The Last Days of Lord Byron
Chapter VI
THE
LAST DAYS
OF
LORD BYRON:
WITH HIS
LORDSHIP’S OPINIONS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS,
PARTICULARLY ON THE
STATE AND PROSPECTS OF GREECE.
BY WILLIAM PARRY,
MAJOR OF LORD BYRON’S BRIGADE, COMMANDING OFFICER OF ARTILLERY,
AND ENGINEER IN THE SERVICE OF THE GREEKS.
“Lord Byron awoke in half an hour. I wished to go to him, but I had
not the heart.
Mr. Parry went, and Byron knew him again, and squeezed his hand,
and tried to
express his last wishes.”—Count Gamba’s Narrative.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR KNIGHT AND LACEY,
PATERNOSTER-ROW;
AND WESTLEY AND TYRRELL, DUBLIN.
MDCCCXXV.
CHAPTER VI.
OCCURRENCES AFTER LORD BYRON’S DEATH.
I am taken ill—Go to Zante—Grief in Greece
at Lord Byron’s Death—Great affliction at
Missolonghi—Proclamation of Prince Mavrocordato—Lord
Byron’s Papers—Arrival of the Florida, and the
Loan—Count Gamba’s Description of the Ceremonies at
Missolonghi—Arrival of Colonel Stanhope at
Zante—Lord Byron’s Body conveyed to England—Its
Arrival—The Funeral—Anecdote of a Sailor—Time and place of Interment.
The history of a man like Lord
Byron does not close with his life; and the world generally receives with
pleasure, even the most minute details concerning the disposal of his body after death. As far,
however, as I am personally able to give any account of what was done with Lord
Byron’s corpse, and of the honours paid to his memory, my narrative must
be very brief. Unfortunately, I was myself taken ill, before he breathed his last; and was so
little able to exert myself, that I was scarcely sensible of what was passing around me. My
constitution is naturally a good one, but it was worn down by the climate of such a place as
Missolonghi, and the fatigues I had latterly undergone. My health was so deranged, that the
medical men advised my removal from the spot, and on April 21st, I left Missolonghi. I arrived
at
136 | GENERAL GRIEF AT LORD BYRON’S DEATH. | |
Zante on the following
day, carrying with me the first intelligence of Lord Byron’s death;
of course my connexion with him had ceased entirely. I can scarcely say, that I was a witness
even of what occurred at Missolonghi, for I was confined to my chamber; but as I have been led,
for my own gratification, to ascertain some of the particulars of what happened after his
death, up to the time of his being deposited in the tomb of his ancestors, and as such
particulars will give a completeness to my subject, it would otherwise want, the reader will, I
trust, allow me to present him with a short description of them, from other sources than
personal observation.
As soon as it was known, that Lord Byron
was dead, sorrow and grief were generally felt in Greece. They spread from his own apartments,
and from amongst his domestics and friends, over the town of Missolonghi, through the whole of
Greece, and over every part of civilized Europe. Wherever the English language is known, there
the works and the genius of Byron are admired; and wherever our language
is known, his death was lamented. I need not tell the people of England, how profound a
sensation that news caused among them. Every little anecdote, every little incident concerning
him, was eagerly narrated, and not one public writer of any eminence,—for even those who
were his ene-
| SORROW AT MISSOLONGHI. | 137 |
mies, bore testimony to his
unrivalled powers by their attacks—not one journal but spoke of the death of
Lord Byron, as they would of an earthquake, of a victory that had
saved the nation, or of any other very remarkable event, as the single all-engrossing topic of
the day. The chord of affliction, which was struck at Missolonghi, vibrated its painful and
melancholy notes through the whole of Europe.
But although the death of Lord Byron was
everywhere felt as a severe loss, although the friends of true liberty mourned him, as one of
the bravest and purest of their champions, and the lovers of heart-stirring poetry regretted
him as the first of writers; yet no where was he more deeply lamented, than in Greece. He was
both the poet and the defender of that once brilliant but now humbled country. No persons,
perhaps, after his domestics and personal friends, felt his loss more acutely than the poor
citizens of Missolonghi. His residence among them gave them food, and ensured them protection.
But for him, they would have been first plundered by the unpaid Suliotes, and then left a prey
to the Turks. Not only were the Primates, and Prince
Mavrocordato affected on the occasion, but the poorest citizen felt that he had
lost a friend. The prince wept bitterly, and deplored his own situation as made most
unfortunate by the death of Lord
138 | PRINCE MAVROCORDATO’S GRIEF. | |
Byron. He spoke of him us the great friend of Greece; and of his conduct
as widely different from that of other foreigners. “Nobody knows,” he said,
“except perhaps myself the loss Greece has suffered. Her safety even depended on
his continuing in existence. His presence here has checked intrigues which will now have
uncontrolled sway. By his aid, alone, have I been able to preserve Missolonghi; and now I
know, that every assistance I derived from him will be taken away. Already a conspiracy has
been formed to break up the establishment here; and now there is every probability it will
be successful. The foreigners here will support the enemies of the government, and
Missolonghi will be made bare, to aggrandize some of the captains.”
The proclamation which he issued on this occasion might have been dictated
by maxims of state policy, though I believe no individual in Greece, as far as political
influence was concerned, had more reason to regret Lord
Byron than he had; but I am sure its sentiments echoed those of the greater part
of the citizens. It was on the day after Lord Byron’s death, amidst
the festivities of Easter, that Mavrocordato made the
event publicly known, in the following terms:
Provisional Government of Western Greece.
The present day of festivity and rejoicing has become one of sorrow
and of mourning. The Lord Noel Byron departed this
| ORDER FOR PUBLIC MOURNING. | 139 |
life at six o’clock in
the afternoon, after an illness of ten days; his death being caused by an
inflammatory fever. Such was the effect of his Lordship’s illness on the
public mind, that all classes had forgotten their usual recreations of Easter, even
before the afflicting event was apprehended.
The loss of this illustrious individual is undoubtedly to be
deplored by all Greece; but it must be more especially a subject of lamentation at
Missolonghi, where his generosity has been so conspicuously displayed, and of which
he had even become a citizen, with the further determination of participating in
all the dangers of the war.
Every body is acquainted with the beneficent acts of his Lordship,
and none can cease to hail his name as that of a real benefactor. Until, therefore,
the final determination of the national government be known, and by virtue of the
powers with which it has been pleased to invest me, I hereby decree,
1st. To-morrow morning, at day-light, thirty-seven minute guns
shall be fired from the Grand Battery, being the number which corresponds with the
age of the illustrious deceased.
2d. All the public offices, even the tribunals, are to remain
closed for three successive days.
3d. All the shops, except those in which provisions or medicines
are sold, shall also be shut; and it is strictly enjoined that every species of
public amusement, and other demonstrations of festivity at Easter, shall be
suspended.
4th. A general mourning will be observed for twenty-one days.
5th. Prayers and a funeral service are to be offered up in all the
churches.
(Signed)
A. Mavrocordato.
George Praidis, Secretary.
Given at Missolonghi,
this 19th day of April, 1824.
At other cities and places of Greece, at Salona, where the congress had
just assembled; at Athens, the grief was equally sincere. Lord
Byron was mourned as the best benefactor to Greece. Orations were pronounced by
the priests, and the same honours were paid to his memory, as to the memory of one of their own
most revered chiefs.
On the day after Lord Byron’s
death, Count Gamba, Prince
Mavrocordato, or rather two gentlemen, nominated by him, and myself, proceeded
to examine Lord Byron’s papers and property. We took an inventory of
every thing, and sealed up all his effects. The papers, &c., were afterwards conveyed to
his Lordship’s executors. Among them, we found those deservedly celebrated verses, which Lord Byron
composed on his thirty-sixth birth-day. He had read them, I believe, to his friends before, but
no copy had ever been taken of them till then: I subjoin them below*. Some stanzas of the, I
believe, XVIIth
* “January 22d, 1824,
Missolonghi.
“ON THIS DAY I COMPLETE MY THIRTY-SIXTH
YEAR.” “’Tis time this heart should be unmoved, Since others it hath ceased to move; Yet though I cannot be beloved, Still let me love! |
“My days are in the yellow leaf; The flowers and fruits of love are gone; The worm, the canker, and the grief, Are mine alone! “The |
|
Canto of Don
Juan were also found; but there was no will, nor any directions for the disposal of
his property in Greece.
“The fire that on my bosom preys,
Is lone as some volcanic isle;
No torch is kindled at its blaze—
A funeral pile!
|
“The hope, the fear, the jealous care,
The exalted portion of the pain
And power of love, I cannot share,
But wear the chain.
|
“But ’tis not thus, and
’tis not here
Such thoughts should shake my soul; nor now
Where glory decks the hero’s bier,
Or binds his brow.
|
“The sword, the banner, and the field,
Glory and Greece around me see!
The Spartan, borne upon his shield,
Was not more free.
|
“Awake! (not Greece,—she is
awake!)
Awake, my spirit! Think through whom
Thy life-blood tracks its parent lake,
And then strike home!
|
“Tread these reviving passions down,
Unworthy manhood! Unto thee,
Indifferent should the smile or frown
Of beauty be.
“If
|
|
His Lordship had already placed funds at my command, for the payment of the
brigade, the repairs of the fortifications, and the other works carrying on under my
directions, up to May 1st, and after paying up the brigade and workmen to that period, so that
no stop might be put to the service, and after arranging Lord
Byron’s papers, I made my own preparations for going to Zante. Prince Mavrocordato intrusted me with letters to convey to
that place, and I went there in the vessel, which carried the news of Lord
Byron’s death. The information caused almost as much gloom at the Ionian
islands, as at Missolonghi: Lord Byron had many friends there, and the
greater part of the people, though neither zealous nor charitable, were well-wishers to the
cause of Greece. Lord Sidney Osborne, a friend and
relation of Lord Byron’s, sent off a messenger to England with the
news, and it was publicly known in London on May 16th. For my part, I was so unwell on my
arrival at Zante, that I was obliged
“If thou regret’st thy youth, why
live?
The land of honourable death Is here:—up to the field, and give Away thy breath! |
“Seek out, less often sought than found, A soldier’s grave—for thee the best; Then look around, and choose thy ground, And take thy rest.” |
|
| PROCEEDINGS AT MISSOLONGHI. | 143 |
to have a physician, and to take up my
abode in the Quarantine-house. Two days after my arrival, Mr.
Blaquiere arrived in the Florida, bringing with him the
first instalment of the loan.
There were some doubts, what to do with Lord
Byron’s body. Colonel Stanhope,
indeed, had a plan even for the disposal of that, and recommended, immediately he heard of his
death, that it should be deposited at Athens. Had any attempts been made to carry such a
proposal into execution, I was prepared to oppose it with an unanswerable argument. In
conversation with me, Lord Byron had frequently said, “Well, old
boy, should you kick the bucket in Greece, have you any wish that your body should be sent
to England?” “No, my Lord, no particular wish.” “Well, I
have then; and mind this shall be an agreement betwixt us—If I should die in Greece,
and you survive me, do you see that my body is sent to England; and
if I survive you, I will take care that every request you make shall be complied with, and
I’ll take care those little fellows of your’s at home shall not
want.” The wish conveyed in these words I was determined to see executed; and
mentioned to Count Gamba, both at Missolonghi and Zante,
that if any thought was entertained of carrying Colonel Stanhope’s
plan into execution, I would immediately write to England; for I
considered such a wish, so expressed, far more sacred, and far more
binding on every person connected with Lord Byron, than any scheme or whim
as to the disposal of his body, which might be formed by Colonel Stanhope.
More rational counsels, however, prevailed, and it was settled that the corpse should be sent
to England. The medical men at Missolonghi opened the body, and embalmed it. The heart, brain,
and intestines, were enclosed in different vessels, and one of them was left in Greece; the
body was placed in a chest lined with tin, as it was not possible, at Missolonghi, to procure
lead sufficient for a coffin, and was sent to England.
“At sunrise, on April 20th,” says Count Gamba, “on the morning after his death,
seven-and-thirty minute guns were fired from the principal battery of the fortress; and
one of the batteries of the corps under his orders also fired one gun every half hour,
for the succeeding four-and-twenty hours. We were soon apprized that the Turks at
Patras, hearing our cannon, and learning the cause, testified their satisfaction, and
insulted over our sorrows by discharges of musketry: this tribute alone was wanting to
the memory of the benefactor of Greece;—but the barbarians may have occasion to
lament the loss of the friend of humanity, and the protector of the oppressed.
|
CAREMONIES OVER HIS CORPSE. |
145 |
“April 21.—For the remainder of this day and the next, a
silence, like that of the grave, prevailed over the whole city. We intended to have
performed the funeral ceremony on the twenty-first, but the continued rain prevented us.
The next day (22d), however, we acquitted ourselves of that sad duty, as far as our humble
means would permit. In the midst of his own brigade, of the troops of the government, and
of the whole population, on the shoulders of the officers of his corps, relieved
occasionally by other Greeks, the most precious portion of his honoured remains were
carried to the church, where lie the bodies of Marco
Bozzari and of General Normann. There
we laid them down: the coffin was a rude, ill-constructed chest of wood; a black mantle
served for a pall; and over it we placed a helmet and a sword, and a crown of laurel. But
no funeral pomp could have left the impression, nor spoken the feelings, of this simple
ceremony. The wretchedness and desolation of the place itself; the wild and half civilized
warriors around us; their deep-felt, unaffected grief; the fond recollections; the
disappointed hopes; the anxieties and sad presentiments which might be read on every
countenance—all contributed to form a scene more moving, more truly affecting, than
perhaps was ever before witnessed round the grave of a great man.
146 |
LORD BYRON’S REMAINS AT ZANTE. |
|
“When the funeral service was over, we left the bier in the
middle of the church, where it remained until the evening of the next day, and was guarded
by a detachment of his own brigade. The church was crowded without cessation by those who
came to honour and to regret the benefactor of Greece. In the evening of the 23d, the bier
was privately carried back by his officers to his own house. The coffin was not closed till
the 29th of the month. Immediately after his death, his countenance had an air of calmness,
mingled with a severity, that seemed gradually to soften; for when I took a last look of
him, the expression, at least to my eyes, was truly sublime.”
On May 2d, the remains of Lord Byron
were embarked, under a salute from the guns of the fortress. “How different,”
exclaims Count Gamba, “from that, which had
welcomed the arrival of Byron, only four months ago.” After
a passage of three days, the vessel reached Zante; and the precious deposit was placed in the
quarantine house. Here some additional precautions were taken, to ensure its safe arrival in
England, by providing another case for the body. On May the 10th, Colonel Stanhope arrived at Zante, from the Morea; and much to my surprise, as
well as indignation, rated me soundly for my strict obedience to Lord
Byron’s orders. He asked me, among
| ARRIVAL OF THE BODY IN ENGLAND. | 147 |
other things, who gave me authority to call Mavrocordato Prince? He was the only man I saw in Greece, who
both by his actions and his words, shewed, that he had no respect for the talents of
Byron while living, and no regret for his death. But I cannot do
justice to him, in a paragraph, and must therefore hereafter resume the subject.
Colonel Stanhope was on his way back to England, and he
therefore took charge of Lord Byron’s remains, and
embarked with them on board the Florida. On the 25th of May she sailed
from Zante, and arrived in the Downs on June 29th. She afterwards went to Stangate Creek, to
perform quarantine, where she arrived on Thursday, July 1st.
John Cam Hobhouse, Esq., and John Hanson, Esq., Lord Byron’s
executors, after having proved his will, claimed the body from the Florida; and under their directions, it was removed to the house of Sir Edward Knatchbull, No. 20, Great George Street,
Westminster. Preparations were then made for the funeral. On Friday and Saturday, July 9th and
10th, the body lay in state, and was visited by a great number of noblemen and gentlemen. The
crowd would probably have been too great, had every person been admitted, and therefore those
only who could procure tickets issued for the purpose, were allowed to
pay the last tribute of their admiration to this illustrious man.
By his friends, and those who knew him well, Lord Byron is described as
not much altered in his appearance by death. He was thinner, more care-worn than formerly, but
the lineaments of his face were unchanged, there was no mark of suffering in his countenance,
and he appeared as if he were in a deep sleep. Some difference of opinion existed, as to where
he was to be buried; it having been suggested, that he should be placed either in Westminster
Abbey, or in Saint Paul’s Cathedral; but the good taste of his sister, Mrs. Leigh prevailed, and it was settled that he should be
laid, agreeably to a wish expressed in his writings, in the family vault at Newstead, and near
his mother.
On Monday, July 12th at eleven o’clock in the morning, the funeral
procession, attended by a great number of noblemen’s and gentlemen’s carriages, and
by crowds of people, who evinced a deep sympathy, left the house at Westminster, and traversed
various streets of the metropolis, to reach the north road. At Pancras Gate, the carriages
returned; the procession was at an end, and the hoarse proceeded by slow stages to Nottingham.
One little incident is narrated in the public journals of the day, which
seems worthy of receiving that trifling additional circulation I may
hope this book will give to it. As the procession proceeded
through the streets of London, a fine looking honest tar was observed to walk near the hearse
uncovered throughout the morning; and on being asked by a stranger whether he formed part of
the funeral cortege, he replied that he came there to pay his respects
to the deceased, with whom he had served in the Levant, when he made the tour of the Grecian
islands. This poor fellow was kindly offered a place by some of the servants who were behind
the carriage, but he said he was strong, and had rather walk near the hearse.
It was not till Friday, July 16th, that the interment took place.
Lord Byron was buried in the family vault at the village
church of Hucknel, eight miles beyond Nottingham, and within two miles of Newstead Abbey, once
the property of the Byron family. He was accompanied to the grave by crowds of persons eager to
shew this last testimony of respect to his memory. In one of his earlier poems he had expressed
a wish that his dust might mingle with his mother’s, and in compliance with this wish,
his coffin was placed in the vault next to her’s. It was twenty minutes past four
o’clock on Friday, July 16th, 1824, when the ceremony was concluded, when the tomb closed
for ever on Byron, and when his friends were relieved from every care
concerning
150 | INSCRIPTION ON THE COFFIN. | |
him, save that of doing justice
to his memory, and of cherishing his fame.
It would have been easy for me to have swelled out my book with many
details on this last and closing scene of Lord Byron’s
connexion with the world; and these details are not destitute of interest; but they belong not
to my subject, nor am I capable of doing either them or him justice. At the same time I thought
it was necessary to give a very brief outline of the leading events up to the time of his being
deposited in his last resting-place; and having now done that, I shall return to what fell
under my own observations, and to record some of Lord Byron’s
opinions.
The following inscription was placed on the coffin:—
“George Gordon Noel Byron,
“LORD BYRON,
“Of Rochdale.
“BORN IN LONDON,
JAN. 22, 1788,
“DIED AT MISSOLONGHI,
IN WESTERN GREECE,
“APRIL 19TH, 1824.”
|
An urn accompanied the coffin, and on it was inscribed,
“Within this urn are deposited the heart, brain, &c.,
“of the deceased Lord Byron.”
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Literary Magnet
Vol. 4 (June 1825)
“More last words of John Baxter!” our readers will exclaim: we have already Medwin’s Conversations; Dallas’s Recollections; Gamba’s Residence; Childe Harolde’s Wanderings; and a host of others, in
all shapes and sizes, from the ponderous quarto, to the pigmy “pocket edition.” If
we required any further evidence of the extent of the illustrious subject’s talents, or
the probability of his immortality, than what his works are capable of bestowing, we should
regard the never-dying interest that is attached to every thing concerning him, as the
completest evidence of the permanency of his literary fame. Mr.
Parry writes in a bold seaman-like style, and his work bears with it a very
evident air of identity. In Medwin’s and
Dallas’s books, we have too much of the poet; in the volumes
before us, the man stands upright in the various lights and shades of his character. Lord Byron neither required the fulsome adulation of the Dragoon
Captain, nor the sage apologies of Mr. Dallas, to make us believe, that at
the bottom he was a really good, but dreadfully misled, man; and that had his life been spared,
there was no doubt but what the finer qualities of his soul would have endeared him to the
world which he so eminently adorned. From the intelligence Mr.
Parry’s book affords us, we entertain no doubt, that had medical aid been
procured at the period of the lamentable catastrophe, the life so dear to Greece, liberty, and
song, would have been saved. . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Personal Character of Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. 10 (October 1824)
It is said that his intention was not to remain in
Greece,—that he determined to return after his attack of epilepsy. Probably it was only
his removal into some better climate that was intended. Certainly a more miserable and
unhealthy bog than Missolonghi is not to be found out of the fens of Holland, or the Isle of
Ely. He either felt or affected to feel a presentiment that he should die in Greece, and when
his return was spoken of, considered it as out of the question, predicting that the Turks, the
Greeks, or the Malaria, would effectually put an end to any designs he might have of returning.
At the moment of his seizure with the epileptic fits prior to his last illness, he was jesting
with Parry, an engineer sent out by the Greek committee,
who, by dint of being his butt, had got great power over him, and indeed, became every thing to
him. Besides this man there was Fletcher, who had lived with
him twenty years, and who was originally a shoemaker, whom his Lordship had picked up in the
village where he lived, at Newstead, and who, after attending him in some of his rural
adventures, became attached to his service: he had also a faithful Italian servant, Battista; a Greek secretary; and Count
Gamba seems to have acted the part of his Italian secretary. Lord
Byron spoke French very imperfectly, and Italian not correctly, and it was with
the greatest difficulty he could be prevailed upon to make attempts m a foreign language. He
would get any body about him to interpret for him, though he might know the language better
than his interpreter. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
This man now tells his story of what he saw and heard of Lord Byron’s behaviour and conversation while in Greece. He makes no
ridiculous professions of accuracy. He plainly says, the idea of noting down what
Lord Byron was pleased to say to him in private conversation never
once entered his head. But he adds, and who can doubt it, that finding himself thrown into
close contact of this sort with a man of Lord Byron’s extraordinary
genius and celebrity, whatever things of any importance were said by Lord
Byron did make a strong, an indelible impression on his mind. And, with-
out pretending to give the words—unless when there is something very
striking indeed about them—he does profess himself able and determined to give the
substance. We need, indeed, but little of such professions, to make us
believe, that the conversations which he relates did substantially take place between him
and Lord Byron. They carry the stamp of authenticity upon their front.
The man that said these things was a man of exquisite talent—of extraordinary reach
and compass of reflection—of high education and surpassing genius. This is enough for
us. Mr Parry is an excellent person in his own way,
but he is plainly as incapable of inventing these things, as if he had written himself down
on his title-page, “Author of Ahasuerus, a Poem.”
. . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Mavrocardato was, and is, universally admitted to be the
most accomplished of the Greek statesmen, and he was at this period the President of the
Provisionary Government; yet this agent of the Greek committee rates Major Parry, for giving Mavrocordato the
title by which he had always been distinguished, and which Lord
Byron, nay, even Sir Thomas Maitland,
never thought of refusing him. But this was not all. He openly took part with the faction
opposed to Mavrocordato and the existing Greek government; and why? Why,
because Mavrocordato, a man of sense and education, who has travelled in
Western Europe, and speaks her languages, and has read her books, was thoroughly aware of the
unfitness of a free press for Greece in her actual condition, and accordingly discountenanced
the setting up of a paper at Missolonghi; whereas Odysseus, a robber captain, in arms in reality against the Greek government as much
as against the Turks, had no objections to let Stanhope
print as many papers as he liked in Athens, which city the said Odysseus
refused, according to the language of Colonel Stanhope’s own eulogy,
“to surrender to a weak government;” in other words, was keeping possession of, in
opposition to the authorities which he had the year before sworn to
obey—the very authorities, too, be it observed, under which alone Colonel
Stanhope was at the time acting. Odysseus knew that his
wild barbarians could no more read a Greek newspaper than they could fly over Olympus, and
therefore he cared not what Stanhope printed, so he and his people got,
through Stanhope’s means, a part of the loans transmitted from
England, for the support of the Greek government and cause. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
These passages cannot, we think, fail to gratify our readers. The view
they give of Lord Byron’s kind, natural temper,
frank and engaging manners, and noble self-possession in the midst of all the irritations
of disease and disgust, must go far we think to convince the most sceptical, that the
epithet of Satanic was not the happiest which a contemporary poet
might have applied to the author of Child
Harold. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
The following is a most important passage indeed. In it we have Lord Byron
detailing, in a manner the sincerity of which it is impossible to doubt, his own views
concerning the ultimate prospects of Greece; and surely the exposition is such, that it could
have come from no mind in which sense, wisdom, and genius, were not equally inherent. It
is the only thing upon the subject that we have ever been able to think worth a second reading. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Our readers must turn to Mr Parry’s
own page for a great deal more of Lord Byron’s table
talk. They will find many sound English sentiments, even in regard to the English politics of
the day—they will find views as to America equally just and liberal—they will find
the most contemptuous allusions to the soi-disant
liberals with whom Lord Byron had come into personal
contact, such as old Cartwright, Leigh Hunt, &c.; and upon every occasion an open avowal of the deepest
respect for the aristocracy of Britain, which these poor creatures have spent their lives in
endeavouring to overthrow. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Of all this, and also of the affecting narrative which Mr Parry gives of Lord
Byron’s last days, strictly so called, we shall quote nothing. The main
outline of his illness is already sufficiently before the public; and these new details are so
painful, that though we do not wish not to have read them, we certainly shall never torture
ourselves with reading them again. The spectacle of youth, and rank, and genius, meeting with
calm resolution the approach of death, under external circumstances of the most cheerless
description, may afford a lesson to us all! But Mr Parry has painted this
scene with far too rude a pencil; and, indeed, the print which he has inserted of Byron on his miserable bed, and almost in the agonies of death,
attended by Parry himself and Tita,
ought to be omitted in every future edition. It is obviously a got-up thing—a mere
eyetrap—and for one person whose diseased taste it pleases, will undoubtedly disgust a
thousand who ought to be acquainted with this book. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
In order that our article may terminate pleasantly, we have reserved wherewithal
to wind it up, Parry’s description of an interview
which he had with the personage whom Colonel Stanhope
mentions as “the finest genius of the most enlightened age, the immortal Bentham.” We shall give the sailor’s rough sketch
of the Patriarch without note or comment—in truth it needs none; and, we have no doubt,
posterity will not disdain to hang it up alongside of the more professional performance of that
other fine genius of our enlightened century—the immortal Hazlitt—in his noble gallery of portraits,
entitled “The Spirit of
The Age.” . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
The Author before us appears to be a man of strong natural sense, with an honest
old soldier’s heart, and all that John Bullism about him, which evinces a sturdy
determination to speak his mind, in utter disregard of person or party. Now as we like to
see good rather than evil, we are glad to find that though Byron was often politically tipsy, and talked nonsense about his country, the
King, America, &c.; yet in his conduct on the Greek subject, the usual wisdom of the
hereditary Senator was conspicuous. There was not a fault in his advice concerning the Greek
cause. He stands, as a Statesman, as superior to the rest, as the Trajan column does to a
milestone. He avowed an intention to study the art of war, probably to become another Napoleon; at all events to be a Washington. All this was in his nature. He was a charger of high blood, and men
rail at him because he was unfit for a cart-horse. It is to men of such a character that the
world is to look for the enthusiasm and perseverance requisite to effect great objects; and
whatever may be the results of their ambition, it is certain that Providence only works grand
changes by single men, not by bodies of men, and ultimately merges all in monarchy. Republics
have only short lives, and seldom merry ones. . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
The work opens with a long account of clumsy mis-management in transmission of
the stores; and the introduction to Lord Byron. His
behaviour to the Author was kind and condescending. The room was hung round with weapons like
an armoury, abore which were shelves furnished with books, an hieroglyphic of his
Lordship’s politics, which were to furnish Greece with arms and independence, and then to
leaven it with learning. His politics were very simple, but truly wise. Let one single object,
(he said,) the expulsion of the Turks, be first regarded. Newspapers and
the press would now only create faction, and do mischief. They are only to be considered as
secondary things. Col. Stanhope’s opposite sentiments
created the coolness between them. Bloodshed and anarchy, said the wise Member of the Upper
House, will be the consequence of discussing theories of government, before independence is
obtained. His Lordship was perfectly correct, for in a short time the wiseacres published a
Tirade against Kings, which, said the Peer, was the very way to bring the
Holy Alliance down upon them. Add to this, that the German Officers who came to assist, were
men of punctilious etiquette, and always quarrelling about rank; and mechanics sent out at an
expence of three hundred and forty pounds, did only fourteen days work, at the cost of
something more than four pounds one shilling a day. Pp. 66, 67. . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
For every object, public or private, his Lordship was expected to be paymaster;
a mutiny might cost him his life; what he received from England were a Wesleyan preacher,
bugle-horns, printing presses, and religious tracts. Arms, powder, and shot, were inferior
considerations*. With all his noble-minded sacrifices, he was harassed with crazy counsels;
worried out of his patience and sleep; and doomed to eat nothing for several days but cheese,
fish, vegetables, and bread. In short, at his outset in life, he was all but murdered by
calumniators; and now he had to encounter the insanity of his countrymen, who employed the
funds collected for the liberation of Greece, in propagating their own political and religious
tenets, instead of furnishing the indispensable materials of war. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
William Fletcher—I was in the service of the late
Lord Byron upwards of 20 years, and was with him up to
the time of his death. I now receive a pension from his family for my services. I first saw
Parry at Greece, at Missollonghi. He lived in the
same house with Lord Byron. I was not much in the habit of seeing him, and
had not an opportunity of knowing whether he was drunk, more than I heard from report. He
sometimes appeared the worse for liquor. I have seen him in Lord
Byron’s company; he generally called him Captain
Parry. I have heard Parry speak of Colonel Stanhope. Some men were sent to attack a Turkish brig off Missolonghi.
Parry came home to his house on that occasion, and did not get out
again, but said he wanted to shave and dress. This was early in the evening, and it was a
considerable time before he came down again. He went into his room at the back of the house. I
don’t know where he went when he had shaved. The brig was afterwards in flames.
Parry was sent to, and discovered to be asleep. I did not see him go
out before the brig was in flames. I have seen Parry once since my return
to England. Since I have been subpœnaed here as a witness, I have seen him frequently.
Having been here in attendance a long time, and feeling a want for something to eat, I went to
get some bread and cheese. Zambelli was with me, and
Parry came in, and was very polite to us. I do not know whether the
word rogue was used. Parry addressed himself to me, but I do not recollect
the words he made use of; they were meant to imply that he had always been my friend. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
I remember a Turkish
brig coming a-ground off Missolonghi. We were then all in that place. I heard that
Parry was applied to on that occasion to lend his assistance. He
was at Lord Byron’s house. Several of us were ordered by him to
go in a couple of boats, with guns, to attack the brig. Parry did not
go with us; was to come round by land with some Greek soldiers. He did not come round. He
said he would come to our assistance when he sent us out. He had a blue coat on, but I do
not know whether he was shaved or not. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
— Zambelli, a Hungarian.—I
lived in the service of Lord Byron at Missolonghi, and had
the care of liquors and provisions in his house. I knew Parry at Missolonghi, and have twice known him absolutely intoxicated. He was,
on those occasions, asleep with the bottle by his side lying on the floor, and Lord
Byron called to me to take him away. Those are the only times when I have known
him affected by liquor. I cannot say how many bottles he drank on those occasions. I recollect
a Turkish brig being on shore when Parry came into the house and went up
stairs. He did not go out of the house again that day. The brig was not burning before he came
into the house. It was burned while he was in the house. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Colonel Stanhope.—I am a Lieutenant-Colonel in the
army. I went out to Greece, and saw Parry there; he
lived in my room, and ate his meals at my table. He was in the habit of drinking to excess. He
was a sot, and a boaster, and frequently spoke of making Congreve rockets, in which, he said,
he had made an improvement, of which Colonel Congreve
had taken the merit. He said he would take Lepanto by a fire-kite, and destroy the Turkish
fleet. He never carried any of his plans into execution. I have read the Last Days of Lord
Byron. Parry is not capable of writing such a work.
He is a man of a strong natural mind, but uneducated. He does not speak grammatically correct.
He frequently spoke of his great science as an engineer. I saw the brig on shore, and was
there. The brig was on shore four or five miles from Missolonghi, and the Greek officers
applied to Lord Byron and myself to lend assistance; we
despatched artillery and the greater part of the soldiers and townspeople immediately proceeded
there; we were for some time under the bombardment of this vessel. After having been stranded
for two days, and seeing the impossibility of getting her off, her crew set her on fire, and
escaped in their boats to another Turkish vessel which had been hovering in the offing.
Parry never made his appearance all the time. Lord
Byron treated him as a fool, a buffoon—not as one of these fools that have
so often graced the tables of the great. Parry called Lord
Byron Hal, and
he called him Falstaff.
. . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Bowring.—I acted as Secretary to the Greek
Committee. Parry was recalled by a vote of the committee
of the 3d of July. I should consider him incapable of writing such a book without some
assistance. I have not seen him in a state of actual drunkenness, but when he has drunk rather
too much. After his return, he showed me the materials from which this work was formed, but I
did not look them over. I should think them, however, insufficient to have made the book. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Knight.—This book was published by Knight and
Lacy. I am not of that house. Parry applied to me early in 1825. He was announced as
Captain Parry, and I fully expected to have seen that Captain Parry who had been so frequently towards the North
Pole. He, however, undeceived me, and said he came from Greece, and that he wished to publish
something relative to Lord Byron. Having said this, he left
a portfolio for my perusal, and we had no further conversation at the time. In a few days he
called again, and I returned the papers. They consisted of a few official documents, containing
technical particulars, terms of war, and estimates of ammunition, and several Greek newspapers,
with a few sheets, purporting to be the journal of Captain Parry. They
amounted altogether to about 40 or 50 folios. I have read the book which he has published, and
towards the end, in the appendix, there are some expressions similar to those I saw in the
papers he brought to me. The body of the book does not contain a line of what was in those
papers. If he were the writer of the journal put into my hands, he could not be the author of
this book. My interview with him was very short; but from what I saw of him, and from his
conversation, I should not think him capable of writing this book. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Lacy.—I am a partner in the house of Knight
and Lacy. We published this book for Mr. Parry. He said
he had received some assistance in the arrangement of the work from another gentleman. . . .
Anonymous,
“Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner
No. 1011 (17 June 1827)
* In one of the editions of Shakspeare is an engraving (after Stothard) representing Antient Pistol cudgelled by Fluellen. Perhaps as humorous a
subject might be found for that admirable artist’s pencil in some of the
situations attributed by the witnesses to our valiant Major; for instance, the lying
asleep after a debauch, embracing the bottle, as described with significant gestures by
the witness Zambelli; or the elaborate shaving
and dressing, while his men were proceeding to assault the Turkish brig. . . .
Anonymous,
“Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner
No. 1011 (17 June 1827)
The Chief Justice too, observing on
Parry’s conduct in the
affair of the Turkish brig, intimated, that one neglect of duty ought not to fix the character
of cowardice on any man:—but his Lordship knows, that a single neglect on the day of
battle cost the unfortunate Byng his life, and that Lord Sackville
was disgracefully driven from the service for once imputed fault on the field of Minden; yet
both these men had given repeated proofs of noble courage. Where, however, are William Parry’s proofs? . . .
Edward Blaquiere (1779-1832)
After serving in the Royal Navy he published
Letters from the
Mediterranean, 2 vols (1813); with John Bowring he founded the London Greek
Committee in 1823.
Markos Botsaris [Μαρκος Βοτσαρις] (1790-1823)
Greek leader in the War of Independence who died heroically at the Battle of Karpenisi.
He was the brother of Kostas (Constantine) Botzaries.
Pietro Gamba (1801-1827)
The brother of Teresa Guiccioli and member of Carbonieri. He followed Byron to Greece and
left a memoir of his experiences.
John Hanson (1755-1841)
Byron's solicitor and business agent.
John Cam Hobhouse, baron Broughton (1786-1869)
Founder of the Cambridge Whig Club; traveled with Byron in the orient, radical MP for
Westminster (1820); Byron's executor; after a long career in politics published
Some Account of a Long Life (1865) later augmented as
Recollections of a Long Life, 6 vols (1909-1911).
Hon. Augusta Mary Leigh [née Byron] (1783-1851)
Byron's half-sister; the daughter of Amelia Darcy, Baroness Conyers, she married
Lieutenant-Colonel George Leigh on 17 August 1807.
Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos [Αλεξανδρος Μαβροκορδατος] (1791-1865)
Greek statesman and diplomat with Byron at Missolonghi; after study at the University of
Padua he joined the Greek Revolution in 1821 and in 1822 was elected by the National
Assembly at Epidaurus. He commanded forces in western Central Greece and retired in 1826
after the Fall of Messolonghi.
Lord Sidney Godolphin Osborne (1789-1861)
He was the son of Sir Francis Godolphin Osborne, fifth duke of Leeds by his second
marriage, the first having ended in divorce after Amelia Darcy (mother of Augusta Leigh)
eloped with Byron's father.
Leicester Fitzgerald Charles Stanhope, fifth earl of Harrington (1784-1862)
The third son of the third earl; in 1823 he traveled to Greece as the Commissioner of the
London Greek Committee; there he served with Byron, whom he criticizes in
Greece in 1823 and 1824 (1824). He inherited the earldom from his brother in
1851.
George Gordon Byron, sixth Baron Byron (1788-1824)
Don Juan. (London: 1819-1824). A burlesque poem in ottava rima published in installments: Cantos I and II published in
1819, III, IV and V in 1821, VI, VII, and VIII in 1823, IX, X, and XI in 1823, XII, XIII,
and XIV in 1823, and XV and XVI in 1824.