, and which Lord Byron, nay, even Sir Thomas Maitland, never thought of refusing him. But this was not all. He openly took part with the faction opposed to Mavrocordato and the existing Greek government; and why? Why, because Mavrocordato, a man of sense and education, who has travelled in Western Europe, and speaks her languages, and has read her books, was thoroughly aware of the unfitness of a free press for Greece in her actual condition, and accordingly discountenanced the setting up of a paper at Missolonghi; whereas Odysseus, a robber captain, in arms in reality against the Greek government as much as against the Turks, had no objections to let Stanhope print as many papers as he liked in Athens, which city the said Odysseus refused, according to the language of Colonel Stanhope’s own eulogy, “to surrender to a weak government;” in other words, was keeping possession of, in opposition to the authorities which he had the year before sworn to obey—the very authorities, too, be it observed, under which alone Colonel Stanhope was at the time acting. Odysseus knew that his wild barbarians could no more read a Greek newspaper than they could fly over Olympus, and therefore he cared not what Stanhope printed, so he and his people got, through Stanhope’s means, a part of the loans transmitted from England, for the support of the Greek government and cause. . . .

[John Gibson Lockhart], “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine Vol. 18 No. 103 (August 1825)

These passages cannot, we think, fail to gratify our readers. The view they give of Lord Byron’s kind, natural temper, frank and engaging manners, and noble self-possession in the midst of all the irritations of disease and disgust, must go far we think to convince the most sceptical, that the epithet of Satanic was not the happiest which a contemporary poet might have applied to the author of Child Harold. . . .

[John Gibson Lockhart], “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine Vol. 18 No. 103 (August 1825)

The following is a most important passage indeed. In it we have Lord Byron detailing, in a manner the sincerity of which it is impossible to doubt, his own views concerning the ultimate prospects of Greece; and surely the exposition is such, that it could have come from no mind in which sense, wisdom, and genius, were not equally inherent. It is the only thing upon the subject that we have ever been able to think worth a second reading. . . .

[John Gibson Lockhart], “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine Vol. 18 No. 103 (August 1825)

Our readers must turn to Mr Parry’s own page for a great deal more of Lord Byron’s table talk. They will find many sound English sentiments, even in regard to the English politics of the day—they will find views as to America equally just and liberal—they will find the most contemptuous allusions to the soi-disant liberals with whom Lord Byron had come into personal contact, such as old Cartwright, Leigh Hunt, &c.; and upon every occasion an open avowal of the deepest respect for the aristocracy of Britain, which these poor creatures have spent their lives in endeavouring to overthrow. . . .

[John Gibson Lockhart], “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine Vol. 18 No. 103 (August 1825)

Of all this, and also of the affecting narrative which Mr Parry gives of Lord Byron’s last days, strictly so called, we shall quote nothing. The main outline of his illness is already sufficiently before the public; and these new details are so painful, that though we do not wish not to have read them, we certainly shall never torture ourselves with reading them again. The spectacle of youth, and rank, and genius, meeting with calm resolution the approach of death, under external circumstances of the most cheerless description, may afford a lesson to us all! But Mr Parry has painted this scene with far too rude a pencil; and, indeed, the print which he has inserted of Byron on his miserable bed, and almost in the agonies of death, attended by Parry himself and Tita, ought to be omitted in every future edition. It is obviously a got-up thing—a mere eyetrap—and for one person whose diseased taste it pleases, will undoubtedly disgust a thousand who ought to be acquainted with this book. . . .

[John Gibson Lockhart], “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine Vol. 18 No. 103 (August 1825)

In order that our article may terminate pleasantly, we have reserved wherewithal to wind it up, Parry’s description of an interview which he had with the personage whom Colonel Stanhope mentions as “the finest genius of the most enlightened age, the immortal Bentham.” We shall give the sailor’s rough sketch of the Patriarch without note or comment—in truth it needs none; and, we have no doubt, posterity will not disdain to hang it up alongside of the more professional performance of that other fine genius of our enlightened century—the immortal Hazlitt—in his noble gallery of portraits, entitled “The Spirit of The Age.” . . .

Anonymous, “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine Vol. 95 (June 1825)

The Author before us appears to be a man of strong natural sense, with an honest old soldier’s heart, and all that John Bullism about him, which evinces a sturdy determination to speak his mind, in utter disregard of person or party. Now as we like to see good rather than evil, we are glad to find that though Byron was often politically tipsy, and talked nonsense about his country, the King, America, &c.; yet in his conduct on the Greek subject, the usual wisdom of the hereditary Senator was conspicuous. There was not a fault in his advice concerning the Greek cause. He stands, as a Statesman, as superior to the rest, as the Trajan column does to a milestone. He avowed an intention to study the art of war, probably to become another Napoleon; at all events to be a Washington. All this was in his nature. He was a charger of high blood, and men rail at him because he was unfit for a cart-horse. It is to men of such a character that the world is to look for the enthusiasm and perseverance requisite to effect great objects; and whatever may be the results of their ambition, it is certain that Providence only works grand changes by single men, not by bodies of men, and ultimately merges all in monarchy. Republics have only short lives, and seldom merry ones. . . .

Anonymous, “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine Vol. 95 (June 1825)

The work opens with a long account of clumsy mis-management in transmission of the stores; and the introduction to Lord Byron. His behaviour to the Author was kind and condescending. The room was hung round with weapons like an armoury, abore which were shelves furnished with books, an hieroglyphic of his Lordship’s politics, which were to furnish Greece with arms and independence, and then to leaven it with learning. His politics were very simple, but truly wise. Let one single object, (he said,) the expulsion of the Turks, be first regarded. Newspapers and the press would now only create faction, and do mischief. They are only to be considered as secondary things. Col. Stanhope’s opposite sentiments created the coolness between them. Bloodshed and anarchy, said the wise Member of the Upper House, will be the consequence of discussing theories of government, before independence is obtained. His Lordship was perfectly correct, for in a short time the wiseacres published a Tirade against Kings, which, said the Peer, was the very way to bring the Holy Alliance down upon them. Add to this, that the German Officers who came to assist, were men of punctilious etiquette, and always quarrelling about rank; and mechanics sent out at an expence of three hundred and forty pounds, did only fourteen days work, at the cost of something more than four pounds one shilling a day. Pp. 66, 67. . . .

Anonymous, “The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine Vol. 95 (June 1825)

For every object, public or private, his Lordship was expected to be paymaster; a mutiny might cost him his life; what he received from England were a Wesleyan preacher, bugle-horns, printing presses, and religious tracts. Arms, powder, and shot, were inferior considerations*. With all his noble-minded sacrifices, he was harassed with crazy counsels; worried out of his patience and sleep; and doomed to eat nothing for several days but cheese, fish, vegetables, and bread. In short, at his outset in life, he was all but murdered by calumniators; and now he had to encounter the insanity of his countrymen, who employed the funds collected for the liberation of Greece, in propagating their own political and religious tenets, instead of furnishing the indispensable materials of war. . . .

Anonymous, “Parry v. Hunt” in The Times No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)

William Fletcher—I was in the service of the late Lord Byron upwards of 20 years, and was with him up to the time of his death. I now receive a pension from his family for my services. I first saw Parry at Greece, at Missollonghi. He lived in the same house with Lord Byron. I was not much in the habit of seeing him, and had not an opportunity of knowing whether he was drunk, more than I heard from report. He sometimes appeared the worse for liquor. I have seen him in Lord Byron’s company; he generally called him Captain Parry. I have heard Parry speak of Colonel Stanhope. Some men were sent to attack a Turkish brig off Missolonghi. Parry came home to his house on that occasion, and did not get out again, but said he wanted to shave and dress. This was early in the evening, and it was a considerable time before he came down again. He went into his room at the back of the house. I don’t know where he went when he had shaved. The brig was afterwards in flames. Parry was sent to, and discovered to be asleep. I did not see him go out before the brig was in flames. I have seen Parry once since my return to England. Since I have been subpœnaed here as a witness, I have seen him frequently. Having been here in attendance a long time, and feeling a want for something to eat, I went to get some bread and cheese. Zambelli was with me, and Parry came in, and was very polite to us. I do not know whether the word rogue was used. Parry addressed himself to me, but I do not recollect the words he made use of; they were meant to imply that he had always been my friend. . . .

Anonymous, “Parry v. Hunt” in The Times No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)

I remember a Turkish brig coming a-ground off Missolonghi. We were then all in that place. I heard that Parry was applied to on that occasion to lend his assistance. He was at Lord Byron’s house. Several of us were ordered by him to go in a couple of boats, with guns, to attack the brig. Parry did not go with us; was to come round by land with some Greek soldiers. He did not come round. He said he would come to our assistance when he sent us out. He had a blue coat on, but I do not know whether he was shaved or not. . . .

Anonymous, “Parry v. Hunt” in The Times No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)

— Zambelli, a Hungarian.—I lived in the service of Lord Byron at Missolonghi, and had the care of liquors and provisions in his house. I knew Parry at Missolonghi, and have twice known him absolutely intoxicated. He was, on those occasions, asleep with the bottle by his side lying on the floor, and Lord Byron called to me to take him away. Those are the only times when I have known him affected by liquor. I cannot say how many bottles he drank on those occasions. I recollect a Turkish brig being on shore when Parry came into the house and went up stairs. He did not go out of the house again that day. The brig was not burning before he came into the house. It was burned while he was in the house. . . .

Anonymous, “Parry v. Hunt” in The Times No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)

Colonel Stanhope.—I am a Lieutenant-Colonel in the army. I went out to Greece, and saw Parry there; he lived in my room, and ate his meals at my table. He was in the habit of drinking to excess. He was a sot, and a boaster, and frequently spoke of making Congreve rockets, in which, he said, he had made an improvement, of which Colonel Congreve had taken the merit. He said he would take Lepanto by a fire-kite, and destroy the Turkish fleet. He never carried any of his plans into execution. I have read the Last Days of Lord Byron. Parry is not capable of writing such a work. He is a man of a strong natural mind, but uneducated. He does not speak grammatically correct. He frequently spoke of his great science as an engineer. I saw the brig on shore, and was there. The brig was on shore four or five miles from Missolonghi, and the Greek officers applied to Lord Byron and myself to lend assistance; we despatched artillery and the greater part of the soldiers and townspeople immediately proceeded there; we were for some time under the bombardment of this vessel. After having been stranded for two days, and seeing the impossibility of getting her off, her crew set her on fire, and escaped in their boats to another Turkish vessel which had been hovering in the offing. Parry never made his appearance all the time. Lord Byron treated him as a fool, a buffoon—not as one of these fools that have so often graced the tables of the great. Parry called Lord Byron Hal, and he called him Falstaff. . . .

Anonymous, “Parry v. Hunt” in The Times No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)

Mr. Bowring.—I acted as Secretary to the Greek Committee. Parry was recalled by a vote of the committee of the 3d of July. I should consider him incapable of writing such a book without some assistance. I have not seen him in a state of actual drunkenness, but when he has drunk rather too much. After his return, he showed me the materials from which this work was formed, but I did not look them over. I should think them, however, insufficient to have made the book. . . .

Anonymous, “Parry v. Hunt” in The Times No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)

Mr. Knight.—This book was published by Knight and Lacy. I am not of that house. Parry applied to me early in 1825. He was announced as Captain Parry, and I fully expected to have seen that Captain Parry who had been so frequently towards the North Pole. He, however, undeceived me, and said he came from Greece, and that he wished to publish something relative to Lord Byron. Having said this, he left a portfolio for my perusal, and we had no further conversation at the time. In a few days he called again, and I returned the papers. They consisted of a few official documents, containing technical particulars, terms of war, and estimates of ammunition, and several Greek newspapers, with a few sheets, purporting to be the journal of Captain Parry. They amounted altogether to about 40 or 50 folios. I have read the book which he has published, and towards the end, in the appendix, there are some expressions similar to those I saw in the papers he brought to me. The body of the book does not contain a line of what was in those papers. If he were the writer of the journal put into my hands, he could not be the author of this book. My interview with him was very short; but from what I saw of him, and from his conversation, I should not think him capable of writing this book. . . .

Anonymous, “Parry v. Hunt” in The Times No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)

Mr. Lacy.—I am a partner in the house of Knight and Lacy. We published this book for Mr. Parry. He said he had received some assistance in the arrangement of the work from another gentleman. . . .

Anonymous, “Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner No. 1011 (17 June 1827)

* In one of the editions of Shakspeare is an engraving (after Stothard) representing Antient Pistol cudgelled by Fluellen. Perhaps as humorous a subject might be found for that admirable artist’s pencil in some of the situations attributed by the witnesses to our valiant Major; for instance, the lying asleep after a debauch, embracing the bottle, as described with significant gestures by the witness Zambelli; or the elaborate shaving and dressing, while his men were proceeding to assault the Turkish brig. . . .

Anonymous, “Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner No. 1011 (17 June 1827)

The Chief Justice too, observing on Parry’s conduct in the affair of the Turkish brig, intimated, that one neglect of duty ought not to fix the character of cowardice on any man:—but his Lordship knows, that a single neglect on the day of battle cost the unfortunate Byng his life, and that Lord Sackville was disgracefully driven from the service for once imputed fault on the field of Minden; yet both these men had given repeated proofs of noble courage. Where, however, are William Parry’s proofs? . . .

George Gordon Byron, sixth Baron Byron (1788-1824) The author of Childe Harold and Don Juan.

Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos [Αλεξανδρος Μαβροκορδατος] (1791-1865) Greek statesman and diplomat with Byron at Missolonghi; after study at the University of Padua he joined the Greek Revolution in 1821 and in 1822 was elected by the National Assembly at Epidaurus. He commanded forces in western Central Greece and retired in 1826 after the Fall of Messolonghi.