The Last Days of Lord Byron
Chapter II
THE
LAST DAYS
OF
LORD BYRON:
WITH HIS
LORDSHIP’S OPINIONS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS,
PARTICULARLY ON THE
STATE AND PROSPECTS OF GREECE.
BY WILLIAM PARRY,
MAJOR OF LORD BYRON’S BRIGADE, COMMANDING OFFICER OF ARTILLERY,
AND ENGINEER IN THE SERVICE OF THE GREEKS.
“Lord Byron awoke in half an hour. I wished to go to him, but I had
not the heart.
Mr. Parry went, and Byron knew him again, and squeezed his hand,
and tried to
express his last wishes.”—Count Gamba’s Narrative.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR KNIGHT AND LACEY,
PATERNOSTER-ROW;
AND WESTLEY AND TYRRELL, DUBLIN.
MDCCCXXV.
CHAPTER II.
LORD BYRON’S SITUATION IN GREECE.—HIS FIRST ILLNESS.
First labours in Greece—Lord
Byron wholly occupied with the affairs of that country—Is surrounded with
difficulties—His complaints of delay and disappointment—Offended with Mr.
Blaquiere’s treatment—Has no friends in Greece—Supplies money
for the Brigade—The arsenal is paved—Prince Mavrocordato asks
money of Lord Byron—The Prince’s treatment of me—Conduct
of the foreign officers—Are a great burthen to Lord Byron—One
of them resigns his commission—Lord Byron does not agree with
Colonel Stanhope—His objections to establishing a
newspaper—Complete the removal of the Stores—Immoderate expectations of the
Greeks—Death of Sir Thomas Maitland—Opinions as to his
government—Find some of the stores damaged—Alterations necessary in the
guns—Applications to Lord Byron for pecuniary assistance—His
opinion of Mavrocordato—His Lordship’s confidence in me
increases—He becomes my pupil—Gives me the control over his
expenditure—Weekly expense—Difficulty in obtaining money—Lord
Byron’s first illness—Treatment by the doctors.
On February 8th,
we were actively employed through the whole day in landing the stores, and making arrangements
for our future operations. A drag-cart was constructed out of two Turkish lumber-carriages, but
we were obliged to use the drag-ropes of the three pounders, brought out from England, as we
could not find an inch of rope for this purpose; nor could carts, or any
| OUR FIRST LABOURS IN GREECE. | 23 |
other instrument or material we required, be procured in
the town. Colonel Stanhope and others held a meeting, and
took an account of the stores I had brought out. Some discussion also took place, as to the
manner of appropriating them for the expedition which was then preparing against Lepanto. To
this, of course, I was not a party, being, both by my situation and recent arrival, scarcely
qualified to give an opinion. After the labours of the day were over, on retiring to my
quarters for the night, I had again the honour of seeing Lord
Byron, and of having a long conversation with him. His Lordship’s thoughts
seemed exclusively occupied with his own situation, and with Greece; and I thought he appeared
far from satisfied with the former, and almost to despair of the latter.
I must here observe, that I make no pretensions to report his
Lordship’s exact words; they were so well put together, that it would be impossible for
me to imitate them; but his sentiments I cannot forget, for they made on me a deep and lasting
impression. I felt, from the moment I first saw him, a very great respect for him, mingled with
something like pity. There was a restlessness about him which I could not comprehend, and he
seemed, at times, weary both of himself and others. It was plain, that his wishes
24 | LORD BYRON COMPLAINS OF DELAY. | |
for the welfare of Greece went beyond
his means of serving her; and he appeared surrounded with difficulties, without a steady friend
near him capable of giving him a judicious opinion. On no other principle could I account for
the confidence he immediately placed in me. I knew he was a man of commanding talents, and I
saw him obliged to confide in a stranger, who had no claim whatever to such an honour, but his
years, and zeal in that cause in which Lord Byron’s
whole soul was engaged. The respect I had for him, with his condescension and kindness to me,
gave him immediately something of that power over my mind which the late emperor Napoleon is said to have had over his soldiers. I listened
attentively to every thing he said, and though I have not recorded his words, his sentiments
will long be fresh in my recollection.
Almost the first thing his Lordship said to me this day was, that he was
very much surprised at the delay which had occurred in sending out the supplies. Mr. Blaquiere had informed him, when in Italy, that all these
things would be forwarded with the utmost despatch; he had relied on this information, and been
induced by it to leave that country before all his preparations were completed, and sooner than
he otherwise would. He had waited a considerable time at Cephalonia, with anxious expectation;
he had been there disappointed, and even more
disappointed since his arrival in Greece. He had, on one occasion, hired a boat, and despatched
her to Zante and Cephalonia, in search of me and the stores; or to get information concerning
us. How had it happened, he inquired emphatically, that so much time had been lost?
“And now,” he continued, “when you are arrived, you have not brought
with you all the things which were promised us. Where are the Congreve rockets, of which
the Greeks, who delight in that sort of weapon, have been told so much, and have formed
such high expectations? Why are their hopes, and the promises of the English nation, to be
both falsified? He had expected, also,” he said, “to have found more supplies
at Missolonghi, and persons in whom he could confide. Printing-presses and lithographic
presses were now come; adventurers and horns he had before found; but could the Turks be
conquered by such weapons? He felt much relieved by at last finding a practical man near
him, in whom he could confide.” Of course, I assured his Lordship his confidence
in me should not be misplaced, and that he might rely on my doing zealously and cheerfully
whatever lay in my power, that could promote the cause of the Greeks. His Lordship then
insisted that I should explain to him, at least, the cause of the delay.
26 |
LORD BYRON’S ENTHUSIASM. |
|
“The committee had sent me there,” he said, “to be under his command, and
I must tell him why I was so many months later than he had expected me.”
I accordingly told his Lordship what I have already stated to the reader,
as to the delay in London, and the refusal of the committee to follow my advice, by which a
month might have been saved. I told him, too, of the noble offer made by Mr. Gordon; but I could not explain to him why that offer had
no other consequences than those I have already mentioned. His countenance changed very much at
hearing this; he seemed both animated and angry, and poured out a tide of praise on
Mr. Gordon, mingled with some reproaches and sarcasms on other
persons. “Would,” he said, “that he had known of that offer! The gentleman
should at least have found one person as ardent as himself in the
cause of Greece; he would have met his views, and would gladly have joined him in
completing that corps of artillery which was so much wanted. He was afraid,” he
added, “that some selfish interests stood in the way, or that gentleman’s
liberal offer would have been joyfully accepted.” His Lordship then mentioned,
that Mr. Blaquiere had quitted Missolonghi without
waiting to see him, and had only left a note for him, which he seemed to regard as a great
slight, and at which he
| THE DIFFICULTIES OF HIS SITUATION. | 27 |
expressed
himself much hurt. It was like other parts, he said, of the conduct of those who had obtruded
themselves into the office of managers for both the Greek and the English nations.
I soon perceived, not only that Lord
Byron had no friend in Greece, but that he was surrounded by persons whom he
neither loved nor trusted. Beyond the walls of his own apartment, where he seemed to derive
amusement from his books, and from his dog, Lion; and pleasure from
the attachment of his servants, particularly from the attentions of Tita, he had neither security nor repose. He had the ungovernable Suliotes both
to appease and control. Against the intrigues of the very persons he came to help and benefit
he was obliged to be constantly on his guard; and while he necessarily opened his purse for
their service, he was exposed to be made their prey. His confidence even in Prince Mavrocordato was not always unshaken. His youthful
friend Count Gamba was destitute of experience, and was
rather an additional burthen on him, than a means of lightening his load. The foreign officers,
and English adventurers, were all dissatisfied, and either appealed to him to improve their
condition, or wearied him with their complaints. Whether he had actually received promises of
greater succour from England than had ever been sent,
28 | FINDS HIMSELF DECEIVED. | |
or whether he had only formed an idea that supplies would be
transmitted abundantly, I know not; but it was evident to me, from the very commencement of our
acquaintance, that he felt himself deceived and abandoned, I had almost said betrayed. He might
put a good face on the matter to others, because he would not be thought Quixotic or
enthusiastic; he might even be, as in fact he sometimes was, the first to laugh at his own
difficulties, to prevent others laughing at his folly; but in his heart, he felt that he was
forlorn and forsaken. His conversation with me was generally serious,
and when it related to Greece, almost despairing. The reader will find the Lord
Byron whom I knew, a very different man from the Lord
Byron of Captain Medwin; of the
writer who signs himself N. R. in the London Magazine for October; or of those gay associates of his, who have
reported his conversations in the hours of festivity, or of unreflecting mirth. I speak of
him as I found him, not as he has been represented; but the manly reality will not, I
think, turn out to his Lordship’s disadvantage.
February 9th. I was employed, as the day before,
in getting the stores all carried up to the arsenal. I had some difficulty in obtaining food
for the men; but by contributing something from my own stock, I enabled them to get sup-
| LABOURS IN THE ARSENAL. | 29 |
plies. Afterwards, however, Lord Byron gave me fifty dollars; and having met with a Greek who
had served in the British navy, and spoke both our language and his own, I was in a better
condition to carry forward our operations. Some persons were set to work to pave the
arsenal-yard, which was a complete puddle. Some rooms were arranged for storehouses, others
were appropriated for a laboratory and workshops, and others again were made somewhat more
suitable for habitations.
Already the mechanics we had brought out from England began to grumble at
their situation; it was not what they expected it would be, and that was sufficient to make
them discontented. Knowing, however, even from the short experience I had already had at
Missolonghi, how useful they were, in comparison with any other class of persons I had seen
there, I encouraged them all in my power to persevere, by promises and hope.
Prince Mavrocordato visited his Lordship this day, and
they had a long conversation in my presence, relative, as I was informed by his Lordship, to
Greece. The principal object of the Prince’s visit was to get more pecuniary assistance,
but Lord Byron saw it was impossible for him to supply every
want. “He had come to assist the Greeks,” he said, “and he would do that,
30 | WANTS OF THE GREEK GOVERNMENT. | |
as far as his means went; but to
render his efforts of any value, it was necessary that the different authorities in Greece
should bury their mutual dislikes and animosities; until that took place, there could be no
national union, and success was impossible.” The Prince said, “that all
his endeavours had been directed to promote so desirable an object; but he was much afraid
that considerable time would elapse before it could be accomplished.” To me, the
Prince behaved very condescendingly, and lamented the inability of the Greek government to give
me any assistance, either in money or materials. I had previously understood from
Lord Byron, that I must not hope for either of these from the
government, for it was in want of both. Promises, he said, I might expect, in abundance, but
when the time for performance came, some excuse would be found, and nothing would be done.
February 10th. Our occupations were the same this
day as the day before; but I remarked, that the German officers who had been sent out from
England to assist, did nothing but quarrel about their rank. They were without money, or the
means of subsistence, and had nothing but what they received from the generosity of Lord Byron. They added to the heap of troubles which already
overwhelmed him. He felt angry,
| FOREIGN OFFICERS IN GREECE. | 31 |
also, at the fatuity of those who
had sent persons to Greece, who expected to be provided for as in a regular army, and seemed to
know nothing but etiquette. They were stickling for the ceremonies and regulations observed
among the troops of their own despotic sovereigns,—as if a code adapted only to repress
individual ambition, to keep down talent, and check emulous enterprise, that all ranks and
classes maybe more securely kept in obedience, was proper for Greece. As far as the little
which these officers did allowed me to judge, I should say, also, they were ignorant, as well
as proud. At least, they knew nothing of the practical arts which were required in Greece; and
Lord Byron, as well as every other man of sane judgment, might well
condemn, as most unwise, sending such persons to such a country. It might be a suitable means
of providing for the discomfited partizans of revolution who had emigrated from their own
country; but they were an incumbrance, not a help to Greece. To Lord Byron
they were a double annoyance, as he might have obtained the services of four useful Suliotes
for the sum each of these officers cost him, to provide for his subsistence. Lord
Byron, feeling already disposed to place great confidence in me, proposed to
appoint me commander of his artillery brigade; and I am quite sure, though I say it, that there
was no-32 | DISSENSIONS AMONG THE FOREIGNERS. | |
body
else on the spot so well acquainted with this branch of the service as I was, or who more
deserved the appointment. But I had only held the rank of fire-master in the regular army, and,
therefore, some of the German officers thought it beneath their dignity to serve under me.
Mr. Kinderman, a Prussian officer, who had,
probably, shared both in the strict discipline and the defeats of the Prussian armies,
accordingly gave up his commission. While such persons swagger and command, and find others to
execute, they are very great men, but once ask them to be really useful, to put their hand to
the labouring oar, and their want of skill, and defective education, become immediately
apparent. Then their wounded vanity seeks an excuse in some antiquated regulations, and they
say “their dignity won’t allow them to be useful.”
In the course of the day, I also observed, that Lord Byron, in addition to his other difficulties, did not agree very cordially
with Colonel Stanhope. The Colonel was anxious to establish
schools, erect printing-presses, and secure liberty, by promulgating theories concerning it.
Lord Byron seemed willing to leave the form of the government to be
settled by circumstances hereafter. He wanted the Greeks first to conquer their national
independence, and then enter into a compact for the security of individual
rights. Colonel Stanhope, I understood,
had been very active in establishing a newspaper at Missolonghi, and Lord
Byron said, had his will been uncontrolled, it should not have been done. He
would have had no objection, if the Greeks themselves had chosen to do it; but he thought
foreigners who came to serve Greece, should not begin by promoting discussion that must lead to
discord. “The press, in Greece,” he said, “must be in the hands of foreign
visionaries and enthusiasts. Practical men had other occupations; and it was therefore
placing the power of working mischief in the hands of adventurers. Prince Mavrocordato wished to establish one at the seat of
government, where it would have been more under control, and could have been made
instrumental in promoting unity of views, and in contributing to general concord. Now it
was a power different from that of the government, and would thwart its views whenever they
were opposed to its own ambition. It was not like the free press of Great Britain, where
one journal was a check on another; it was a single journal, established by foreign
assistance, and destined only to promote the views of the theorists who established it. The
conduct of Stanhope resembled the conduct of the King of
France, who was said to expend large sums of money in bribing some English
journals, which were, consequently, the agents of his
34 | UNFOUNDED EXPECTATIONS OF THE GREEKS. | |
policy. If the Greeks wished
to have newspapers they would establish them; now, they would be looked on as the work of
foreigners, and intended to promote their views. They must be a means of sowing jealousy
and mistrust. They might attack private individuals, and might give umbrage to foreign
powers. There was no practice to regulate the mode of conducting them, and laws could not
be immediately formed to check all their excesses. He who was attacked, and could not wield
the pen, would reply with his sword, and bloodshed and anarchy would be the consequence of
discussing theories of government before independence was obtained. There were a great
number of factious designing men in Greece; and in the present state of the country, a
press set up by foreign assistance was only likely to afford them a means of disturbing
public tranquillity.”
On February 11th, we were
employed as on the two former days, and completed the removal of the stores to the arsenal. I
again met his Lordship in the evening, when he urged me to make use of every means in my power
to promote the service. I had by this time formed a more correct notion of what Lord Byron and the Greeks had expected from the expedition; and I
pointed out the impossibility of realizing, with our present resources, or with any we were
likely
| DEATH OF SIR THOMAS MAITLAND. | 35 |
to obtain, the hopes and
expectations of the Greeks. Circular letters had been sent by Colonel
Stanhope, the produce, probably, of the lithographic press, that occupied so
many of his thoughts, which had led the Greeks to believe, now the expedition was arrived, that
every want would be supplied. I pointed out to Lord Byron the very
unpleasant situation this placed me in, for it was thought I had the means of supply in my own
power, and would not allow them to be used. But his Lordship, with his usual kindness, told me
not to mind this; the truth would speedily be known, and if I only evinced the same
determination hereafter, as I had done since my arrival in Greece, he would stand by me, both
with his person and his purse.
We heard, this day, of the death of Sir Thomas
Maitland; and the news certainly caused considerable satisfaction among the
Greeks, and among some of the English. He was generally looked on by them, as the great enemy
of their cause; but the manner in which our vessel was allowed to remain unmolested at Malta
and Corfu did not seem a proof of this. I know that his government has been very much censured
in England, and far be it from me to approve of the arbitrary or despotic measures of any man;
but those who know any thing of the people he had
36 | FIND THE STORES DAMAGED. | |
to deal with, will find, in their character, an excuse for
his conduct. I believe, in general, his government was well calculated for his subjects.
February 12th. We were employed in unpacking the
stores. The strapped and case-shot were in a bad condition, from having been so frequently
moved on the voyage, which was another consequence of the injudicious mode adopted to send out
the stores. It was necessary that this damage should be repaired as speedily as possible; and,
it being also found that some alteration was required in the appendages to the guns, to adapt
them to the country, all the mechanics were immediately set to work, to complete these jobs.
Two forge-carts were fitted up in the arsenal-yard, until the work-shops were ready: a number
of labourers, masons, and sailors, all of them, however, very rude workmen, were hired to
assist. Charcoal was procured from the country, for the smith’s and tinman’s work,
and every thing was driven forward with as much expedition as possible.
The people of England, who have been amused by the records of some
trifling peculiarities of Lord Byron, little know to what
privations and sacrifices he submitted, to promote the cause of the Greeks. He cheered us on in
all these operations; and what is more, he advanced all the money necessary for us to execute
| BYRON’S OPINION OF MAVROCORDATO. | 37 |
them. He was anxious to
attack Lepanto, and while he was urging forward this measure, we need not wonder that he
complained of the other drains which were constantly diminishing his financial resources. His
Lordship told me to-day, that the applications for money were numerous beyond conception, and
he had been so harrassed by different persons, that he should be obliged, if this continued, to
refuse any one an interview who came on this business.
I took an opportunity, in the evening, of asking Lord Byron what he thought of Prince
Mavrocordato. He replied, he considered him an honest man, and a man of talent.
He had shewn his devotion to his country’s service, by expending his private property in
its cause, and was, probably, the most capable and trust-worthy of all the Greek chieftains.
His Lordship said he agreed with him, that Missolonghi and its dependencies were of the
greatest importance to Greece; and, as long as the Prince acted as he had done, he would give
him all the support in his power. His Lordship seemed, at the same time, to suppose, that a
little more energy and industry in the Prince, with a disposition to make fewer promises, would
tend much to his advantage.
February 13th. We were actively employed all this
day, as yesterday, refitting our shot, and
altering our guns. Having two stop-watches in
my possession, the property of the Greek committee, I requested Lord
Byron to receive them into his charge, to which he kindly consented; and at the
same time proffered his readiness to do every thing I could point out for the good of the
service.
I was glad to observe, that his Lordship’s confidence in me
continued progressively to increase. He had found out that I was well versed in all the
mechanical arts connected with war, and he asked me to give him some instruction in them.
Fortunately, I had one or two mathematical books with me, and a variety of useful tables,
relative to the formation and equipment of an army, particularly of artillery; and having
replied to his Lordship, that I should be very willing to give him every information in my
power, he immediately became my pupil. He told me he had lately turned his attention to every
thing connected with military service, both by sea and land, and as I, notwithstanding the
employments I had taken up at a subsequent period, had been brought up a shipwright, I was able
to give his Lordship a good deal of mechanical and practical information;—in fact, I
became of great use to him. I contributed, more than any other person about him, to promote the
single object he had at heart, the success of the Greeks; and on this account he bore with my
| UNFOUNDED ASPERSIONS OF MR. BOWRING. | 39 |
peculiarities. He had none of
that fastidious delicacy, which makes some great men regard with dread the energies necessary
to their own success. The passions of which Mr. Bowring
had written and spoken, carried him on to his object; and, like his own Corsair, “He
loved that roughness for the speed it gave.*”
On February 14th, I received
an additional and important proof of his Lordship’s confidence in
* The accusations of Lord
Byron’s pretended friends, and my enemies, fortunately destroy
each other. Mr. Bowring, who is, I am told, an
occasional writer in the London Magazine,
warns Lord Byron, in his letter to him, to beware of me, because
“I am a man of uncontrollable passions;” and the writer of a sketch of Lord
Byron’s life, in that same Magazine for last October, who signs
N. R., and one of whose objects is to
white-wash the Greek committee, as he finds a justification, even, for that committee
sending out bugle horns and trumpets to the Greeks, as weapons of war, says
“I obtained power over Lord Byron by dint of
being his butt.” That a man of fierce and fiery passions,
Lord Byron’s senior by twenty years, should have been a
butt to him, is so palpable a contradiction, that it needs only to be mentioned, to
refute one or the other of these assertions; and will, perhaps, shew that both are
merely the dictates of the imagination of these poetical writers, if indeed they are
not both one and the same person. The manner in which I was a butt to Lord
Byron will be seen in the subsequent pages. In fact, his Lordship was
tired with the frivolity and unmeaningness of pretended wits, and would-be
distinguished men, and was glad to meet with a plain practical man. |
40 | Byron’s Expenses.—Greece. | |
me. He could not himself look
minutely after the accounts of the money he meant to apply to the service of the Greeks, nor
even dispose of it in the most advantageous manner; he therefore requested me to take the
charge, and direct the disposal, of all the money he intended for this purpose. I foresaw that
this would be a tiresome and invidious occupation; but I consented, on condition that his
Lordship should inspect the accounts daily, it being quite impossible for me, with my other
occupations, to answer for their correctness, or be able to explain apparent discrepancies, if
the books were to be only balanced and audited at distant periods. His Lordship agreed to my
proposal, and appointed the hour, between eleven and twelve every day for this purpose. He also
commanded me to attend him every evening in his own room, between seven and ten o’clock,
to consult and arrange for the work of the following day. Thus was I established in a situation
that gave me an opportunity of knowing Lord Byron’s intentions,
plans, and thoughts, as well, or better, than any person then in Greece.
At this time, the expenses of Lord
Byron in the cause of the Greeks, did not amount to less than two thousand
dollars per week, in rations alone. At the same time, there was a great difficulty in obtaining
money. Bills could not
| MUTINY AMONG THE SULIOTES. | 41 |
be cashed on any
terms, and it had cost Lord Byron nearly one thousand dollars to procure
money from the Ionian Islands.
February 15th. There was a sort of mutiny among
the Suliotes; at least they grumbled very much that their arrears were not paid up. The
inhabitants of the town were afraid of being plundered, and great confusion ensued. I knew
nothing of their language, and could not interfere, but several negotiations took place between
them and Lord Byron, and it was at length agreed, that six
hundred of them should be taken into his Lordship’s pay, and act under his immediate
orders. This matter caused very great vexation to Lord Byron; it fretted
and teased him, and, added to the other sources of vexation already mentioned, seemed
absolutely to worry him. He was accustomed, also, to take a great deal of hard exercise on
horseback, and his irritability was at this time much increased by wanting this exercise. For
several days, he had been prevented from going abroad by heavy rains; and he complained in the
course of the day, more than usual, of his increasing vexations.
His Lordship’s quarters were on the second floor of the house; and
Colonel Stanhope lived on the first floor. In the
evening, about eight o’clock, he came down stairs into the Colonel’s
42 | SUDDEN ILLNESS OF LORD BYRON. | |
room, where I was. He seated himself on a
cane settee, and began talking with me on various subjects. Colonel
Stanhope, who was employed in a neighbouring apartment, fitting up
printing-presses, and Count Gamba, both came into the
room for a short time, and some conversation ensued about the newspaper, which was never, to
Lord Byron, a pleasant topic, as he disagreed with his friends
concerning it. After a little time, they went their several ways, and more agreeable matter of
conversation was introduced.
His Lordship began joking with me about Colonel
Stanhope’s occupations, and said, he thought the author would have his
brigade of artillery ready before the soldier got his printing-press fixed. There was then
nobody in the room but his Lordship, Mr. Hesketh, and
myself. There was evidently a constrained manner about him, and he complained of thirst; he
ordered his servant to bring him some cider, which I entreated him not to drink in that state.
There was a flush in his countenance, which seemed to indicate great nervous agitation; and as
I thought his Lordship had been much harassed for several days past, I recommended him, at
least, to qualify his cider with some brandy. He said, he had frequently drank cider, and felt
no bad consequences from it, and he accordingly drank it off.
|
SUDDEN ILLNESS OF LORD BYRON. |
43 |
Lord Byron had scarcely drunk the cider, when he complained
of a very strange sensation, and I noticed a great change in his countenance. He rose from his
seat, but could not walk, staggered a step or two, and fell into my arms. I had no other
stimulant than brandy at hand, and having before seen it administered in similar cases, with
considerable benefit, I called for some of that liquor, which was brought by Mr. Hesketh, and we succeeded in making him swallow a small
quantity. In another minute his teeth were closed, his speech and senses gone, and he was in
strong convulsions. I laid him down on the settee, and with the assistance of his servant kept
him quiet.
When he fell into my arms, his countenance was very much distorted, his
mouth being drawn on one side. After a short time, his medical attendants came, and he speedily
recovered his senses and his speech. His first care was to call for Colonel Stanhope, as he had something particular to say to him, should there be
a probability of his not recovering. Colonel Stanhope was accordingly sent
for, and came from the adjoining room. On recovering his senses, Lord
Byron’s countenance assumed its ordinary appearance, except that it was
pale and haggard; and no other effect remained from his illness, than a great degree of
weakness. His Lordship was then carried up-
stairs,
and put to bed; and we left him in charge of his servants and medical attendants.
On the following day, February 16th, Lord Byron was better, but his countenance
was much changed; it was very pale, and he was very weak. He felt a sort of gratitude and
kindness towards me, for the assistance I had given him, and he told me I was henceforth to
consider myself as at home in his apartment. Thus did I ever find him disposed to add to the
happiness of all who came about him. He inquired of me, what I thought his disorder
was;—I did not pretend to decide as to what the doctors might call it, but I told him I
was sure it arose from the great irritation he had suffered, and from his not taking sufficient
food and stimulant drinks. His Lordship had not eaten any thing but cheese, fish, vegetables,
and bread, for several days; and, as I have said, he had been worried both out of his patience
and his sleep. I told him, however, that I thought his disorder was an epileptic attack,
arising from weakness, and that it was nothing which ought to alarm him, provided he took care
of himself, and used a more nourishing and generous diet. His Lordship was of a different
opinion; “He felt,” he said, “a weight on the fore part of his head, and
he was quite sure he ought to live low.” “Not too low, my Lord, for
| UNSKILFULNESS OF THE PHYSICIAN. | 45 |
in this swampy place some stimulus is
necessary; but your physician should know best.” “Yes,
Parry,” was his reply, “he is an excellent young man, and well
acquainted with his profession; I shall therefore be guided entirely by him.” To this I
could not object, but begged him to consider that there was, probably, some difference between
his constitution and those of the persons whom Dr. Bruno
had been accustomed to treat.
Unfortunately, I think, my advice was rejected. Low, and weak, and half
starved as Lord Byron was, and debilitated beyond measure by
this attack, his physician resolved to bleed him, and eight leeches were applied to his
temples. The blood flowed copiously, but when the leeches were removed, the doctors were so
unskilful that they could not stop the blood. It continued to flow on, and Lord
Byron fainted. Mr. Milligan was present,
as well as Dr. Bruno; the latter I almost disregarded,
but the former I scolded aloud for his mismanagement. When I saw them helpless, beside
themselves, at it were, while the blood was flowing, and Lord Byron lay
pale and senseless, the very image of death, I could have sacrificed their comparatively
valueless lives for the one more valuable, of which I thought they had deprived us for ever. I
tore off the strings and bands from a part of my dress,
cut them into pieces, and made Lord
Byron’s Italian servant burn them under his Lordship’s nose. I
rubbed his temples and lips with brandy, and did what I could to save and restore him. At
length the blood was staunched, and Lord Byron recovered. He often joked
about his weakness, as if he had fainted at the sight of his own blood, like a fine lady; and
reproved me for my violence, as soon as he was informed of the little respect I had shewn for
the doctors. Thus did he, by his kindness, in a manner, court his own fate. Had he turned them
out of doors, and returned to the habits of an English gentleman, as to his diet, he would,
probably, have survived many years, to have vindicated with his sword the wrongs of his beloved
Greece, and to have heaped contempt on those pretended friends, who, since his death, have
vilified his glorious nature, because he could or would not believe that a lithographic-press,
Mr. Bentham’s minute legislation, and conning
over the alphabet, were the proper and most efficacious means of giving freedom and
independence to that suffering and oppressed country.
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Literary Magnet
Vol. 4 (June 1825)
“More last words of John Baxter!” our readers will exclaim: we have already Medwin’s Conversations; Dallas’s Recollections; Gamba’s Residence; Childe Harolde’s Wanderings; and a host of others, in
all shapes and sizes, from the ponderous quarto, to the pigmy “pocket edition.” If
we required any further evidence of the extent of the illustrious subject’s talents, or
the probability of his immortality, than what his works are capable of bestowing, we should
regard the never-dying interest that is attached to every thing concerning him, as the
completest evidence of the permanency of his literary fame. Mr.
Parry writes in a bold seaman-like style, and his work bears with it a very
evident air of identity. In Medwin’s and
Dallas’s books, we have too much of the poet; in the volumes
before us, the man stands upright in the various lights and shades of his character. Lord Byron neither required the fulsome adulation of the Dragoon
Captain, nor the sage apologies of Mr. Dallas, to make us believe, that at
the bottom he was a really good, but dreadfully misled, man; and that had his life been spared,
there was no doubt but what the finer qualities of his soul would have endeared him to the
world which he so eminently adorned. From the intelligence Mr.
Parry’s book affords us, we entertain no doubt, that had medical aid been
procured at the period of the lamentable catastrophe, the life so dear to Greece, liberty, and
song, would have been saved. . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Personal Character of Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. 10 (October 1824)
It is said that his intention was not to remain in
Greece,—that he determined to return after his attack of epilepsy. Probably it was only
his removal into some better climate that was intended. Certainly a more miserable and
unhealthy bog than Missolonghi is not to be found out of the fens of Holland, or the Isle of
Ely. He either felt or affected to feel a presentiment that he should die in Greece, and when
his return was spoken of, considered it as out of the question, predicting that the Turks, the
Greeks, or the Malaria, would effectually put an end to any designs he might have of returning.
At the moment of his seizure with the epileptic fits prior to his last illness, he was jesting
with Parry, an engineer sent out by the Greek committee,
who, by dint of being his butt, had got great power over him, and indeed, became every thing to
him. Besides this man there was Fletcher, who had lived with
him twenty years, and who was originally a shoemaker, whom his Lordship had picked up in the
village where he lived, at Newstead, and who, after attending him in some of his rural
adventures, became attached to his service: he had also a faithful Italian servant, Battista; a Greek secretary; and Count
Gamba seems to have acted the part of his Italian secretary. Lord
Byron spoke French very imperfectly, and Italian not correctly, and it was with
the greatest difficulty he could be prevailed upon to make attempts m a foreign language. He
would get any body about him to interpret for him, though he might know the language better
than his interpreter. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
This man now tells his story of what he saw and heard of Lord Byron’s behaviour and conversation while in Greece. He makes no
ridiculous professions of accuracy. He plainly says, the idea of noting down what
Lord Byron was pleased to say to him in private conversation never
once entered his head. But he adds, and who can doubt it, that finding himself thrown into
close contact of this sort with a man of Lord Byron’s extraordinary
genius and celebrity, whatever things of any importance were said by Lord
Byron did make a strong, an indelible impression on his mind. And, with-
out pretending to give the words—unless when there is something very
striking indeed about them—he does profess himself able and determined to give the
substance. We need, indeed, but little of such professions, to make us
believe, that the conversations which he relates did substantially take place between him
and Lord Byron. They carry the stamp of authenticity upon their front.
The man that said these things was a man of exquisite talent—of extraordinary reach
and compass of reflection—of high education and surpassing genius. This is enough for
us. Mr Parry is an excellent person in his own way,
but he is plainly as incapable of inventing these things, as if he had written himself down
on his title-page, “Author of Ahasuerus, a Poem.”
. . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Mavrocardato was, and is, universally admitted to be the
most accomplished of the Greek statesmen, and he was at this period the President of the
Provisionary Government; yet this agent of the Greek committee rates Major Parry, for giving Mavrocordato the
title by which he had always been distinguished, and which Lord
Byron, nay, even Sir Thomas Maitland,
never thought of refusing him. But this was not all. He openly took part with the faction
opposed to Mavrocordato and the existing Greek government; and why? Why,
because Mavrocordato, a man of sense and education, who has travelled in
Western Europe, and speaks her languages, and has read her books, was thoroughly aware of the
unfitness of a free press for Greece in her actual condition, and accordingly discountenanced
the setting up of a paper at Missolonghi; whereas Odysseus, a robber captain, in arms in reality against the Greek government as much
as against the Turks, had no objections to let Stanhope
print as many papers as he liked in Athens, which city the said Odysseus
refused, according to the language of Colonel Stanhope’s own eulogy,
“to surrender to a weak government;” in other words, was keeping possession of, in
opposition to the authorities which he had the year before sworn to
obey—the very authorities, too, be it observed, under which alone Colonel
Stanhope was at the time acting. Odysseus knew that his
wild barbarians could no more read a Greek newspaper than they could fly over Olympus, and
therefore he cared not what Stanhope printed, so he and his people got,
through Stanhope’s means, a part of the loans transmitted from
England, for the support of the Greek government and cause. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
These passages cannot, we think, fail to gratify our readers. The view
they give of Lord Byron’s kind, natural temper,
frank and engaging manners, and noble self-possession in the midst of all the irritations
of disease and disgust, must go far we think to convince the most sceptical, that the
epithet of Satanic was not the happiest which a contemporary poet
might have applied to the author of Child
Harold. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
The following is a most important passage indeed. In it we have Lord Byron
detailing, in a manner the sincerity of which it is impossible to doubt, his own views
concerning the ultimate prospects of Greece; and surely the exposition is such, that it could
have come from no mind in which sense, wisdom, and genius, were not equally inherent. It
is the only thing upon the subject that we have ever been able to think worth a second reading. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Our readers must turn to Mr Parry’s
own page for a great deal more of Lord Byron’s table
talk. They will find many sound English sentiments, even in regard to the English politics of
the day—they will find views as to America equally just and liberal—they will find
the most contemptuous allusions to the soi-disant
liberals with whom Lord Byron had come into personal
contact, such as old Cartwright, Leigh Hunt, &c.; and upon every occasion an open avowal of the deepest
respect for the aristocracy of Britain, which these poor creatures have spent their lives in
endeavouring to overthrow. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Of all this, and also of the affecting narrative which Mr Parry gives of Lord
Byron’s last days, strictly so called, we shall quote nothing. The main
outline of his illness is already sufficiently before the public; and these new details are so
painful, that though we do not wish not to have read them, we certainly shall never torture
ourselves with reading them again. The spectacle of youth, and rank, and genius, meeting with
calm resolution the approach of death, under external circumstances of the most cheerless
description, may afford a lesson to us all! But Mr Parry has painted this
scene with far too rude a pencil; and, indeed, the print which he has inserted of Byron on his miserable bed, and almost in the agonies of death,
attended by Parry himself and Tita,
ought to be omitted in every future edition. It is obviously a got-up thing—a mere
eyetrap—and for one person whose diseased taste it pleases, will undoubtedly disgust a
thousand who ought to be acquainted with this book. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
In order that our article may terminate pleasantly, we have reserved wherewithal
to wind it up, Parry’s description of an interview
which he had with the personage whom Colonel Stanhope
mentions as “the finest genius of the most enlightened age, the immortal Bentham.” We shall give the sailor’s rough sketch
of the Patriarch without note or comment—in truth it needs none; and, we have no doubt,
posterity will not disdain to hang it up alongside of the more professional performance of that
other fine genius of our enlightened century—the immortal Hazlitt—in his noble gallery of portraits,
entitled “The Spirit of
The Age.” . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
The Author before us appears to be a man of strong natural sense, with an honest
old soldier’s heart, and all that John Bullism about him, which evinces a sturdy
determination to speak his mind, in utter disregard of person or party. Now as we like to
see good rather than evil, we are glad to find that though Byron was often politically tipsy, and talked nonsense about his country, the
King, America, &c.; yet in his conduct on the Greek subject, the usual wisdom of the
hereditary Senator was conspicuous. There was not a fault in his advice concerning the Greek
cause. He stands, as a Statesman, as superior to the rest, as the Trajan column does to a
milestone. He avowed an intention to study the art of war, probably to become another Napoleon; at all events to be a Washington. All this was in his nature. He was a charger of high blood, and men
rail at him because he was unfit for a cart-horse. It is to men of such a character that the
world is to look for the enthusiasm and perseverance requisite to effect great objects; and
whatever may be the results of their ambition, it is certain that Providence only works grand
changes by single men, not by bodies of men, and ultimately merges all in monarchy. Republics
have only short lives, and seldom merry ones. . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
The work opens with a long account of clumsy mis-management in transmission of
the stores; and the introduction to Lord Byron. His
behaviour to the Author was kind and condescending. The room was hung round with weapons like
an armoury, abore which were shelves furnished with books, an hieroglyphic of his
Lordship’s politics, which were to furnish Greece with arms and independence, and then to
leaven it with learning. His politics were very simple, but truly wise. Let one single object,
(he said,) the expulsion of the Turks, be first regarded. Newspapers and
the press would now only create faction, and do mischief. They are only to be considered as
secondary things. Col. Stanhope’s opposite sentiments
created the coolness between them. Bloodshed and anarchy, said the wise Member of the Upper
House, will be the consequence of discussing theories of government, before independence is
obtained. His Lordship was perfectly correct, for in a short time the wiseacres published a
Tirade against Kings, which, said the Peer, was the very way to bring the
Holy Alliance down upon them. Add to this, that the German Officers who came to assist, were
men of punctilious etiquette, and always quarrelling about rank; and mechanics sent out at an
expence of three hundred and forty pounds, did only fourteen days work, at the cost of
something more than four pounds one shilling a day. Pp. 66, 67. . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
For every object, public or private, his Lordship was expected to be paymaster;
a mutiny might cost him his life; what he received from England were a Wesleyan preacher,
bugle-horns, printing presses, and religious tracts. Arms, powder, and shot, were inferior
considerations*. With all his noble-minded sacrifices, he was harassed with crazy counsels;
worried out of his patience and sleep; and doomed to eat nothing for several days but cheese,
fish, vegetables, and bread. In short, at his outset in life, he was all but murdered by
calumniators; and now he had to encounter the insanity of his countrymen, who employed the
funds collected for the liberation of Greece, in propagating their own political and religious
tenets, instead of furnishing the indispensable materials of war. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
William Fletcher—I was in the service of the late
Lord Byron upwards of 20 years, and was with him up to
the time of his death. I now receive a pension from his family for my services. I first saw
Parry at Greece, at Missollonghi. He lived in the
same house with Lord Byron. I was not much in the habit of seeing him, and
had not an opportunity of knowing whether he was drunk, more than I heard from report. He
sometimes appeared the worse for liquor. I have seen him in Lord
Byron’s company; he generally called him Captain
Parry. I have heard Parry speak of Colonel Stanhope. Some men were sent to attack a Turkish brig off Missolonghi.
Parry came home to his house on that occasion, and did not get out
again, but said he wanted to shave and dress. This was early in the evening, and it was a
considerable time before he came down again. He went into his room at the back of the house. I
don’t know where he went when he had shaved. The brig was afterwards in flames.
Parry was sent to, and discovered to be asleep. I did not see him go
out before the brig was in flames. I have seen Parry once since my return
to England. Since I have been subpœnaed here as a witness, I have seen him frequently.
Having been here in attendance a long time, and feeling a want for something to eat, I went to
get some bread and cheese. Zambelli was with me, and
Parry came in, and was very polite to us. I do not know whether the
word rogue was used. Parry addressed himself to me, but I do not recollect
the words he made use of; they were meant to imply that he had always been my friend. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
I remember a Turkish
brig coming a-ground off Missolonghi. We were then all in that place. I heard that
Parry was applied to on that occasion to lend his assistance. He
was at Lord Byron’s house. Several of us were ordered by him to
go in a couple of boats, with guns, to attack the brig. Parry did not
go with us; was to come round by land with some Greek soldiers. He did not come round. He
said he would come to our assistance when he sent us out. He had a blue coat on, but I do
not know whether he was shaved or not. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
— Zambelli, a Hungarian.—I
lived in the service of Lord Byron at Missolonghi, and had
the care of liquors and provisions in his house. I knew Parry at Missolonghi, and have twice known him absolutely intoxicated. He was,
on those occasions, asleep with the bottle by his side lying on the floor, and Lord
Byron called to me to take him away. Those are the only times when I have known
him affected by liquor. I cannot say how many bottles he drank on those occasions. I recollect
a Turkish brig being on shore when Parry came into the house and went up
stairs. He did not go out of the house again that day. The brig was not burning before he came
into the house. It was burned while he was in the house. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Colonel Stanhope.—I am a Lieutenant-Colonel in the
army. I went out to Greece, and saw Parry there; he
lived in my room, and ate his meals at my table. He was in the habit of drinking to excess. He
was a sot, and a boaster, and frequently spoke of making Congreve rockets, in which, he said,
he had made an improvement, of which Colonel Congreve
had taken the merit. He said he would take Lepanto by a fire-kite, and destroy the Turkish
fleet. He never carried any of his plans into execution. I have read the Last Days of Lord
Byron. Parry is not capable of writing such a work.
He is a man of a strong natural mind, but uneducated. He does not speak grammatically correct.
He frequently spoke of his great science as an engineer. I saw the brig on shore, and was
there. The brig was on shore four or five miles from Missolonghi, and the Greek officers
applied to Lord Byron and myself to lend assistance; we
despatched artillery and the greater part of the soldiers and townspeople immediately proceeded
there; we were for some time under the bombardment of this vessel. After having been stranded
for two days, and seeing the impossibility of getting her off, her crew set her on fire, and
escaped in their boats to another Turkish vessel which had been hovering in the offing.
Parry never made his appearance all the time. Lord
Byron treated him as a fool, a buffoon—not as one of these fools that have
so often graced the tables of the great. Parry called Lord
Byron Hal, and
he called him Falstaff.
. . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Bowring.—I acted as Secretary to the Greek
Committee. Parry was recalled by a vote of the committee
of the 3d of July. I should consider him incapable of writing such a book without some
assistance. I have not seen him in a state of actual drunkenness, but when he has drunk rather
too much. After his return, he showed me the materials from which this work was formed, but I
did not look them over. I should think them, however, insufficient to have made the book. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Knight.—This book was published by Knight and
Lacy. I am not of that house. Parry applied to me early in 1825. He was announced as
Captain Parry, and I fully expected to have seen that Captain Parry who had been so frequently towards the North
Pole. He, however, undeceived me, and said he came from Greece, and that he wished to publish
something relative to Lord Byron. Having said this, he left
a portfolio for my perusal, and we had no further conversation at the time. In a few days he
called again, and I returned the papers. They consisted of a few official documents, containing
technical particulars, terms of war, and estimates of ammunition, and several Greek newspapers,
with a few sheets, purporting to be the journal of Captain Parry. They
amounted altogether to about 40 or 50 folios. I have read the book which he has published, and
towards the end, in the appendix, there are some expressions similar to those I saw in the
papers he brought to me. The body of the book does not contain a line of what was in those
papers. If he were the writer of the journal put into my hands, he could not be the author of
this book. My interview with him was very short; but from what I saw of him, and from his
conversation, I should not think him capable of writing this book. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Lacy.—I am a partner in the house of Knight
and Lacy. We published this book for Mr. Parry. He said
he had received some assistance in the arrangement of the work from another gentleman. . . .
Anonymous,
“Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner
No. 1011 (17 June 1827)
* In one of the editions of Shakspeare is an engraving (after Stothard) representing Antient Pistol cudgelled by Fluellen. Perhaps as humorous a
subject might be found for that admirable artist’s pencil in some of the
situations attributed by the witnesses to our valiant Major; for instance, the lying
asleep after a debauch, embracing the bottle, as described with significant gestures by
the witness Zambelli; or the elaborate shaving
and dressing, while his men were proceeding to assault the Turkish brig. . . .
Anonymous,
“Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner
No. 1011 (17 June 1827)
The Chief Justice too, observing on
Parry’s conduct in the
affair of the Turkish brig, intimated, that one neglect of duty ought not to fix the character
of cowardice on any man:—but his Lordship knows, that a single neglect on the day of
battle cost the unfortunate Byng his life, and that Lord Sackville
was disgracefully driven from the service for once imputed fault on the field of Minden; yet
both these men had given repeated proofs of noble courage. Where, however, are William Parry’s proofs? . . .
Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832)
The founder of Utilitarianism; author of
Principles of Morals and
Legislation (1789).
Edward Blaquiere (1779-1832)
After serving in the Royal Navy he published
Letters from the
Mediterranean, 2 vols (1813); with John Bowring he founded the London Greek
Committee in 1823.
Sir John Bowring (1792-1872)
Poet, linguist, MP, and editor of the
Westminster Review. He was
the secretary of the London Greek Committee (1823) through which he was wrongly accused of
having enriched himself.
Francesco Bruno (d. 1828 c.)
Byron's physician on his second expedition to Greece in 1823-24; he was afterwards in
Switzerland, and died at Naples.
Pietro Gamba (1801-1827)
The brother of Teresa Guiccioli and member of Carbonieri. He followed Byron to Greece and
left a memoir of his experiences.
Thomas Gordon of Cairness (1788-1841)
Educated at Eton and Brasenose College, Oxford; he was a member of the London Greek
Committee and major-general in the Greek Army; he published
History of
the Greek Revolution (1832).
Henry Hesketh (1836 fl.)
English philhellene; after service with Admiral Cochrane in South American he was Byron's
aide-de-camp at Missolonghi; he was afterwards agent for the South Australian
Company.
Lt. Kinderman (1824 fl.)
Prussian Philhellene who traveled to Greece in the Hope, arriving in November 1823; he
was with Byron and Missolonghi until, dissatisfied with his circumstances, he decamped in
February 1824.
Sir Thomas Maitland (1760-1824)
Lieutenant-general and colonial administrator; he was commander-in-chief of Ceylon
(1806-11) and lord high commissioner of the Ionian islands, and of the Mediterranean
(1815).
Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos [Αλεξανδρος Μαβροκορδατος] (1791-1865)
Greek statesman and diplomat with Byron at Missolonghi; after study at the University of
Padua he joined the Greek Revolution in 1821 and in 1822 was elected by the National
Assembly at Epidaurus. He commanded forces in western Central Greece and retired in 1826
after the Fall of Messolonghi.
Thomas Medwin (1788-1869)
Lieutenant of dragoons who was with Byron and Shelley at Pisa; the author of
Conversations of Lord Byron (1824) and
The Life of
Percy Bysshe Shelley, 2 vols (1847).
Julius Michael Millingen (1800-1878)
Physician at Missolonghi and author of
Memoirs of the Affairs of Greece
with Anecdotes relating to Lord Byron (1831). In 1825 he joined the Turks and
spent the remainder of his days living in Constantinople.
Emperor Napoleon I (1769-1821)
Military leader, First Consul (1799), and Emperor of the French (1804), after his
abdication he was exiled to Elba (1814); after his defeat at Waterloo he was exiled to St.
Helena (1815).
Henry Southern (1799-1853)
Journalist, diplomat, Benthamite, and friend of John Bowring; educated at Trinity
College, Cambridge, he was founder of the
Retrospective Review
(1820), literary editor of the
Westminster Review (1824), and editor
of the
London Magazine (1825).
Leicester Fitzgerald Charles Stanhope, fifth earl of Harrington (1784-1862)
The third son of the third earl; in 1823 he traveled to Greece as the Commissioner of the
London Greek Committee; there he served with Byron, whom he criticizes in
Greece in 1823 and 1824 (1824). He inherited the earldom from his brother in
1851.
The London Magazine. (1820-1829). Founded by John Scott as a monthly rival to
Blackwood's, the
London Magazine included among its contributors Charles Lamb, John Clare, Allan Cunningham,
Thomas De Quincey, and Thomas Hood.