The Last Days of Lord Byron
Chapter III
THE
LAST DAYS
OF
LORD BYRON:
WITH HIS
LORDSHIP’S OPINIONS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS,
PARTICULARLY ON THE
STATE AND PROSPECTS OF GREECE.
BY WILLIAM PARRY,
MAJOR OF LORD BYRON’S BRIGADE, COMMANDING OFFICER OF ARTILLERY,
AND ENGINEER IN THE SERVICE OF THE GREEKS.
“Lord Byron awoke in half an hour. I wished to go to him, but I had
not the heart.
Mr. Parry went, and Byron knew him again, and squeezed his hand,
and tried to
express his last wishes.”—Count Gamba’s Narrative.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR KNIGHT AND LACEY,
PATERNOSTER-ROW;
AND WESTLEY AND TYRRELL, DUBLIN.
MDCCCXXV.
CHAPTER III.
DEATH OF LIEUTENANT SASS.
Plan for fortifying Missolonghi.—Lord
Byron’s method of paying the expense.—Dissentions.—Method of
the Greeks to get money from Lord Byron.—Source of the Dispute
between Byron and Stanhope.—Hopes of Capturing
a Turkish brig of war.—Lord Byron’s humane orders and rewards
as to the prisoners.—The brig destroyed.—Negligence of the Greeks in preparing for
their defence—Proposal for having gun-boats.—Lieutenant Sass
enters the Hellenic Legion.—Taken prisoner.—His sufferings.—Is released by an
English gentleman.—Returns home.—Sent out to Missolonghi by the Greek
Committee.—Appointed a Lieutenant in Lord Byron’s
brigade.—His death.—Meeting of the Suliot chiefs at Lord
Byron’s.—The mechanics frightened.—Resolve to leave
Greece.—Receive money to return to England.—Sum they cost the Greek
committee.—Work they performed.
The day after Lord Byron’s
fit, on February 16th, I accompanied Prince Mavrocordato to inspect the fortifications of
Missolonghi, which I found in a most wretched and dilapidated state. With the usual
discrimination of persons always accustomed to command, and never to execute, and with that
usual discontent which follows the discovery of its being impossible to execute their commands
as fast as they are issued, I was requested to put all the fortifications in a perfect state of
repair, without possessing the
48 | FORTIFICATIONS OF MISSOLONGHI. | |
means.
The defences were to be finished, the batteries repaired, the guns remounted, the platforms
were to be levelled, the ditches cleared out, a magazine was to be built, and four gun-boats
fitted out. All these were, unquestionably, useful things; but there was no means of
immediately accomplishing them. The only skilful men we had, were the few mechanics who came
out with me from England, and their skill was rendered almost valueless by their discontent. It
was plain, however, that all these operations might be carried into effect, if a proper plan,
drawn up for the purpose, were executed with energy. But there did not seem to be much hope of
this. I had before pointed out to the Prince several little things which would be useful, and
might be immediately executed. For example, there were several Turkish guns, and considerable
quantities of loose shot lying about the town, and at the water side; these I wished to be
collected, and carried to the arsenal; as they must constitute the materials of our defence.
The guns sent out from England were field-artillery, or mountain-guns, proper to secure passes,
and such like, and the artillery for the fortifications must be elsewhere provided. I had
before requested that these guns and shot might be collected for this purpose, but in vain;
both the Prince and the people seemed quite unaware that prepara- | DEFENCE OF MISSOLONGHI. | 49 |
tory labours were more certain of securing victory than mere
animal courage; and this, and other necessary operations, remained unexecuted.
On reporting to Lord Byron what I had
seen, what I had said to Prince Mavrocordato, and what I
thought might be done, he ordered me to draw up a plan for putting the fortifications in
thorough repair, and to accompany it with an estimate of the expense. It was agreed, that I
should make the estimate only one-third of what I thought would be the actual expense, and if
that third could be procured from the Magistrates, Lord Byron undertook
secretly to pay the remainder. With the iron and materials brought out from England, some of
which might be spared for this purpose, we concluded that the whole might be done for the sum
of five thousand dollars; and it was therefore agreed, that we should endeavour to get one
thousand dollars from the Greeks, with supplies of wood, and the assistance of a few labourers
and artificers. By means of this sum, and assistance, together with his Lordship’s
advances, Missolonghi and the fort of Vasaladi might be put in a complete state of defence, and
gun-boats fitted out, so that we might be fully prepared to meet the enemy. At my request,
therefore, Colonel Stanhope drew up and presented a plan
and
50 | FAILURE OF OUR PROJECTS | |
estimate for this purpose. It will be
found in the Appendix. The magistrates of Missolonghi and Prince
Mavrocordato concurred in it, and preparations were talked of for carrying it
into effect.
This was an additional task which Lord
Byron imposed on himself. We were before actively employed in fitting up the
arsenal, and disciplining the artillery in field-exercise, organizing his Lordship’s
brigade, &c. &c. There was work enough for us already marked out, even with the most
zealous co-operation, both of the Greeks, and among ourselves, which unfortunately did not
exist. The foreign adventurers disagreed with one another, and with every body else; the
mechanics sent from England were by no means satisfied; Lord Byron and
Colonel Stanhope did not both row in the same boat; and
Prince Mavrocordato and the Greek authorities were
for obtaining every thing, promising every thing, and doing nothing. In such a state of
division, or rather, slumbering discord, of all the numerous and mighty projects we took in
hand, not one ripened into complete success.
To shew the reader how things were managed in Greece, and in what way
Lord Byron was treated, both by the Greeks and his own
countrymen, I shall here mention what Lord Byron said to me, on my talking
to him about the esti-
| GREEK METHOD OF OBTAINING MONEY. | 51 |
mate.—“All this is a very pretty piece of mockery,” he said;
“but the instant the estimate is agreed to, the Primates will come here, and under
some false pretence or other, beg a loan of me, to the amount required. I shall give them a
refusal, and they will retire, making me a thousand compliments; but after a short time, I
shall be visited by Prince Mavrocordato, who will
find some other reason for asking the loan. If I refuse the Prince, I shall be again
visited by the Primates, and if they go away without accomplishing their errand, the Prince
will again renew the attack. To be plain with you, if I do not advance the whole amount,
your project will vanish into thin air; but if I do it in any other way than secretly, as
you and I have agreed on, I shall have fifty projects laid before me every week, and I
shall speedily be reduced to beggary, or obliged to quit the country, which I am determined
not to do while a chance of success remains.”
“It will be better, my Lord,” I said, “not to go through
this farce, and, with your permission, I will tell Colonel
Stanhope it will be of no use to present the estimate.”
At this his Lordship flew into a passion, and said, “Do you
suppose I will give myself the trouble of explaining to others every difficulty which I
have to encounter, and am acquainted with?
No, No!—Colonel Stanhope has already said, I am
too liberal; the money of the committee must not be intrusted to me, and I therefore will
provide what supplies I can for the good of the service, but I will not waste my time and
thoughts in fruitless explanations. In a short time, Colonel Stanhope
will depart hence, and then our unpleasant altercations will cease. As to the Greeks, and
their applications, I will refer them all to you, and you shall answer them agreeably to my
wishes. What you point out as necessary for the service, and I approve of, I will find
means for you to perform; but I know it is all in vain to expect money from the Greeks, or
cordiality between Stanhope and me.”
February 17th. There were considerable hopes and
expectations of capturing a Turkish brig of war excited this day, as news came to us, that one,
mounting twenty-two guns, was aground six or seven miles from the city. This was a sort of
enterprise which suited the Greeks, for there was in it a promise both of vengeance and
plunder; and many of them set off in boats, as if each were afraid he should lose his share of
the prize. They did not find the enterprise so easy; and it was evident more means must be
prepared, before she fell into our power. Consigning my ordinary labours to the superintendence
of Messrs. Gill and Hodges, I set off, accompanied
| PREPARATIONS FOR ATTACKING HER. | 53 |
by some other officers, to reconnoitre her. We
proceeded about five miles across what is called the fishing ground, a considerable extent of
shallows, on which was about eighteen inches or two feet of water. We ascertained that we
could, though with considerable difficulty, transport stores and guns over these shallows, and
make an attack on the brig from a point of land beyond them. It was accordingly resolved to
attack her in this manner, on the following day; and though it came on to rain, in the mean
time, with great violence, we zealously set about making preparations.
We had but two pieces of cannon fit for immediate service; a long
three-pounder, and Mr. Gordon’s howitzer. There
were, also, two Turkish guns, but the carriages were in such a state, that it was necessary to
repair them, and they could not be got ready before three o’clock. I waited on Lord Byron, and explained all these circumstances to him; he
expressed his satisfaction with my arrangements, and gave me orders to draw on him for money to
pay all the additional expense; and to be sure and send him word when it was likely we should
begin the attack on her that he might be on the spot.
On this occasion, his Lordship, with that active attention to humanity
which characterized all his proceedings in Greece, gave me strict
54 | THE TURKISH BRIG BURNT. | |
injunctions, should any prisoners be taken, to endeavour to
save their lives. For this purpose, he offered to give two dollars a head for every prisoner
saved, to pay something more for officers, and be at all the expense of taking care of them
while at Missolonghi, and of sending them to a place of safety. His Lordship, knowing also what
would be the conduct of the Greeks, as to plunder, gave me strict injunctions to keep back the
artillery brigade, that I might have it as much as possible in my power to relieve and protect
the captives, should any be made.
Early in the morning of the 18th, we began to prepare for our attack on
the brig, In transporting our guns, the boats grounded; which, with other unexpected
impediments, brought on the afternoon before our preparations were completed. In the mean time,
three Turkish brigs of war came down from Patrass, and brought up, so as to enfilade the beach;
they got out their boats, and endeavoured to heave the brig, which was aground, afloat into
deep water, but without success; and seeing our preparations for an attack, they thought it
prudent to get out of the way. They accordingly removed all the men from the brig, and as many
of her stores as they could save; and then, setting her on fire, made sail for Patrass. She
burnt down to the waters’ edge. Though we were disappointed of
| IMPROVIDENCE OF THE GREEKS | 55 |
our prey, we all rejoiced to see her in flames; and
carried back our guns and stores to the arsenal, without much grumbling, that our labour had
not been rewarded as we expected.
Lord Byron was highly pleased at the destruction of the
brig, and asked particularly what loss it would occasion to the Turks. I told him about twenty
thousand dollars; and though one small vessel of war seems of trifling moment to a large empire
like Turkey, yet, judging of it, probably, from our own straitened means, we all exulted at it,
as an important achievement.
This event led Lord Byron to talk of
the state of affairs in Greece; and he regretted that the Greeks should have done so little to
repair the losses of the last campaign, or prepare for the next. They were so improvident, or
so destitute, not having either money or materials, that neither in the Morea, nor in Western
Greece, had any preparations been made to meet the enemy; nor had the fortifications and other
means of defence, which had suffered in the late attack, been restored. The fleet was laid up
till the loan should be negotiated in England, and the money received.
What had just occurred was an additional evidence, that six or eight
gun-boats would be of essential use in defending Missolonghi and An-
56 | PROPOSAL TO BUILD GUN-BOATS. | |
natolica. With these at our command, and one of them
fitted up to heat shot, the Turkish fleet could not, without great danger, lie at anchor to
blockade these places. I again represented this to Lord
Byron, but his Lordship said it was of no use urging it any more on the Greeks;
they would assent to it, he knew, and would ask him for money to execute it, and there the
matter would rest. I offered, with his Lordship’s permission, to state the matter to the
Greek committee, and request them to send out the frames of gun-boats, and the necessary
materials; or I would go to the island of Hydra, where it was probable I might provide them.
His Lordship said I could not be spared; we might expect the campaign to open in three months,
and then our difficulties would be much greater even than at present.
On Thursday, February 19th,
the men were again at work at the arsenal, but before their labours had proceeded very far, a
quarrel ensued between one of the Suliotes and Lieutenant
Sass, the very best, perhaps, of the foreign officers, which ended in his
assassination. The whole business shews, unhappily, so well what was the state of Greece, as to
the discipline of the soldiery, and the unfortunate effect of sending foreigners to rule and
guide them, as it
were, that I shall give a
detailed account of this melancholy affair, as far as it came within my knowledge.
Sass seems to have been one of those persons who are born
out of season, or have got, from some cause or other, so much awry, or so misplaced, among men,
that though they possess the best intentions, nothing succeeds with them. He had a very
prepossessing appearance, and seemed destined to win his way smoothly to the goal of happiness;
but his fate was very different. He was born of respectable parents, in Swedish Finland, and
entered the military service at an early period. He served with credit, both in the Swedish and
Swiss armies, but without obtaining distinction; and at the peace, like many others, was
disbanded, having nothing but his sword wherewith to carve his fortune.
It is to the credit of England, though her citizens foster the mercenary
spirit of mere soldiership less than any other people of Europe, that she does not suffer her
defenders, when their services are not required, to die of ingratitude, neglect, and hunger.
Though the pittance she gives be small, it is enough to preserve life; but this cannot, in
general, be said of the nations of the continent; and in them, the military sovereigns who are
at the head of the governments, seem afraid of their own tools, and break and cast them
58 | PREVIOUS SUFFERINGS OP SASS. | |
away, the instant their services can be
dispensed with.
Sass was in this situation at the beginning of the Greek
contest, and was induced to join the German Hellenic regiment. It was fitted out, at a great
expense, by subscriptions among the Germans who were friendly to the Greek cause; but on
reaching Greece, these volunteer soldiers were doomed to suffering and neglect; in fact, the
disorganized state of Greece, no part of the country, except the islands, having the least
particle of disposable produce, and all the exertions of their inhabitants being wisely
directed to their shipping, as the best means of enriching and defending their country,
rendered it utterly impossible to subsist in it a corps of foreign troops like the
Philhellenians; unless, as in the manner of the Turks, they could compel the inhabitants to
supply them. There is some reason to believe, that all the foreigners who have been in the
service of Greece have had recourse to this means; and as the Greeks did not throw off the yoke
of one tyrant to submit to that of another, quarrels necessarily ensued, and the foreigners,
being in this case the weaker party, were both ill-treated and half starved. Considering only
their own good intentions, and not the light in which the Greeks interpreted them, they
complained bitterly of ingratitude; and at length, half de-
stroyed by their combats with the Turks, and half famished by the
neglect of the Greeks, the Hellenic corps was broken up.
Sass lived through all these fatigues, privations, and
contumelies; then, partly from being unprovided for, partly from having a strong attachment to
the cause of Greece, he embarked for Candia, with a view of joining the patriots in that
island. On the voyage he was captured by a Turkish vessel, and subjected to the grossest
insults, and most brutal cruelty. Some of these things cannot be related; but it may be
mentioned, that it was one of the amusements of the Turkish soldiers to draw their sabres
across his neck, and to point their carbines at him, so that he frequently expected instant
assassination. Half famished, beaten, and in a state of torture, death would, probably, have
been mercy, but the continued apprehension of the stroke was dreadful; and probably nothing but
his sensibility being blunted by previous sufferings preserved his reason unimpaired. He was
carried to Alexandria, and thence sent up to Grand Cairo, where he was sold as a slave. The
humanity and generosity of an English gentleman released him from slavery, and provided him
with the means of returning to his native country. On his arrival, hearing of the expedition
which was preparing in England, he went to London, and offered his services to the
Greek committee. This body provided him with the
means of again reaching Greece, but, like other adventurers, when he arrived he had no funds to
maintain himself. Becoming known to Lord Byron, his Lordship
appointed him a Lieutenant in his brigade, and here Sass behaved in a
prudent and careful manner. He was, undoubtedly, by far the most useful foreign officer who was
then in Greece, and his loss was proportionably regretted.
Sass was on duty on the 19th, at the Seraglio, or the
arsenal, where all our stores were deposited. There were at that time a great number; of
Suliotes at Missolonghi, as well as a number of adventurers of all nations and all sorts of
characters, and though we were anxious to teach our arts to the Suliotes and the other Greeks,
who were therefore permitted to range round the arsenal at pleasure, yet, as several things had
been pilfered, which made precaution necessary, the guards had orders to watch closely whoever
entered, and not to allow perfect strangers to come in. One of the Suliotes, however, a very
brave soldier, who had distinguished himself in the night attack which Botzaris made on the Turkish camp, and in which he fell,
wished that morning to enter the arsenal, as he had done before; but not being known to the
serjeant on guard, not a Greek, he was not allowed to pass.
The Suliote insisted on forcing his way, and the serjeant
prevented him. A quarrel was, of course, the consequence, and Lieutenant
Sass, hearing the disturbance, hastened to the spot. The Greek was armed, like
all his countrymen, with a brace of pistols, and his yatagan or dagger, and was a strong, powerful man.
Sass, too, was athletic and fearless, but, perhaps, considering the
irritation which existed between the foreigners and the Greeks, was not sufficiently temperate
on this occasion; he instantly drew his sword, and struck the Greek with the flat part of it.
The latter shook himself clear of his first antagonist, and drawing his yatagan with one hand,
while he drew forth a pistol with the other, made a desperate attack on
Sass. The first attack was parried, and the Suliote received a wound
in the neck; the second was fatal, and the unfortunate Sass was at the
same instant shot in the head, and received a cut which almost severed his arm from his body.
He remained alive, but senseless and speechless, about an hour, and then the existence of the
adventurous but unfortunate Sass terminated for ever. He left, I have
understood, a wife, then living at Malma, in Sweden; and Byron, with that attention to the feelings and wants of others which always
distinguished him, thought immediately of contributing to her comfort in a pecuniary way. 62 | APPREHENSIONS FROM THE SULIOTES. | |
In the next communication made to the
Greek committee, he requested that a small sum might be sent her, on his account.
The Suliote was arrested, but immediately afterwards set at liberty, on
his Captain promising that an inquiry should be made, and justice done. The event took place so
suddenly, that interference was impossible. On its being known in the town, the confusion
became very great; the English and other foreigners gathered round Lord
Byron; a thousand exaggerated rumours were instantly set on foot; and, as the
Suliotes were not liked by the inhabitants, there was an apprehension the town would be sacked,
or that we should at least come to open war. At Lord Byron’s
quarters, preparations were made as for a siege. The guns were prepared, and pointed towards
the gate, and all the precautions in our power were taken, to prevent surprise. The main body
of the Suliotes assembled round the house, threatening to attack it, and to murder every
foreigner. Their momentary fury was, probably, checked by the sight of our preparations, and
when this had subsided, we were able to settle the matter in a more amicable way.
I preceded to the arsenal, to make inquiries into the matter, and drew up
a fair report, as far as I could collect information, of the whole affray: Lord Byron, in the mean time, sent for
| BYRON’S INTERVEW WITH THE CAPTAINS. | 63 |
the Suliote Captains, and they agreed to
wait on him. In fact, on my return, I found him in his full dress, as Colonel of the brigade,
surrounded by the Suliote chiefs, each of whom was in the full costume of his country. They
were all fine-looking men, and all being animated by this unfortunate event, formed as fine a
picture as the eye could well behold. The report which I had drawn up was read and interpreted.
Lord Byron addressed the chiefs, also, through the medium of an
interpreter, calmness was gradually restored, and the chiefs pledged themselves that justice
should be done. They got up, put on their shoes, made a profound obeisance to Lord
Byron, crossing their arms at the same time on their breast, and retired to
restore quiet among their soldiers. There was something pathetic in this peaceable conclusion
to so threatening an affair; and though Lord Byron was still very unwell,
few men, I believe, could have conducted themselves with more dignity and more prudence on so
trying an occasion.
All this, however, harassed him very much, and though he made a fine
display, when his energies were roused into action, his general health suffered from this
excessive mental stimulus and exertion. Greater and increasing debility was the consequence;
and, as he had some even still more unpleasant altercations
64 | THE MECHANTCS RESOLVE TO RETURN. | |
to go through, and still more gratingly-unpleasant
scenes to witness, he gradually decayed, and soon fell a sacrifice to his own feelings, and the
improper treatment of those who might have had more respect for the peculiarities of genius.
Friday, February 20th. It was gratifying to all
the foreigners at Missolonghi, to witness the respect the inhabitants paid to Lieutenant Sass. He was interred with all the honours the Greek
church could bestow; and, for our parts, we suspended our labours for the day, to consecrate it
to his funeral.
The death of Sass was, in its
consequences, very disastrous; it increased the anger and hostility which already existed
between the foreign officers and the Greeks, and it alarmed all the mechanics who came out from
England with me. One of them, also, in a tumult which ensued, had his hat cut open by the
Greeks; and this contributed to make all the rest suspicious. They were apprehensive for their
safety, and declared they would work no more. They said they had stipulated to be sent to a
place where they should be safe, and they would not remain at Missolonghi. The contract was
broken which had been made with them, and they felt themselves at liberty to return. They
accordingly appealed to Colonel Stanhope, represented the
dangers they were exposed to, and requested
| EXPENSE OF THE MECHANICS. | 65 |
to be sent back to England. The Colonel, they told me, had acceded to their request, and agreed
to give them ten pounds per man for their passage home. He took all the blame on himself for
bringing them to such a place, and he would take care, he said, to provide them a passage back.
I considered their conduct to have been extremely improper. They ought to
have known, before-hand, what their situation was likely to be; at least, the Greek committee,
which had several agents in Greece, such as they were, should have taken care to have informed
them, previously to engaging their services. They had done very little since they came, and
seemed, indeed, so little disposed to work, that the actual loss we suffered by their departure
was not great; but still they were the class and sort of men most wanted, and I felt very angry
at their proceedings. I refused to take any part in them; but they found favour with Colonel Stanhope, and he acceded to their requests.
I was obliged to represent the business to Lord
Byron, and the men received sixty pounds, or two hundred and eighty-seven
dollars; independent of forty-two dollars it cost to procure them a passage to Zante. They
received bills for the sum, which were converted into cash at that island. It may be worth
while here to
66 | ONE OF THEM A MISSIONARY. | |
mention, as probably some of
my readers subscribed for the support of the Greek cause, and may therefore like to know in
what manner their money was expended, that these six mechanics received from the committee, for
themselves, their wives, and families, the sum of two hundred and fifty-six pounds ten
shillings, independent of the sum paid for their passage home, and other charges, making the
whole expense, at least, equal to three hundred and forty pounds. They had never been called on
to spend one penny on account of provisions and lodgings, from the day they left England, till
their arrival at Missolonghi; and they were permitted to carry out small ventures, without any
charge for freight. One of them, also, a protégé of Colonel
Stanhope’s, had carried out a number of tracts, and in addition to his
avocations as a mechanic, was charged by the Missionary Society, at a salary of twenty pounds,
to spread a knowledge of true religion, or of Wesleyism, among the heathen Turks and the
heretical Greeks. He was one of the foremost to retreat from danger, but he managed to pick up
a little something by his piety, to comfort him in his retreat. The services they rendered to
the cause of Greece for this three hundred and forty pounds, were fourteen days’ work at
Missolonghi, so that every day’s work of each of these | COST OF THE WORK THEY PERFORMED. | 67 |
artisans, and it was not much they did in a day, was
purchased by the Greek committee for the sum of something more than four pounds one shilling.
There may have been wisdom in such management, but it appears to me to have been a mode of
expending money which no individual would have followed with his own funds.
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Literary Magnet
Vol. 4 (June 1825)
“More last words of John Baxter!” our readers will exclaim: we have already Medwin’s Conversations; Dallas’s Recollections; Gamba’s Residence; Childe Harolde’s Wanderings; and a host of others, in
all shapes and sizes, from the ponderous quarto, to the pigmy “pocket edition.” If
we required any further evidence of the extent of the illustrious subject’s talents, or
the probability of his immortality, than what his works are capable of bestowing, we should
regard the never-dying interest that is attached to every thing concerning him, as the
completest evidence of the permanency of his literary fame. Mr.
Parry writes in a bold seaman-like style, and his work bears with it a very
evident air of identity. In Medwin’s and
Dallas’s books, we have too much of the poet; in the volumes
before us, the man stands upright in the various lights and shades of his character. Lord Byron neither required the fulsome adulation of the Dragoon
Captain, nor the sage apologies of Mr. Dallas, to make us believe, that at
the bottom he was a really good, but dreadfully misled, man; and that had his life been spared,
there was no doubt but what the finer qualities of his soul would have endeared him to the
world which he so eminently adorned. From the intelligence Mr.
Parry’s book affords us, we entertain no doubt, that had medical aid been
procured at the period of the lamentable catastrophe, the life so dear to Greece, liberty, and
song, would have been saved. . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Personal Character of Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. 10 (October 1824)
It is said that his intention was not to remain in
Greece,—that he determined to return after his attack of epilepsy. Probably it was only
his removal into some better climate that was intended. Certainly a more miserable and
unhealthy bog than Missolonghi is not to be found out of the fens of Holland, or the Isle of
Ely. He either felt or affected to feel a presentiment that he should die in Greece, and when
his return was spoken of, considered it as out of the question, predicting that the Turks, the
Greeks, or the Malaria, would effectually put an end to any designs he might have of returning.
At the moment of his seizure with the epileptic fits prior to his last illness, he was jesting
with Parry, an engineer sent out by the Greek committee,
who, by dint of being his butt, had got great power over him, and indeed, became every thing to
him. Besides this man there was Fletcher, who had lived with
him twenty years, and who was originally a shoemaker, whom his Lordship had picked up in the
village where he lived, at Newstead, and who, after attending him in some of his rural
adventures, became attached to his service: he had also a faithful Italian servant, Battista; a Greek secretary; and Count
Gamba seems to have acted the part of his Italian secretary. Lord
Byron spoke French very imperfectly, and Italian not correctly, and it was with
the greatest difficulty he could be prevailed upon to make attempts m a foreign language. He
would get any body about him to interpret for him, though he might know the language better
than his interpreter. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
This man now tells his story of what he saw and heard of Lord Byron’s behaviour and conversation while in Greece. He makes no
ridiculous professions of accuracy. He plainly says, the idea of noting down what
Lord Byron was pleased to say to him in private conversation never
once entered his head. But he adds, and who can doubt it, that finding himself thrown into
close contact of this sort with a man of Lord Byron’s extraordinary
genius and celebrity, whatever things of any importance were said by Lord
Byron did make a strong, an indelible impression on his mind. And, with-
out pretending to give the words—unless when there is something very
striking indeed about them—he does profess himself able and determined to give the
substance. We need, indeed, but little of such professions, to make us
believe, that the conversations which he relates did substantially take place between him
and Lord Byron. They carry the stamp of authenticity upon their front.
The man that said these things was a man of exquisite talent—of extraordinary reach
and compass of reflection—of high education and surpassing genius. This is enough for
us. Mr Parry is an excellent person in his own way,
but he is plainly as incapable of inventing these things, as if he had written himself down
on his title-page, “Author of Ahasuerus, a Poem.”
. . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Mavrocardato was, and is, universally admitted to be the
most accomplished of the Greek statesmen, and he was at this period the President of the
Provisionary Government; yet this agent of the Greek committee rates Major Parry, for giving Mavrocordato the
title by which he had always been distinguished, and which Lord
Byron, nay, even Sir Thomas Maitland,
never thought of refusing him. But this was not all. He openly took part with the faction
opposed to Mavrocordato and the existing Greek government; and why? Why,
because Mavrocordato, a man of sense and education, who has travelled in
Western Europe, and speaks her languages, and has read her books, was thoroughly aware of the
unfitness of a free press for Greece in her actual condition, and accordingly discountenanced
the setting up of a paper at Missolonghi; whereas Odysseus, a robber captain, in arms in reality against the Greek government as much
as against the Turks, had no objections to let Stanhope
print as many papers as he liked in Athens, which city the said Odysseus
refused, according to the language of Colonel Stanhope’s own eulogy,
“to surrender to a weak government;” in other words, was keeping possession of, in
opposition to the authorities which he had the year before sworn to
obey—the very authorities, too, be it observed, under which alone Colonel
Stanhope was at the time acting. Odysseus knew that his
wild barbarians could no more read a Greek newspaper than they could fly over Olympus, and
therefore he cared not what Stanhope printed, so he and his people got,
through Stanhope’s means, a part of the loans transmitted from
England, for the support of the Greek government and cause. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
These passages cannot, we think, fail to gratify our readers. The view
they give of Lord Byron’s kind, natural temper,
frank and engaging manners, and noble self-possession in the midst of all the irritations
of disease and disgust, must go far we think to convince the most sceptical, that the
epithet of Satanic was not the happiest which a contemporary poet
might have applied to the author of Child
Harold. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
The following is a most important passage indeed. In it we have Lord Byron
detailing, in a manner the sincerity of which it is impossible to doubt, his own views
concerning the ultimate prospects of Greece; and surely the exposition is such, that it could
have come from no mind in which sense, wisdom, and genius, were not equally inherent. It
is the only thing upon the subject that we have ever been able to think worth a second reading. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Our readers must turn to Mr Parry’s
own page for a great deal more of Lord Byron’s table
talk. They will find many sound English sentiments, even in regard to the English politics of
the day—they will find views as to America equally just and liberal—they will find
the most contemptuous allusions to the soi-disant
liberals with whom Lord Byron had come into personal
contact, such as old Cartwright, Leigh Hunt, &c.; and upon every occasion an open avowal of the deepest
respect for the aristocracy of Britain, which these poor creatures have spent their lives in
endeavouring to overthrow. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Of all this, and also of the affecting narrative which Mr Parry gives of Lord
Byron’s last days, strictly so called, we shall quote nothing. The main
outline of his illness is already sufficiently before the public; and these new details are so
painful, that though we do not wish not to have read them, we certainly shall never torture
ourselves with reading them again. The spectacle of youth, and rank, and genius, meeting with
calm resolution the approach of death, under external circumstances of the most cheerless
description, may afford a lesson to us all! But Mr Parry has painted this
scene with far too rude a pencil; and, indeed, the print which he has inserted of Byron on his miserable bed, and almost in the agonies of death,
attended by Parry himself and Tita,
ought to be omitted in every future edition. It is obviously a got-up thing—a mere
eyetrap—and for one person whose diseased taste it pleases, will undoubtedly disgust a
thousand who ought to be acquainted with this book. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
In order that our article may terminate pleasantly, we have reserved wherewithal
to wind it up, Parry’s description of an interview
which he had with the personage whom Colonel Stanhope
mentions as “the finest genius of the most enlightened age, the immortal Bentham.” We shall give the sailor’s rough sketch
of the Patriarch without note or comment—in truth it needs none; and, we have no doubt,
posterity will not disdain to hang it up alongside of the more professional performance of that
other fine genius of our enlightened century—the immortal Hazlitt—in his noble gallery of portraits,
entitled “The Spirit of
The Age.” . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
The Author before us appears to be a man of strong natural sense, with an honest
old soldier’s heart, and all that John Bullism about him, which evinces a sturdy
determination to speak his mind, in utter disregard of person or party. Now as we like to
see good rather than evil, we are glad to find that though Byron was often politically tipsy, and talked nonsense about his country, the
King, America, &c.; yet in his conduct on the Greek subject, the usual wisdom of the
hereditary Senator was conspicuous. There was not a fault in his advice concerning the Greek
cause. He stands, as a Statesman, as superior to the rest, as the Trajan column does to a
milestone. He avowed an intention to study the art of war, probably to become another Napoleon; at all events to be a Washington. All this was in his nature. He was a charger of high blood, and men
rail at him because he was unfit for a cart-horse. It is to men of such a character that the
world is to look for the enthusiasm and perseverance requisite to effect great objects; and
whatever may be the results of their ambition, it is certain that Providence only works grand
changes by single men, not by bodies of men, and ultimately merges all in monarchy. Republics
have only short lives, and seldom merry ones. . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
The work opens with a long account of clumsy mis-management in transmission of
the stores; and the introduction to Lord Byron. His
behaviour to the Author was kind and condescending. The room was hung round with weapons like
an armoury, abore which were shelves furnished with books, an hieroglyphic of his
Lordship’s politics, which were to furnish Greece with arms and independence, and then to
leaven it with learning. His politics were very simple, but truly wise. Let one single object,
(he said,) the expulsion of the Turks, be first regarded. Newspapers and
the press would now only create faction, and do mischief. They are only to be considered as
secondary things. Col. Stanhope’s opposite sentiments
created the coolness between them. Bloodshed and anarchy, said the wise Member of the Upper
House, will be the consequence of discussing theories of government, before independence is
obtained. His Lordship was perfectly correct, for in a short time the wiseacres published a
Tirade against Kings, which, said the Peer, was the very way to bring the
Holy Alliance down upon them. Add to this, that the German Officers who came to assist, were
men of punctilious etiquette, and always quarrelling about rank; and mechanics sent out at an
expence of three hundred and forty pounds, did only fourteen days work, at the cost of
something more than four pounds one shilling a day. Pp. 66, 67. . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
For every object, public or private, his Lordship was expected to be paymaster;
a mutiny might cost him his life; what he received from England were a Wesleyan preacher,
bugle-horns, printing presses, and religious tracts. Arms, powder, and shot, were inferior
considerations*. With all his noble-minded sacrifices, he was harassed with crazy counsels;
worried out of his patience and sleep; and doomed to eat nothing for several days but cheese,
fish, vegetables, and bread. In short, at his outset in life, he was all but murdered by
calumniators; and now he had to encounter the insanity of his countrymen, who employed the
funds collected for the liberation of Greece, in propagating their own political and religious
tenets, instead of furnishing the indispensable materials of war. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
William Fletcher—I was in the service of the late
Lord Byron upwards of 20 years, and was with him up to
the time of his death. I now receive a pension from his family for my services. I first saw
Parry at Greece, at Missollonghi. He lived in the
same house with Lord Byron. I was not much in the habit of seeing him, and
had not an opportunity of knowing whether he was drunk, more than I heard from report. He
sometimes appeared the worse for liquor. I have seen him in Lord
Byron’s company; he generally called him Captain
Parry. I have heard Parry speak of Colonel Stanhope. Some men were sent to attack a Turkish brig off Missolonghi.
Parry came home to his house on that occasion, and did not get out
again, but said he wanted to shave and dress. This was early in the evening, and it was a
considerable time before he came down again. He went into his room at the back of the house. I
don’t know where he went when he had shaved. The brig was afterwards in flames.
Parry was sent to, and discovered to be asleep. I did not see him go
out before the brig was in flames. I have seen Parry once since my return
to England. Since I have been subpœnaed here as a witness, I have seen him frequently.
Having been here in attendance a long time, and feeling a want for something to eat, I went to
get some bread and cheese. Zambelli was with me, and
Parry came in, and was very polite to us. I do not know whether the
word rogue was used. Parry addressed himself to me, but I do not recollect
the words he made use of; they were meant to imply that he had always been my friend. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
I remember a Turkish
brig coming a-ground off Missolonghi. We were then all in that place. I heard that
Parry was applied to on that occasion to lend his assistance. He
was at Lord Byron’s house. Several of us were ordered by him to
go in a couple of boats, with guns, to attack the brig. Parry did not
go with us; was to come round by land with some Greek soldiers. He did not come round. He
said he would come to our assistance when he sent us out. He had a blue coat on, but I do
not know whether he was shaved or not. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
— Zambelli, a Hungarian.—I
lived in the service of Lord Byron at Missolonghi, and had
the care of liquors and provisions in his house. I knew Parry at Missolonghi, and have twice known him absolutely intoxicated. He was,
on those occasions, asleep with the bottle by his side lying on the floor, and Lord
Byron called to me to take him away. Those are the only times when I have known
him affected by liquor. I cannot say how many bottles he drank on those occasions. I recollect
a Turkish brig being on shore when Parry came into the house and went up
stairs. He did not go out of the house again that day. The brig was not burning before he came
into the house. It was burned while he was in the house. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Colonel Stanhope.—I am a Lieutenant-Colonel in the
army. I went out to Greece, and saw Parry there; he
lived in my room, and ate his meals at my table. He was in the habit of drinking to excess. He
was a sot, and a boaster, and frequently spoke of making Congreve rockets, in which, he said,
he had made an improvement, of which Colonel Congreve
had taken the merit. He said he would take Lepanto by a fire-kite, and destroy the Turkish
fleet. He never carried any of his plans into execution. I have read the Last Days of Lord
Byron. Parry is not capable of writing such a work.
He is a man of a strong natural mind, but uneducated. He does not speak grammatically correct.
He frequently spoke of his great science as an engineer. I saw the brig on shore, and was
there. The brig was on shore four or five miles from Missolonghi, and the Greek officers
applied to Lord Byron and myself to lend assistance; we
despatched artillery and the greater part of the soldiers and townspeople immediately proceeded
there; we were for some time under the bombardment of this vessel. After having been stranded
for two days, and seeing the impossibility of getting her off, her crew set her on fire, and
escaped in their boats to another Turkish vessel which had been hovering in the offing.
Parry never made his appearance all the time. Lord
Byron treated him as a fool, a buffoon—not as one of these fools that have
so often graced the tables of the great. Parry called Lord
Byron Hal, and
he called him Falstaff.
. . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Bowring.—I acted as Secretary to the Greek
Committee. Parry was recalled by a vote of the committee
of the 3d of July. I should consider him incapable of writing such a book without some
assistance. I have not seen him in a state of actual drunkenness, but when he has drunk rather
too much. After his return, he showed me the materials from which this work was formed, but I
did not look them over. I should think them, however, insufficient to have made the book. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Knight.—This book was published by Knight and
Lacy. I am not of that house. Parry applied to me early in 1825. He was announced as
Captain Parry, and I fully expected to have seen that Captain Parry who had been so frequently towards the North
Pole. He, however, undeceived me, and said he came from Greece, and that he wished to publish
something relative to Lord Byron. Having said this, he left
a portfolio for my perusal, and we had no further conversation at the time. In a few days he
called again, and I returned the papers. They consisted of a few official documents, containing
technical particulars, terms of war, and estimates of ammunition, and several Greek newspapers,
with a few sheets, purporting to be the journal of Captain Parry. They
amounted altogether to about 40 or 50 folios. I have read the book which he has published, and
towards the end, in the appendix, there are some expressions similar to those I saw in the
papers he brought to me. The body of the book does not contain a line of what was in those
papers. If he were the writer of the journal put into my hands, he could not be the author of
this book. My interview with him was very short; but from what I saw of him, and from his
conversation, I should not think him capable of writing this book. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Lacy.—I am a partner in the house of Knight
and Lacy. We published this book for Mr. Parry. He said
he had received some assistance in the arrangement of the work from another gentleman. . . .
Anonymous,
“Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner
No. 1011 (17 June 1827)
* In one of the editions of Shakspeare is an engraving (after Stothard) representing Antient Pistol cudgelled by Fluellen. Perhaps as humorous a
subject might be found for that admirable artist’s pencil in some of the
situations attributed by the witnesses to our valiant Major; for instance, the lying
asleep after a debauch, embracing the bottle, as described with significant gestures by
the witness Zambelli; or the elaborate shaving
and dressing, while his men were proceeding to assault the Turkish brig. . . .
Anonymous,
“Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner
No. 1011 (17 June 1827)
The Chief Justice too, observing on
Parry’s conduct in the
affair of the Turkish brig, intimated, that one neglect of duty ought not to fix the character
of cowardice on any man:—but his Lordship knows, that a single neglect on the day of
battle cost the unfortunate Byng his life, and that Lord Sackville
was disgracefully driven from the service for once imputed fault on the field of Minden; yet
both these men had given repeated proofs of noble courage. Where, however, are William Parry’s proofs? . . .
Markos Botsaris [Μαρκος Βοτσαρις] (1790-1823)
Greek leader in the War of Independence who died heroically at the Battle of Karpenisi.
He was the brother of Kostas (Constantine) Botzaries.
Mr. Gill (d. 1824)
The foreman of William Parry's munitions factory at Missolonghi; they had previously
worked together as shipwrights. William Henry Humphreys reports that he was with Trelawny
in the cave of Odysseas Androutsos and that he died of disease in Napoli in the autumn of
1824.
Thomas Gordon of Cairness (1788-1841)
Educated at Eton and Brasenose College, Oxford; he was a member of the London Greek
Committee and major-general in the Greek Army; he published
History of
the Greek Revolution (1832).
J. M. Hodges (1831 fl.)
An artisan who worked under Lord Byron in William Parry's munitions factory at
Missolonghi. He returned to England in late 1824 and Edward Trelawney reports that he was
living in London in 1831.
Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos [Αλεξανδρος Μαβροκορδατος] (1791-1865)
Greek statesman and diplomat with Byron at Missolonghi; after study at the University of
Padua he joined the Greek Revolution in 1821 and in 1822 was elected by the National
Assembly at Epidaurus. He commanded forces in western Central Greece and retired in 1826
after the Fall of Messolonghi.
Lieutenant Sass (d. 1824)
Finnish soldier who served in the Swedish and Swiss armies before taking up arms against
the Turks, originally with a German troop; he was murdered by the Suliotes at
Missolonghi.
Leicester Fitzgerald Charles Stanhope, fifth earl of Harrington (1784-1862)
The third son of the third earl; in 1823 he traveled to Greece as the Commissioner of the
London Greek Committee; there he served with Byron, whom he criticizes in
Greece in 1823 and 1824 (1824). He inherited the earldom from his brother in
1851.