The Last Days of Lord Byron
Chapter IX
THE
LAST DAYS
OF
LORD BYRON:
WITH HIS
LORDSHIP’S OPINIONS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS,
PARTICULARLY ON THE
STATE AND PROSPECTS OF GREECE.
BY WILLIAM PARRY,
MAJOR OF LORD BYRON’S BRIGADE, COMMANDING OFFICER OF ARTILLERY,
AND ENGINEER IN THE SERVICE OF THE GREEKS.
“Lord Byron awoke in half an hour. I wished to go to him, but I had
not the heart.
Mr. Parry went, and Byron knew him again, and squeezed his hand,
and tried to
express his last wishes.”—Count Gamba’s Narrative.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR KNIGHT AND LACEY,
PATERNOSTER-ROW;
AND WESTLEY AND TYRRELL, DUBLIN.
MDCCCXXV.
CHAPTER IX.
LORD BYRON’S OPINIONS.
Of the Greek Committee—Mr.
Blaquiere—Honorary Secretary
Bowring—Colonel Stanhope—Mr.
Gordon—Subjects for Don Juan—Opinion of
Missolonghi—Sir Francis Burdett—Patriotic
Committees—Mr. Bentham’s Cruise—Author’s
Introduction to him—His breakfast and dinner hour—Source of a
mistake—Adventures with him—Byron a Carbonaro—A reverend
opponent of Lord Byron—His detestation of
hypocrites—Favourable opinion of mechanics—Mode of welcoming him at
Anatolica—His opinions on religion—Or forms of government—The United States
of America—Belief in ghosts and presentiments—Anecdote of the late Queen—His
opinion of marriage—Of Lord Byron—Mr.
Southey—Sir Walter Scott—Mr.
Cooke the actor.
In the present chapter, I shall set down what I recollect
of Lord Byron’s opinions, as to his coadjutors, the
Greek committee, of Sir Francis Burdett, of Mr. Bentham, and of some other persons and things.
The Greek committee have a great plenty of defenders, and may well despise
one voice lifted up against them. Among them, there are poets, orators, and authors. The press
seems listed in their service, and they will scarcely regard one feeble note of dispraise. The
voice that might, if energetically raised, have carried fear
and contrition to their hearts, lies hushed in death, and I can only
echo some of its faintest tones.
In discussing the merits of Mr.
Gordon’s offer, which was rather a favourite topic of Lord Byron’s conversation, he asked, which I of course could
not answer, though the committee may,—Had circulars been sent to the different noblemen,
and gentlemen who had subscribed? Had they been informed of that offer, and told, that the
committee, for want of a little increase of means, could not accept it. This was an affair, he
said, he would like to sift to the bottom. “I conceive,” he added, “that I
have been already grossly ill-treated by the committee. In Italy, Mr. Blaquiere, their agent, informed me that every
requisite supply would be forwarded with all dispatch. I was disposed to come to Greece,
but I hastened my departure, in consequence of earnest solicitations. No time was to be
lost, I was told, and Mr. Blaquiere instead of waiting on me, at his
return from Greece, left a paltry note, which gave me no information whatever. If I ever
meet with him, I shall not fail to mention my surprise at his conduct; but it has been all
of a piece. I wish the acting committee had had some of the trouble which has fallen on me,
since my arrival here; they would have been more prompt in their proceedings, and would
have
known better what the country stood in need of.
They would not have delayed the supplies a day, and they would not have sent out German
officers, poor fellows, to starve at Missolonghi, but for my assistance. I am a plain man,
and cannot comprehend the use of printing presses to a people who do not read. Here, the
committee have sent supplies of maps, I suppose, that I may teach the young mountaineers
geography. Here are bugle-horns, without bugle-men, and it is a chance if we can find any
body in Greece to blow them. Books are sent to a people who want guns; they ask for a
sword, and the Committee give them the lever of a printing press. Heavens! one would think
the Committee meant to inculcate patience and submission, and to condemn resistance. Some
materials for constructing fortifications they have sent, but they have chosen their people
so ill, that the work is deserted, and not one para have they sent
to procure other labourers.
“Their secretary, Mr.
Bowring, was disposed I believe, to claim the privileges of an acquaintance
with me. He wrote me a long letter, about the classic land of freedom, the birth-place of
the arts, the cradle of genius, the habitation of the gods, the heaven of poets, and a
great many such fine things. I was obliged to answer him, and I scrawled some nonsense in
reply to his
nonsense; but I fancy I shall get
no more such epistles. When I came to the conclusion of the poetry
part of my letter, I wrote, ‘so much for blarney, now for business.’ I have not
since heard in the same strain from Mr. Bowring.
“Here too is the chief agent of the Committee, Colonel Stanhope, organizing the whole country. He leaves
nothing untouched, from the general government, to the schools for children. He has a plan
for organizing the military force, for establishing posts, for regulating the
administration of justice, for making Mr. Bentham
the apostle of the Greeks, and for whipping little boys, in the newest and most approved
mode. He is for doing all this, without a reference to any body, or any thing; complains
bitterly of a want of practical statesmen in Greece, and would be glad I believe, to import
a large supply of Mr. Bentham’s books, and scholars. Mavrocordato he openly beards, as if the Prince knew
nothing of Greece, and was quite incapable of forming a correct opinion of its interests.
At the same time, he has no funds to carry all his projects into execution. He is a mere
schemer and talker, more of a saint than a soldier; and with a great deal of pretended
plainness, a mere politician, and no patriot.
“His printer and publisher, Dr.
Meyler, is a German adventurer, who is quite in a rage with the quakers, for
sending medicines to Greece. He
190 | COLONEL STANHOPE’S PLANS. | |
knows nothing of either the Greek or the English language; and if he did, who would buy his
paper? The Greeks have no money, and will not read newspapers for ages to come. There is no
communication with different parts of the country; there is no means of receiving any news;
and no means of sending it, when got. Stanhope begins
at the wrong end, and from observing that, in our wealthy and civilized country, rapid
communication is one means of improvement, he wants to establish posts—mail-carts, I
believe is his object, among a people who have no food. Communication, though a cause of
increased wealth and increased civilization, is the result of a certain degree of both; and
he would have it without the means. He is like all political jobbers, who mistake the
accessories of civilization for its cause; they think if they only hoist the colours of
freedom, they will immediately transform a crazy water-logged bark into a proud man-of-war.
Stanhope, I believe, wants discussion in Greece—pure
abstract discussion; as if he were ignorant, that in a country where there are one hundred
times as many readers, proportionably, as in Greece, where the people have been readers of
newspapers for a century, and read them every day, they care nothing about his favourite
discussion, and will not listen either to Mr.
Bentham’s, or any other person’s | COLONEL STANHOPE’S PLANS. | 191 |
logic. I have subscribed to his paper, to get rid
of Stanhope’s importunities, and it may be, keep Gamba out of mischief*; at any rate he can mar nothing of
less importance.
“I thought Colonel Stanhope,
being a soldier, would have shewn himself differently. He ought to know what a nation like
Greece needs for its defence, and being on the acting committee, he should have told them
that arms, and the materials for carrying on war, were what the Greeks required. The
country once cleared of the enemy, the land would be cultivated, commerce would increase,
and if a good government were established, knowledge and improvement of every kind, even
including a multitude of journals, would speedily follow. But
Stanhope, I repeat, is beginning at the wrong end, and expects by
introducing some of the signs of wealth and knowledge, to make the people rich and
intelligent. He might as well expect to give them the opulence of London, by establishing a
Long’s Hotel in this swamp; or to make the women adopt
* Lord Byron had a curious
opinion of this young nobleman, which I must
mention to explain this passage; he thought him destined to he unfortunate, and
that he was one of those persons with whom every thing goes wrong. According to
Lord Byron’s view, he could not encourage him to
engage in any thing, ruining which would be so little prejudicial as the newspaper.
|
all our fashions, by setting up a man milliner’s
shop.
“Gordon was a much wiser
and more practical man than Stanhope.
Stanhope has brought with him Nabob airs from Hindostan; and while
he cajoles the people, wishes to govern them. He would be delighted, could he become
administrator of the revenue, or resident at the court of the Greek republic.
Gordon has been in Greece, and expended a large sum of money here.
He bought his experience, and knows the country. His plan was the one to have acted on; but
his noble offer seems so far to have surpassed the notions and expectations of the
Committee, that it staggered them. They had done nothing like it, and could not credit this
generosity and enthusiasm in another. All their deeds have been only talk and foolery. Had
their whole property been at stake in Greece, they would have shewn more zeal.
Mr. Gordon’s offer would have been promptly acceded to; we
should have had by this time, an army regularly organized of three thousand men, Lepanto
would have been taken, and Greece secured. Well, well, I’ll have my revenge: talk of
subjects for Don Juan, this Greek business,
its disasters and mismanagement, have furnished me with matter for a hundred cantos.
Jeremy Bentham and his scholar,
Colonel Stanhope, shall be two of my heroes.
|
DON JUAN—MISSOLONGHI. |
193 |
“I do not intend to write till next winter; then I may possibly
finish another Canto. There will be both comedy and tragedy; my good countrymen supply the
former, and Greece the latter. In one week, I have been in a fit: the troops
mutined—a Turkish brig burned—Sass
killed—an earthquake—thunder, lightning, and torrents of rain—such a week
I never witnessed. I shall tire them all with Juan’s
pranks.
“My situation here,” he was accustomed to say, “is
unbearable. A town without any resources, and a government without money; imprisoned by the
floods, unable to take any exercise, pestered by demands, without the means of satisfying
them or doing any thing either to relieve them, or myself, I must have left this hole, had
you not arrived. I may now do something. Missolonghi and Anatolica are the keys of Western
Greece, and protect the Morea on the side of Albania. If Mr.
Gordon’s offer had been acted on, as it ought to have been, you would
have been here four months sooner. His exertions and mine would have effected every thing,
would have restored union here, and have encouraged the friends of Greece at home. But
instead of an efficient expedition, there came out a few English and German adventurers, a
few stores, and musical instruments.”
This subject always excited a considerable de-
gree of irritation in his mind, and getting up, he stamped with
his foot, shewing how much he was vexed.
“Sir Francis
Burdett,” he said, “I am sure, can know nothing of what is going on.
I shall always respect Sir Francis; I am told he does not trouble
himself so much as formerly about politics. I am glad of it; it has cost him enormous sums
of money, and he has experienced ingratitude enough, to teach him to be quiet. He is the
firm friend of liberty, on constitutional principles, and is highly respected by the first
men of England, belonging to both parties. He is one of the old school, and a man I shall
always esteem and honour. You’ll never find him, or such men as he is, stepping into
the office of chairman, auditor, or cashier, by means of petty contributions. He does not
provide for his family and dependents by thrusting them into offices, while he covers his
attacks on the public purse by the cloak of patriotism. Men who do this are the worst of
hypocrites, the most cursed race in existence. I know them well, and know what stuff your
committees, and such patriotic bodies, are made of. Honorary secretaries, bankers to the
cause they pretend to serve. They should call themselves pecuniary, and then terms would
have their proper meaning.”
Lord Byron asked me, in the course of my con-
versations, did I know Mr.
Bentham? I said I had seen him previously to my leaving England, that he had
invited me to dine with him, and had been with me to see the preparations for the expedition.
He had behaved very civilly to me, I said, but I thought him a little flighty. Lord
Byron eagerly asked me in what way, and I told him. At hearing my account, his
Lordship laughed most immoderately, and made me repeat it over and over again. He declared,
when he had fished out every little circumstance, he would not have lost it for a thousand
guineas. I shall here relate this little occurrence, not out of any disrespect to Mr.
Bentham, but because he is a great man, and the world are very fond of hearing
of great men. Moreover, Lord Byron has been somewhat censured, chiefly, I
think, for not having a most profound respect for Mr. Bentham; and the
following little story goes at least to prove, that some of this philosopher’s
peculiarities might very naturally excite the laughter of the poet. Mr.
Bentham is said also to have a great wish for celebrity, and he will not
therefore be displeased, by my sounding another note to his fame, which may, perchance, convey
it where it has not yet reached.
Shortly before I left London for Greece, Mr.
Bowring, the honorary secretary to the Greek committee informed me, that
Mr. Jeremy Ben-
196 | MY VISIT TO MR. BENTHAM. | |
tham wished to see the stores and materials, preparing for
the Greeks, and that he had done me the honour of asking me to breakfast with him some day,
that I might afterwards conduct him to see the guns, &c.
“Who the devil is Mr.
Bentham?” was my rough reply, “I never heard of him before.” Many
of my readers may still be in the same state of ignorance, and it will be acceptable to them, I
hope, to hear of the philosopher.
“Mr. Bentham,” said
Mr. Bowring, “is one of the greatest men
of the age, and for the honour now offered to you, I waited impatiently many a long day; I
believe for more than two years.”
“Great or little, I never heard of him before; but if he wants to
see me, why I’ll go.”
It was accordingly arranged, that I should visit Mr. Bentham, and that Mr.
Bowring should see him to fix the time, and then inform me. In a day or two
afterwards, I received a note from the honorary secretary, to say I was to breakfast with
Mr. Bentham on Saturday. It happened that I lived at a distance from
town, and having heard something of the primitive manner of living, and early hours of
philosophers, I arranged with my wife over-night, that I would get up very early on the
Saturday morning, that I might not keep Mr. Bentham waiting. Accordingly,
I rose with the dawn, dressed myself in haste, and brushed off for
| HIS EXTRAORDINAY HABITS. | 197 |
Queen’s-square, Westminster, as hard as my legs could
carry me. On reaching the Strand, fearing I might be late, being rather corpulent, and not
being willing to go into the presence of so very great a man, as I understood Mr.
Jeremy Bentham to be, puffing and blowing, I took a hackney coach, and drove up
to his door about eight o’clock. I found a servant girl a-foot, and told her I came to
breakfast with Mr. Bentham by appointment.
She ushered me in, and introduced me to two young men, who looked no more
like philosophers, however, than my own children. I thought they might be Mr. Bentham’s sons, but this I understood was a mistake.
I shewed them the note I had received from Mr. Bowring,
and they told me Mr. Bentham did not breakfast till three o’clock.
This surprised me much, but they told me I might breakfast with them, which I did, though I was
not much flattered by the honour of setting down with Mr. Bentham’s
clerks, when I was invited by their master. Poor Mr. Bowring, thought I,
he must be a meek spirited young man if it was for this he waited so impatiently.
I supposed the philosopher himself did not get up till noon, as he did not
breakfast till so late, but in this I was also mistaken. About ten o’clock I was summoned
to his presence, and mustered up all my courage, and all my ideas for the meeting. His
appearance struck me forcibly.
198 | MR. BENTHAM’S APPEARANCE. | |
His
white thin locks cut straight in the fashion of the quakers, and hanging or rather floating on
his shoulders; his garments something of their colour and cut, and his frame rather square and
muscular, with no exuberance of flesh, made up a singular looking and not an inelegant old man.
He welcomed me with a few hurried words, but without any ceremony, and then conducted me into
several rooms to shew me his ammunition and materials of war. One very large room was nearly
filled with books; and another with unbound works, which, I understood, were the
philosopher’s own composition. The former he said furnished him his supplies; and there
was a great deal of labour required to read so many volumes.
I said inadvertently, “I suppose you have quite forgotten what is
said in the first before you read the last.” Mr.
Bentham however took this in good part, and taking hold of my arm, said we would
proceed on our journey. Accordingly off we set, accompanied by one of his young men carrying a
portfolio, to keep, I suppose, a log of our proceedings.
We went through a small garden, and passing out of a gate, I found we were
in Saint James’s Park. Here I noticed that Mr.
Bentham had a very snug dwelling, with many accommodations, and such a garden as
belongs in London only to the first nobility. But for his neighbours, I thought, for he has a
barrack of soldiers on one side
| HIS STRANGE BEHAVIOUR. | 199 |
of his
premises, I should envy him his garden more than his great reputation. On looking at him, I
could but admire his hale and even venerable appearance. I understood he was seventy-three
years of age, and therefore I concluded we should have a quiet comfortable walk. Very much to
my surprise, however, we had scarcely got into the Park, when he let go my arm, and set off
trotting like a Highland messenger. The Park was crowded, and the people, one and all, seemed
to stare at the old man; but heedless of all this he trotted on, his white locks floating in
the wind, as if he were not seen by a single human being.
As soon as I could recover from my surprise, I asked the young man,
“Is Mr. Bentham flighty,” pointing to my
head. “Oh no, it’s his way,” was the hurried answer, “he thinks it good
for his health, but I must run after him,” and offset the youth in chace of the
philosopher. I must not lose my companions, thought I, and off I set also. Of course the eyes
of every human being in the Park were fixed on the running veteran and his pursuers. There was
Jerry a-head, then came his clerk and his portfolio, and I being a
heavier sailer than either, was bringing up the rear.
What the people might think, I don’t know, but it seemed to me a
very strange scene, and I was not much delighted at being made such an object
of attraction. Mr.
Bentham’s activity surprised me, and I never overtook him or came near him
till we reached the Horse Guards, where his speed was checked by the Blues drawn up in array.
Here we threaded in amongst horses and men till we escaped at the other gate into Whitehall. I
now thought the crowded streets would prevent any more racing; but several times he escaped
from us, and trotted off, compelling us to trot after him till we reached Mr. Galloway’s manufactory in Smithfield. Here he
exulted in his activity, and inquired particularly if I had ever seen a man at his time of life
so active. I could not possibly answer, no, while I was almost
breathless with the exertion of following him through the crowded streets.
After seeing at Mr.
Galloway’s manufactory, not only the things which had been prepared for
the Greeks, but his other engines and machines, we proceeded to another manufactory at the foot
of Southwark bridge, where our brigade of guns stood ready mounted. When Mr. Bentham had satisfied his curiosity here also, and I had
given him every information in my power, we set off to return to his house, that he might
breakfast; I endeavoured to persuade him to take a hackney-coach, but in vain. We got on
tolerably well, and without any adventures, tragical or comical, till we arrived at
Fleet-street. We crossed from
| ADVENTURE IN FLEET-STREET. | 201 |
Fleet Market
over towards Mr. Waithman’s shop, and here,
letting go my arm, he quitted the foot pavement, and set off again in one of his vagaries up
Fleet-street. His clerk again set off after him, and I again followed. The race here excited
universal attention. The perambulating ladies, who are always in great numbers about that part
of the town, and ready to laugh at any kind of oddity, and catch hold of every simpleton, stood
and stared at or followed the venerable philosopher. One of them, well known to all the
neighbourhood, by the appellation of the City barge, given to her on account of her
extraordinary bulk, was coming with a consort full sail down Fleet-street, but whenever they
saw the flight of Mr. Jeremy Bentham, they hove too, tacked, and followed
to witness the fun or share the prize. I was heartily ashamed of participating in this scene,
and supposed that every body would take me for a mad doctor, the young man for my assistant,
and Mr. Bentham for my patient, just broke adrift from his keepers.
Fortunately the chase did not continue long. Mr. Bentham hove too abreast of Carlisle’s shop, and stood for a little time to admire the books and
portraits hanging in the window. At length one of them arrested his attention more
particularly. “Ah, ah,” said he, in a hurried indistinct tone, “there it is,
there it is,” pointing to a portrait
which I afterwards found was that of the illustrious Jeremy himself.
Soon after this, I invented an excuse to quit Mr. Bentham and his man, promising to go to Queen-square to dine. I was not,
however, to be again taken in by the philosopher’s meal hours; so, laying in a stock of
provisions, I went at his dining hour, half-past ten o’clock, and supped with him. We had
a great deal of conversation, particularly about mechanical subjects, and the art of war. I
found the old gentleman as lively with his tongue as with his feet, and passed a very pleasant
evening; which ended by my pointing out, at his request, a plan for playing his organ by the
steam of his tea-kettle. This little history gave Lord Byron
a great deal of pleasure; he very often laughed as I told it; he laughed much at its
conclusion, and he frequently bade me repeat what he called Jerry
Bentham’s Cruise.
In the course of the conversation at Mr.
Bentham’s, he enquired of me if I had ever visited America in my
travels?—I said, Yes, I had resided there for some time.—Have you read Miss Wright’s book on that
country?—Yes.—What do you think of it; does it give a good description of America?
Here I committed another fault. “She knows no more of America,” I replied,
“than a cow does of a case of instruments,” Such a reply was a com-
| MY UNFORTUNANE IGNORANCE. | 203 |
plete damper to Mr.
Bentham’s eloquence on the subject. No two men could well be more opposed
to each other than we were, and our whole conversation consisted in this sort of cross-firing.
Opposition appeared to be something Mr. Bentham was not accustomed to, and
my blunt manner gave it still more the zest of novelty. He laughed and rambled to some other
subject, to get another such a damper. In my talk there was much want of knowledge and of tact.
No man, acquainted with party feelings, or with that sort of minor literary history, which is
so much the topic of conversation, I am told, among literary people, could have been guilty of
my blunder. He would have known that Miss Wright spoke what Mr.
Jeremy Bentham and his friends wished to be true, and that she was in an
especial manner a favourite of his. It was not till I was informed of these things, by
Lord Byron I believe, that I discovered how very rude I had been, and
how much reason Mr. Bentham would have to find fault with my want of
manners.
“What do they say of my politics in England?” was a
question Lord Byron put to me. “I hear they
call me a Carbonaro. I am one. Italy required an alteration in her government, The
people were happier and more secure under Napoleon
than under the Austrians; and I blame them, not for their attempt, but their failure.
They don’t hate the Austrians half as much as they
deserve, and if they did hate them more they would sweep
these intruders from their country. In wishing Italy to be free, and the Italians to be
united, I am a Carbonaro.
“Persons represent me as a leveller and an infidel, I am neither;
and those who vilify me should take care of themselves. I shall not forget them; and I hear
that a reverend gentleman, who was accustomed to deal out philippics against me, has got
into a worse scrape than ever I did. He was very violent in his declamation, and must have
been a detestable hypocrite. Hypocrisy is of all crimes the worst. No man has suffered more
than I have from deception, particularly during the unfortunate and unpleasant occurrence
with Lady Byron. —— was supposed to be a man of the very highest integrity; he
deceived me at the moment; I placed the greatest confidence in him; but he is dead, and my
resentment does not go beyond the grave. I find consolation now in reflecting on such
matters; for my conduct has been like the arrow’s flight, compared to their sinuous
serpent-like track.”
After my acquaintance with Lord Byron,
he took a great interest in all that concerned the welfare of the working classes, and
particularly of the artisans.
“I have lately read,” he said on one occasion, “of an
institution recently established in London for the instruction of mechanics. I highly
approve
| A FRIEND TO EDUCATION. | 205 |
of this, and intend to subscribe
50l. to it, but I shall accompany the order for the money with a
letter giving my opinion on the subject. I am always apprehensive schemes of this
description are intended to dupe people, and unless all the offices in such an institution
are filled with real practical mechanics, the working classes will soon find themselves
deceived. If they permit any but mechanics to have the direction of their affairs, they
will only become the tools of others. The real working man will soon be ousted, and his
more cunning pretended friends will take possession and reap all the benefits. It gives me
pleasure to think what a mass of natural intellect this will call into action; if the plan
succeed, and I firmly hope it may, the ancient aristocracy of England will be secure for
ages to come. The most useful and numerous body of people in the nation will then judge for
themselves, and when properly informed will judge correctly. There is not on earth a more
honourable body of men than the English nobility, and there is no system of government
under which life and property are better secured than under the British constitution.
“The mechanics and working classes who can maintain their
families, are in my opinion the happiest body of men. Poverty is wretchedness; but it is
perhaps to be preferred to the heartless unmeaning dissipation of the higher
206 | RECEPTION AT ANATOLICA. | |
orders. I am thankful I am now entirely
clear of this, and my resolution to remain clear of it for the rest of my life shall be
immutable.
“The Greeks on the continent,” said Lord Byron, “follow the Turkish custom in welcoming strangers, and
when I arrived at Anatolica, they fired their carbines with ball so close to my head, that
I thought there was no possibility of escaping. I expected to be shot, and though I laughed
heartily, was a little frightened at first. I was delighted however with the people, they
themselves seemed so delighted. Anatolica is an unhealthy swamp, like Missolonghi. Greece,
generally, is like every half-cleared, half-cultivated country, not very healthy. To remain
in such places as Missolonghi or Anatolica during the summer is almost certain death. When
the campaign opens in May, we will take to the mountains; there we shall enjoy freedom and
escape disease.”
This is what Lord Byron frequently said
to me on the subject of religion:—
“I have both been annoyed and amused by numerous attacks on my
religious opinions, and with the conversations about them. It is really astonishing how
these Religionists persecute. No situation in life secures a man
from their importunities. Under a pretence of being greatly apprehensive for our eternal
welfare, if we do not follow their dictum, they persecute us in
every
| ATTACKS OF THE RELIGIONISTS. | 207 |
way possible. True religion
teaches man humility, charity, kindness, and every good act. Professing religion is now
become quite a trade. Thousands sally forth to escape from labour, without the least claim
either by education, character, or station in society, and assume the character of
teachers. They embrace different opinions, and are continually bellowing damnation against
each other. All join to crush liberal sentiments; they have sworn a bond against that
charity which thinketh no evil; and they will remain in this disposition until the bulk of
mankind think for themselves. As long as they are so ignorant as to be credulous, there
will always be impostors to profit by their credulity. It would fill a volume to record the
manner in which I have been attacked. I am sure that no man reads the Bible with more
pleasure than I do; I read a chapter every day, and in a short time shall be able to beat
the Canters with their own weapons. Most of them are like the Catholics, who place the
Virgin Mary before Christ, and
Christ before God; only they have substituted the Apostle Paul for the Virgin, and they
place him above Jesus, and Jesus above the
Almighty.
“Clergymen ought to possess a perfect knowledge of astronomy; no
science expands the mind so much; it does away with narrow ideas. A moral character is
requisite in clergymen above all
other men,
and if they cannot give that comfort they pretend to have a wish to give, they have at
least no right to impress on the mind of their followers such damning anathemas. This is
cruel, wicked, and unjust—man cannot progress beyond his ideas, as they enlarge, he
becomes more liberal and less persecuting. All men believe in the great first cause, which
we call Almighty God. Love of life is fear of death, or of annihilation, and therefore we
hope to enjoy eternal life. The liberal principles of Christianity, what
Christ taught,—mind, I say what Christ
taught,—I have no doubt would be conducive to the happiness of the world; but the
system of ramming opinions down our throats does harm to the cause, which the fanatical
preachers endeavour to support.*
* In support of what is said in the text, I subjoin here an extract from
a letter written to me by Mr. Kennedy, the gentleman
who has been so much spoken of from his religious discussion with Lord Byron:—
“During his (Lord Byron’s) residence in Cephalonia, I
had many long and interesting conversations with his Lordship on religion; and although
I was not successful in bringing over his Lordship to those views of religion which I
believe to be just, yet I conceive that the publication of our conversations will be
favourably received by the public, who will naturally be pleased to know what such a
celebrated man said of religion, and what was said to him on that subject. The object
of my work will be to present a true and faithful picture of his Lordship, as far as I
saw it myself, or others saw it, on whose authority I can safely rely. It will prove
that his Lordship, if not
|
“While at Cephalonia, a gentleman of the name of Kennedy was introduced to me; I have a respect for him,
and believe him sincere in his professions. He endeavoured to convince me that his ideas of
religion were correct. At that time my mind was taken up with many other matters,
particularly with Greece. I like to be civil and to give answers to questions which are put
to me, although it is not pleasant to be questioned, particularly on abstruse subjects.
They require a depth of thought, and such men as I am think deeply. Our minds are filled
with ten thousand ideas. I answered Mr. Kennedy, therefore, though
without any intention of converting him or allowing myself to be converted. I believe even
then, though unprepared, I had very often the best of the argument, and now I am sure I
could defeat him. He was not a skilful disputant.
“Even Greece is not to be clear of strife, as respects her
religious institutions. I hear that Missionaries are to be introduced before the country is
cleared of the enemy, and religious disputes are to be added to the other sources of
a real Christian, was not a confirmed
infidel; that he wished to believe in the truth of Christianity if he
could; that he was not happy in the unsettled opinions which he had respecting
religion; and that latterly he studied the subject more than he was accustomed
to do. It is perhaps necessary to inform you that I am a member of the Church
of Scotland, the fundamental articles of belief of which, are precisely the
same as those contained in the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of
England.” |
210 | CONVERSION OF THE GREEKS. | |
discord. How very improper are such
proceedings—nothing could be more impolitic; it will cause ill blood throughout the
country, and very possibly be the means of again bringing Greece under the Turkish yoke.
Can it be supposed that the Greek Priesthood, who have great influence and even power, will
tamely submit to see interested self-opinionated foreigners interfere with their flocks? I
say again, clear the country, and teach the people, I mean the labouring people, to read
and write, and they will judge for themselves.*” Look at Anatolica, what a beneficial
effect was produced there by the fall of a shell fired from the Turkish camp; the shell
fell into the Church, and struck a pipe (some depth under the surface) of an ancient
aqueduct, entirely unknown to the inhabitants. The Priests took a proper advantage of this
to stimulate the Greeks to further resistance; it acted like an electrical shock; the
supply of water relieved their wants, and the Priests ascribed it to
* Colonel Stanhope was one of
the persons who seemed most anxious to introduce Missionaries into Greece. One of
the persons whom he expressly invited had any thing but a good character. It is not
for me to give currency to all the scandalous reports which were in circulation,
and therefore I shall be silent. Missionaries, however, are men, and their trifling
backslidings, suffering the spirit to be subdued by the flesh, would really be very
excusable, were it not that they condemn themselves by their exhortations to
others, and by falling so very short of the hypocritical model they hold up to
public approbation. |
the immediate intervention of the Almighty,
and to the purity of the Greek Church. But if Schism had been introduced among the people,
every effort of this kind would have been paralysed.”
With all Lord Byron’s
aristocratical prejudices, and it would be the extreme of folly to attribute to him any
attachment to democracy, such as it has shewn itself in modern times, he was by no means
insensible to all the advantages of liberal institutions. His hatred, however, of any
particular form of government, arose not from any deduction of reasoning, but from some
palpable evidence of injustice, cruelty, and oppression. His opinions were the results of his
feelings, and were what rigid logicians call prejudices. They were formed, as I have often
heard him say, though my expressions fall short of his vigorous language, from what he had seen
and felt, and not from any theory. He knew, as every man knows, of the astonishing increase and
prosperity of the United States of America, and without being able, like Colonel Stanhope, to expatiate at large on the theory of this
prosperity, out of his love to human-kind, he loved the government which, undisturbed by
jealousy, allowed its subjects to be free and happy.
“I wish well,” he used to say, “to the United States
of America: the government of that country is suitable to the people. The Americans profit
very much by the emigration of artisans and me-
212 | EGOTISM OF THE AMERICANS. | |
chanics, who carry with them, ready formed, that skill
it has cost England vast sums of money to bring to perfection. They are children, who
profit by the knowledge of their parents, but who are at the same time the victims of their
prejudices. They have a fresh country to work on, and the civilization and knowledge of
Europe to work with. They have carried with them, however, some of the worst vices of
European society, and they have been heightened in the Southern States by a voluptuous
climate, and by the facility the people once had of procuring slaves. Though I think the
government of America good, because it is the government of the whole people, and adapted
to their views, I have no love for America. It is not a country I should like to visit. The
Americans, they say, are great egotists. I suppose ail the people of young countries are
so. Man must have something to be vain of, and when he has no ancestors in whose fame he
may exult, h« must talk and boast of himself. If we had as much communication with the
natives of Owhyhee, or with the Indians of the Continent of America, as we have with the
inhabitants of the United States, and if we understood their language, we should find them
as vain-glorious as the Americans. An Englishman does not boast of himself, because he can
always boast of his country. For this he is called a patriot; but if he were to praise
himself as much as he praises | THEIR SEPARATION FROM ENGLAND. | 213 |
his
institutions, he would be called an ass. He indulges his vanity, and gets credit for
patriotism. Since it is found that the American government works well, in the political
slang of the day, the Americans begin to boast of it. In a few years more, when they have
produced a score or two of such men as Washington,
Franklin, and Jefferson, when they can talk with pride of the antiquity of their
institutions; when they can exult, perhaps, in some hundred victories, like that of New
Orleans, selfishness and egotism will change their meaning, and be merged into a love of
their country.
“On this account I have always thought the mode in which the
Americans separated from Great Britain unfortunate for them. It made them despise or reject
every thing English. They disinherited themselves of all the historical glory of England;
there was nothing left for them to admire or venerate but their own immediate success, and
they became egotists, like savages, from wanting a history. The spirit of jealousy and
animosity, excited by the contests between England and America, is now subsiding. Should
peace continue, prejudices on both sides will gradually decrease. Already the Americans are
beginning, I think, to cultivate the antiquities of England, and as they extend their
inquiries, they will find other objects of admiration besides themselves. It was of some
importance, both for them and for us, that they did not reject
our language with our government. Time, I should
hope, would approximate the institutions of both countries to one another; and the use of
the same language will do more to unite the two nations than if they both had only one
king.
“I would not answer, indeed, for the continuance of the present
system of government in America, should that country be involved in long and expensive
wars. In any season of distress, the free and slave states will separate. Freedom and
slavery cannot dwell under the same roof; to bind them together force is necessary, and
nothing but an arbitrary master over both can keep them united.”
Lord Byron had some superstitions clinging to him. He
believed in presentiments, fatal and fortunate days, and in ghosts. On setting out from Italy
for Greece, a storm drove the vessel back; a circumstance which has occurred on numerous
occasions, when the voyage has been afterwards happily accomplished, and followed by no
disastrous results; but Lord Byron, though he is said to have quoted the
proverb, that a bad beginning makes a good ending, was made melancholy by a foul wind. This
circumstance was often mentioned among his friends at Missolonghi. On rallying Lord
Byron on this subject, and observing that I thought it was very strange a man of
his strength of mind should entertain such a vulgar belief as that of the existence of ghosts,
he smiled, and re-
| HIS OPINION OF COUNT GAMBA. | 215 |
plied, “I have
from my childhood endeavoured to impress a belief of supernatural causes on my mind. I
cannot say why I had such a propensity, nor why it continued so long, but I derive great
pleasure from the idea; even now, I actually believe such things may be.” At this
he sighed deeply, and said, “I have had wonderful presentiments in my time. Hardly any
unfortunate circumstance has ever happened to me, of which I have not had some forerunning
warning. We can’t help these things, and can no more account for the existence of one
sentiment than for another. I know not why, but I have a particular aversion either to
begin or conclude any work on a Friday.” His opinion concerning Count Gamba was another little superstition of Lord
Byron’s. He was very partial to the Count, without placing much confidence
in him, because he had got a notion that the Count was an unfortunate man, and that whatever he
undertook would fail. I was particularly enjoined by Lord Byron never to
allow the Count to undertake any piece of public service without first acquainting his Lordship
with it, and obtaining his approbation. He always expected that the Count would get himself and
others into scrapes; whether the Count had or had not ever given Lord
Byron any reason to form such an opinion, before I was acquainted with them, I
know not; but I never saw any thing to justify 216 | EXPLANATION OF TALKING NONSENSE. | |
it. I believe it was one of those prejudices or
presentiments Lord Byron liked to indulge, or at least which he never made
any effort to control or subdue.
Before my acquaintance with Lord Byron,
I had no idea I should have found him of so very serious a turn. I mentioned to him my surprise
at finding him so different from what I had expected. At this he laughed, and said,
“Chicanery is the order of the day; and I always endeavour to converse so as to be
agreeable to my visitors. They speak of me as they find me, and as I talk nonsense to them,
because it suits them, I have got the reputation of being a romancer. After all, however, I
feel relief in talking what you call nonsense to my visitors. I know the world, perhaps,
better than you give me credit for, and I am obliged sometimes to endeavour to please a
part of it. But who are these persons who call me a trifler? My visitors have been poets,
painters, punsters, travellers; all would-be great personages, all triflers themselves,
without any pursuit but amusement. They have found me ready to meet them in talking
nonsense, because they liked it, but naturally I am of a serious disposition. I love
solitude. When I was in Greece before, unpleasant things were said of me, because I mingled
so little with other persons; Mr. Hobhouse was
indeed with me, but we did not agree very well, and were not always to-
gether; I have known him a long time, and respect him much,
but his disposition and mine were not always alike.”
There may be some persons able to explain the circumstance I shall now
relate; but it seems to have no other interest than to excite conjectures as to its cause.
“I was once,” said Lord Byron, “in
company with the late Queen Caroline; I was sitting
on her right hand, and another young nobleman was sitting on her left. All of a sudden she
burst into tears, and I never could divine the cause. There is no accounting for
women’s tears. She might have been thinking of her situation, and the neglect and
injuries she had experienced might all at once have rushed into her mind. She was an
unhappy woman, and much to be pitied, particularly in her latter days, when she was made
the tool of a party.
“There are so many undefinable, and nameless, and not-to-be named
causes of dislike, aversion, and disgust, in the matrimonial state, that it is always
impossible for the public, or the best friends of the parties, to judge between man and wife.
Their’s is a relation about which nobody but themselves can form a correct idea, or have
any right to speak. As long as neither party commits gross injustice towards the other; as long
as neither the woman nor the man is guilty of any offence which is injurious to the community;
as long as the husband provides for his offspring, and secures the pub-
218 | HIS RESPECT FOR LADY BYRON. | |
lic against the dangers arising from their neglected
education, or from the charge of supporting them; by what right does it censure him for ceasing
to dwell under the same roof with a woman, who is to him, because he knows her, while others do
not, an object of loathing? Can any thing be more monstrous than for the public voice to compel
individuals who dislike each other to continue their cohabitation? This is at least the effect
of its interfering with a relationship, of which it has no possible means of judging. It does
not indeed drag a man to a woman’s bed by physical force; but it does exert a moral force
continually and effectively to accomplish the same purpose. Nobody can escape this force but
those who are too high, or those who are too low, for public opinion to reach; or those
hypocrites, who are, before others, the loudest in their approbation of the empty and unmeaning
forms of society, that they may securely indulge all their propensities in secret. I have
suffered amazingly from this interference; for though I set it at defiance, I was neither too
high nor too low to be reached by it, and I was not hypocrite enough to guard myself from its
consequences.
“What do they say of my family affairs in England, Parry? My story, I suppose, like other minor events,
interested the people for a day, and was then forgotten?” I replied, no; I thought, owing
to the very great interest the public took in him,
| DISLIKE TO SPEAK OF HIS FAMILY AFFAIRS. | 219 |
it was still remembered and talked about. I
mentioned that it was generally supposed a difference of religious sentiments between him and
Lady Byron had caused the public breach. “No,
Parry,” was the reply; “Lady
Byron has a liberal mind, particularly as to religious opinions; and I wish,
when I married her, that I had possessed the same command over myself that I now do. Had I
possessed a little more wisdom, and more forbearance, we might have been happy. I wished,
when I was first married, to have remained in the country, particularly till my pecuniary
embarrassments were over. I knew the society of London; I knew the characters of many of
those who are called ladies, with whom Lady Byron would necessarily
have to associate, and I dreaded her contact with them; but I have too much of my mother
about me to be dictated to; I like freedom from constraint; I hate artificial regulations;
my conduct has always been dictated by my own feelings, and Lady Byron
was quite the creature of rules. She was not permitted either to ride, or run, or walk, but
as the physician prescribed. She was not suffered to go out when I wished to go; and then
the old house was a mere ghost-house; I dreamed of ghosts, and thought of them waking. It
was an existence I could not support.” Here Lord Byron broke
off abruptly, saying, “I hate to speak of my family affairs; though I have been
compelled to talk nonsense concerning them to some of my butterfly visitors, glad on any terms to get rid of their
importunities. I long to be again on the mountains. I am fond of solitude, and should never
talk nonsense if I always found plain men to talk to.”
Lord Byron was subject to violent gusts of passion; but they
were merely gusts, and I never saw him do any mischief while under their influence. I heard him
make use of many threats, and I do not know, on one or two occasions, that he might not have
carried them into execution, but for my interference. When very much annoyed, he would rise,
stamp with his foot on the ground, and on one or two occasions he even threatened to have
recourse to his pistols. This was not his natural state; and it was only when he was goaded, as
I have already described, that he gave way to these ungovernable out-breakings.
He was very fond of making jokes, both practical and others, as they
relieved his mind, he said, and took off his attention from unpleasant thoughts. He had the
greatest stock of quaint sayings and phrases of any man I ever met with; of the different
languages and terms used by soldiers, sailors, tradesmen, and other classes of men, or of what
is called slang, he was quite a master. I knew a great number of such words from having been
either a sailor or a soldier nearly all my life; but he knew as many as I did in my own
profession, and a great many used in other professions, of which I knew nothing. Much of his
conversa-
| HIS OPINIONS OF SOME AUTHORS. | 221 |
tion with me was carried on
in sea-phrases, and he made me always use them. Even in telling him any little anecdotes I
knew, or adventures which had happened to me, such as that of Mr.
Bentham’s cruise, he always insisted on my using none but sea terms, and
probably he found greater pleasure in the circumstance than my readers may have found, from the
manner in which he compelled me to state it.
Lord Byron was rather partial to questioning me about what books I read,
and what books I liked to read, and if I read poetry. I used to reply, as the fact is, that I
had very little time to read, and having no library, when I had time, I read what fell in my
way; that I liked Shakspeare—Billy
Shakspeare as I called him, whom none of the moderns were ever likely to equal.
“However high,” said I, “your Lordship and others may come, you will never
quite reach Billy.” “There you are quite right, old boy; but
do you never read any modern book?” “Oh, yes;—I have read some of your works;
Don Juan for example, and there is nothing in
that which pleases people of my description so well, or of which I have heard so much, as the
shipwreck; that is something we mechanics and the working classes understand. Just before I
left England, too, I read a book that I liked very much; it was called Wat Tyler.” “That’s Southey’s,” said his Lordship, “it is
the best
thing he ever wrote.”
“But have you never read any of Sir Walter
Scott’s novels?” “No, my Lord, I have had something
else to do.” “I have a great respect for Sir Walter, but I
have read enough to know how much of his works are his own property, and how much he takes
from others. No author is more successful in appropriation. We who live at this late period
of the world are all plagiarists; I have been loudly accused of being one, but I am sure I
never deserved it half as much as Sir Walter. For him, however, I have
a high respect, and I shall never, I am sure, act otherwise towards him than in a friendly
manner.” “Ah,” I replied, “I see you all shift a plank
occasionally.” “Shift a plank; what do you mean?” “Why, leave the
scantling and the moulding, and the form, and put in a piece of new or old stuff that was not
intended for that place.” “This is too true,” said Lord
Byron, laughing at my comparing plagiarism to the repairs of an old ship.
Lord Byron had an insatiable curiosity, and was always making inquiries.
He made me tell him every little incident of my life, and this sometimes led him to make
remarks which I recollect very well. When I was in Virginia, in America, for example, I
remember having an adventure with some of the deserters from the British army in Canada. I do
not choose to be more particular here, as it may implicate individuals; I shall merely observe
that desertion and treachery had
found their
proper rewards, and were left in beggary and want; but mentioning this circumstance, led
Lord Byron to make the following observation.
“Why did not the Americans take the Canadas?”
“They would have done it,” I replied, “but, for the great loyalty of
the Scotch and French Canadians. The Irish in Canada were not to be trusted; they never had
patience to make many improvements, and the instant they had cleared the land, and could
sell it, they did so, and went to the United States of America.
“The low Irish,” said Lord
Byron, “are never to be trusted. Fortunately, however, they are like
the rattle-snake, they give you warning before they bite; they always have a means of
letting you know they mean to deceive you. I know Ireland produces many clever men; but the
rabble are deceitful and cunning. In a century, perhaps, the Irish may approximate in their
manners to the English, and then we shall hardly know any difference between the two
people. In any great national contest, I would place the English in the centre, the Welsh
on the right, and the Scotch on the left; the Irish I would place in the front, and then I
am sure they would not deceive me; I should then have no fear of the result: but if they
were mixed with the others, and a battle were to take place with some great foreign power,
I should not know on what to calculate.”
I mentioned to Lord Byron that I had
lodged at the same house in New York, in which the celebrated actor, Cooke, died; and that he lamented loudly his unhappy fate, in
dying far away from his native land. “I knew Cooke very
well,” said Lord Byron; “he was the greatest genius of an
actor I ever saw. I think Kean is a great man, but
Cooke was much his superior. He had very great natural talents,
but they had never been properly cultivated. With half the education John Kemble had received, and half the care he took of
himself, he would have been the very first actor of the day.”
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Literary Magnet
Vol. 4 (June 1825)
“More last words of John Baxter!” our readers will exclaim: we have already Medwin’s Conversations; Dallas’s Recollections; Gamba’s Residence; Childe Harolde’s Wanderings; and a host of others, in
all shapes and sizes, from the ponderous quarto, to the pigmy “pocket edition.” If
we required any further evidence of the extent of the illustrious subject’s talents, or
the probability of his immortality, than what his works are capable of bestowing, we should
regard the never-dying interest that is attached to every thing concerning him, as the
completest evidence of the permanency of his literary fame. Mr.
Parry writes in a bold seaman-like style, and his work bears with it a very
evident air of identity. In Medwin’s and
Dallas’s books, we have too much of the poet; in the volumes
before us, the man stands upright in the various lights and shades of his character. Lord Byron neither required the fulsome adulation of the Dragoon
Captain, nor the sage apologies of Mr. Dallas, to make us believe, that at
the bottom he was a really good, but dreadfully misled, man; and that had his life been spared,
there was no doubt but what the finer qualities of his soul would have endeared him to the
world which he so eminently adorned. From the intelligence Mr.
Parry’s book affords us, we entertain no doubt, that had medical aid been
procured at the period of the lamentable catastrophe, the life so dear to Greece, liberty, and
song, would have been saved. . . .
[Henry Southern],
“Personal Character of Lord Byron” in London Magazine
Vol. 10 (October 1824)
It is said that his intention was not to remain in
Greece,—that he determined to return after his attack of epilepsy. Probably it was only
his removal into some better climate that was intended. Certainly a more miserable and
unhealthy bog than Missolonghi is not to be found out of the fens of Holland, or the Isle of
Ely. He either felt or affected to feel a presentiment that he should die in Greece, and when
his return was spoken of, considered it as out of the question, predicting that the Turks, the
Greeks, or the Malaria, would effectually put an end to any designs he might have of returning.
At the moment of his seizure with the epileptic fits prior to his last illness, he was jesting
with Parry, an engineer sent out by the Greek committee,
who, by dint of being his butt, had got great power over him, and indeed, became every thing to
him. Besides this man there was Fletcher, who had lived with
him twenty years, and who was originally a shoemaker, whom his Lordship had picked up in the
village where he lived, at Newstead, and who, after attending him in some of his rural
adventures, became attached to his service: he had also a faithful Italian servant, Battista; a Greek secretary; and Count
Gamba seems to have acted the part of his Italian secretary. Lord
Byron spoke French very imperfectly, and Italian not correctly, and it was with
the greatest difficulty he could be prevailed upon to make attempts m a foreign language. He
would get any body about him to interpret for him, though he might know the language better
than his interpreter. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
This man now tells his story of what he saw and heard of Lord Byron’s behaviour and conversation while in Greece. He makes no
ridiculous professions of accuracy. He plainly says, the idea of noting down what
Lord Byron was pleased to say to him in private conversation never
once entered his head. But he adds, and who can doubt it, that finding himself thrown into
close contact of this sort with a man of Lord Byron’s extraordinary
genius and celebrity, whatever things of any importance were said by Lord
Byron did make a strong, an indelible impression on his mind. And, with-
out pretending to give the words—unless when there is something very
striking indeed about them—he does profess himself able and determined to give the
substance. We need, indeed, but little of such professions, to make us
believe, that the conversations which he relates did substantially take place between him
and Lord Byron. They carry the stamp of authenticity upon their front.
The man that said these things was a man of exquisite talent—of extraordinary reach
and compass of reflection—of high education and surpassing genius. This is enough for
us. Mr Parry is an excellent person in his own way,
but he is plainly as incapable of inventing these things, as if he had written himself down
on his title-page, “Author of Ahasuerus, a Poem.”
. . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Mavrocardato was, and is, universally admitted to be the
most accomplished of the Greek statesmen, and he was at this period the President of the
Provisionary Government; yet this agent of the Greek committee rates Major Parry, for giving Mavrocordato the
title by which he had always been distinguished, and which Lord
Byron, nay, even Sir Thomas Maitland,
never thought of refusing him. But this was not all. He openly took part with the faction
opposed to Mavrocordato and the existing Greek government; and why? Why,
because Mavrocordato, a man of sense and education, who has travelled in
Western Europe, and speaks her languages, and has read her books, was thoroughly aware of the
unfitness of a free press for Greece in her actual condition, and accordingly discountenanced
the setting up of a paper at Missolonghi; whereas Odysseus, a robber captain, in arms in reality against the Greek government as much
as against the Turks, had no objections to let Stanhope
print as many papers as he liked in Athens, which city the said Odysseus
refused, according to the language of Colonel Stanhope’s own eulogy,
“to surrender to a weak government;” in other words, was keeping possession of, in
opposition to the authorities which he had the year before sworn to
obey—the very authorities, too, be it observed, under which alone Colonel
Stanhope was at the time acting. Odysseus knew that his
wild barbarians could no more read a Greek newspaper than they could fly over Olympus, and
therefore he cared not what Stanhope printed, so he and his people got,
through Stanhope’s means, a part of the loans transmitted from
England, for the support of the Greek government and cause. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
These passages cannot, we think, fail to gratify our readers. The view
they give of Lord Byron’s kind, natural temper,
frank and engaging manners, and noble self-possession in the midst of all the irritations
of disease and disgust, must go far we think to convince the most sceptical, that the
epithet of Satanic was not the happiest which a contemporary poet
might have applied to the author of Child
Harold. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
The following is a most important passage indeed. In it we have Lord Byron
detailing, in a manner the sincerity of which it is impossible to doubt, his own views
concerning the ultimate prospects of Greece; and surely the exposition is such, that it could
have come from no mind in which sense, wisdom, and genius, were not equally inherent. It
is the only thing upon the subject that we have ever been able to think worth a second reading. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Our readers must turn to Mr Parry’s
own page for a great deal more of Lord Byron’s table
talk. They will find many sound English sentiments, even in regard to the English politics of
the day—they will find views as to America equally just and liberal—they will find
the most contemptuous allusions to the soi-disant
liberals with whom Lord Byron had come into personal
contact, such as old Cartwright, Leigh Hunt, &c.; and upon every occasion an open avowal of the deepest
respect for the aristocracy of Britain, which these poor creatures have spent their lives in
endeavouring to overthrow. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
Of all this, and also of the affecting narrative which Mr Parry gives of Lord
Byron’s last days, strictly so called, we shall quote nothing. The main
outline of his illness is already sufficiently before the public; and these new details are so
painful, that though we do not wish not to have read them, we certainly shall never torture
ourselves with reading them again. The spectacle of youth, and rank, and genius, meeting with
calm resolution the approach of death, under external circumstances of the most cheerless
description, may afford a lesson to us all! But Mr Parry has painted this
scene with far too rude a pencil; and, indeed, the print which he has inserted of Byron on his miserable bed, and almost in the agonies of death,
attended by Parry himself and Tita,
ought to be omitted in every future edition. It is obviously a got-up thing—a mere
eyetrap—and for one person whose diseased taste it pleases, will undoubtedly disgust a
thousand who ought to be acquainted with this book. . . .
[John Gibson Lockhart],
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine
Vol. 18
No. 103 (August 1825)
In order that our article may terminate pleasantly, we have reserved wherewithal
to wind it up, Parry’s description of an interview
which he had with the personage whom Colonel Stanhope
mentions as “the finest genius of the most enlightened age, the immortal Bentham.” We shall give the sailor’s rough sketch
of the Patriarch without note or comment—in truth it needs none; and, we have no doubt,
posterity will not disdain to hang it up alongside of the more professional performance of that
other fine genius of our enlightened century—the immortal Hazlitt—in his noble gallery of portraits,
entitled “The Spirit of
The Age.” . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
The Author before us appears to be a man of strong natural sense, with an honest
old soldier’s heart, and all that John Bullism about him, which evinces a sturdy
determination to speak his mind, in utter disregard of person or party. Now as we like to
see good rather than evil, we are glad to find that though Byron was often politically tipsy, and talked nonsense about his country, the
King, America, &c.; yet in his conduct on the Greek subject, the usual wisdom of the
hereditary Senator was conspicuous. There was not a fault in his advice concerning the Greek
cause. He stands, as a Statesman, as superior to the rest, as the Trajan column does to a
milestone. He avowed an intention to study the art of war, probably to become another Napoleon; at all events to be a Washington. All this was in his nature. He was a charger of high blood, and men
rail at him because he was unfit for a cart-horse. It is to men of such a character that the
world is to look for the enthusiasm and perseverance requisite to effect great objects; and
whatever may be the results of their ambition, it is certain that Providence only works grand
changes by single men, not by bodies of men, and ultimately merges all in monarchy. Republics
have only short lives, and seldom merry ones. . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
The work opens with a long account of clumsy mis-management in transmission of
the stores; and the introduction to Lord Byron. His
behaviour to the Author was kind and condescending. The room was hung round with weapons like
an armoury, abore which were shelves furnished with books, an hieroglyphic of his
Lordship’s politics, which were to furnish Greece with arms and independence, and then to
leaven it with learning. His politics were very simple, but truly wise. Let one single object,
(he said,) the expulsion of the Turks, be first regarded. Newspapers and
the press would now only create faction, and do mischief. They are only to be considered as
secondary things. Col. Stanhope’s opposite sentiments
created the coolness between them. Bloodshed and anarchy, said the wise Member of the Upper
House, will be the consequence of discussing theories of government, before independence is
obtained. His Lordship was perfectly correct, for in a short time the wiseacres published a
Tirade against Kings, which, said the Peer, was the very way to bring the
Holy Alliance down upon them. Add to this, that the German Officers who came to assist, were
men of punctilious etiquette, and always quarrelling about rank; and mechanics sent out at an
expence of three hundred and forty pounds, did only fourteen days work, at the cost of
something more than four pounds one shilling a day. Pp. 66, 67. . . .
Anonymous,
“The Last Days of Lord Byron” in The Gentleman’s Magazine
Vol. 95 (June 1825)
For every object, public or private, his Lordship was expected to be paymaster;
a mutiny might cost him his life; what he received from England were a Wesleyan preacher,
bugle-horns, printing presses, and religious tracts. Arms, powder, and shot, were inferior
considerations*. With all his noble-minded sacrifices, he was harassed with crazy counsels;
worried out of his patience and sleep; and doomed to eat nothing for several days but cheese,
fish, vegetables, and bread. In short, at his outset in life, he was all but murdered by
calumniators; and now he had to encounter the insanity of his countrymen, who employed the
funds collected for the liberation of Greece, in propagating their own political and religious
tenets, instead of furnishing the indispensable materials of war. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
William Fletcher—I was in the service of the late
Lord Byron upwards of 20 years, and was with him up to
the time of his death. I now receive a pension from his family for my services. I first saw
Parry at Greece, at Missollonghi. He lived in the
same house with Lord Byron. I was not much in the habit of seeing him, and
had not an opportunity of knowing whether he was drunk, more than I heard from report. He
sometimes appeared the worse for liquor. I have seen him in Lord
Byron’s company; he generally called him Captain
Parry. I have heard Parry speak of Colonel Stanhope. Some men were sent to attack a Turkish brig off Missolonghi.
Parry came home to his house on that occasion, and did not get out
again, but said he wanted to shave and dress. This was early in the evening, and it was a
considerable time before he came down again. He went into his room at the back of the house. I
don’t know where he went when he had shaved. The brig was afterwards in flames.
Parry was sent to, and discovered to be asleep. I did not see him go
out before the brig was in flames. I have seen Parry once since my return
to England. Since I have been subpœnaed here as a witness, I have seen him frequently.
Having been here in attendance a long time, and feeling a want for something to eat, I went to
get some bread and cheese. Zambelli was with me, and
Parry came in, and was very polite to us. I do not know whether the
word rogue was used. Parry addressed himself to me, but I do not recollect
the words he made use of; they were meant to imply that he had always been my friend. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
I remember a Turkish
brig coming a-ground off Missolonghi. We were then all in that place. I heard that
Parry was applied to on that occasion to lend his assistance. He
was at Lord Byron’s house. Several of us were ordered by him to
go in a couple of boats, with guns, to attack the brig. Parry did not
go with us; was to come round by land with some Greek soldiers. He did not come round. He
said he would come to our assistance when he sent us out. He had a blue coat on, but I do
not know whether he was shaved or not. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
— Zambelli, a Hungarian.—I
lived in the service of Lord Byron at Missolonghi, and had
the care of liquors and provisions in his house. I knew Parry at Missolonghi, and have twice known him absolutely intoxicated. He was,
on those occasions, asleep with the bottle by his side lying on the floor, and Lord
Byron called to me to take him away. Those are the only times when I have known
him affected by liquor. I cannot say how many bottles he drank on those occasions. I recollect
a Turkish brig being on shore when Parry came into the house and went up
stairs. He did not go out of the house again that day. The brig was not burning before he came
into the house. It was burned while he was in the house. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Colonel Stanhope.—I am a Lieutenant-Colonel in the
army. I went out to Greece, and saw Parry there; he
lived in my room, and ate his meals at my table. He was in the habit of drinking to excess. He
was a sot, and a boaster, and frequently spoke of making Congreve rockets, in which, he said,
he had made an improvement, of which Colonel Congreve
had taken the merit. He said he would take Lepanto by a fire-kite, and destroy the Turkish
fleet. He never carried any of his plans into execution. I have read the Last Days of Lord
Byron. Parry is not capable of writing such a work.
He is a man of a strong natural mind, but uneducated. He does not speak grammatically correct.
He frequently spoke of his great science as an engineer. I saw the brig on shore, and was
there. The brig was on shore four or five miles from Missolonghi, and the Greek officers
applied to Lord Byron and myself to lend assistance; we
despatched artillery and the greater part of the soldiers and townspeople immediately proceeded
there; we were for some time under the bombardment of this vessel. After having been stranded
for two days, and seeing the impossibility of getting her off, her crew set her on fire, and
escaped in their boats to another Turkish vessel which had been hovering in the offing.
Parry never made his appearance all the time. Lord
Byron treated him as a fool, a buffoon—not as one of these fools that have
so often graced the tables of the great. Parry called Lord
Byron Hal, and
he called him Falstaff.
. . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Bowring.—I acted as Secretary to the Greek
Committee. Parry was recalled by a vote of the committee
of the 3d of July. I should consider him incapable of writing such a book without some
assistance. I have not seen him in a state of actual drunkenness, but when he has drunk rather
too much. After his return, he showed me the materials from which this work was formed, but I
did not look them over. I should think them, however, insufficient to have made the book. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Knight.—This book was published by Knight and
Lacy. I am not of that house. Parry applied to me early in 1825. He was announced as
Captain Parry, and I fully expected to have seen that Captain Parry who had been so frequently towards the North
Pole. He, however, undeceived me, and said he came from Greece, and that he wished to publish
something relative to Lord Byron. Having said this, he left
a portfolio for my perusal, and we had no further conversation at the time. In a few days he
called again, and I returned the papers. They consisted of a few official documents, containing
technical particulars, terms of war, and estimates of ammunition, and several Greek newspapers,
with a few sheets, purporting to be the journal of Captain Parry. They
amounted altogether to about 40 or 50 folios. I have read the book which he has published, and
towards the end, in the appendix, there are some expressions similar to those I saw in the
papers he brought to me. The body of the book does not contain a line of what was in those
papers. If he were the writer of the journal put into my hands, he could not be the author of
this book. My interview with him was very short; but from what I saw of him, and from his
conversation, I should not think him capable of writing this book. . . .
Anonymous,
“Parry v. Hunt” in The Times
No. 13,306 (15 June 1827)
Mr. Lacy.—I am a partner in the house of Knight
and Lacy. We published this book for Mr. Parry. He said
he had received some assistance in the arrangement of the work from another gentleman. . . .
Anonymous,
“Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner
No. 1011 (17 June 1827)
* In one of the editions of Shakspeare is an engraving (after Stothard) representing Antient Pistol cudgelled by Fluellen. Perhaps as humorous a
subject might be found for that admirable artist’s pencil in some of the
situations attributed by the witnesses to our valiant Major; for instance, the lying
asleep after a debauch, embracing the bottle, as described with significant gestures by
the witness Zambelli; or the elaborate shaving
and dressing, while his men were proceeding to assault the Turkish brig. . . .
Anonymous,
“Verdict against the Examiner in the Case of William Parry” in The Examiner
No. 1011 (17 June 1827)
The Chief Justice too, observing on
Parry’s conduct in the
affair of the Turkish brig, intimated, that one neglect of duty ought not to fix the character
of cowardice on any man:—but his Lordship knows, that a single neglect on the day of
battle cost the unfortunate Byng his life, and that Lord Sackville
was disgracefully driven from the service for once imputed fault on the field of Minden; yet
both these men had given repeated proofs of noble courage. Where, however, are William Parry’s proofs? . . .
Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832)
The founder of Utilitarianism; author of
Principles of Morals and
Legislation (1789).
Edward Blaquiere (1779-1832)
After serving in the Royal Navy he published
Letters from the
Mediterranean, 2 vols (1813); with John Bowring he founded the London Greek
Committee in 1823.
Sir John Bowring (1792-1872)
Poet, linguist, MP, and editor of the
Westminster Review. He was
the secretary of the London Greek Committee (1823) through which he was wrongly accused of
having enriched himself.
Sir Francis Burdett, fifth baronet (1770-1844)
Whig MP for Westminster (1807-1837) who was imprisoned on political charges in 1810 and
again in 1820; in the 1830s he voted with the Conservatives.
Richard Carlile (1790-1843)
Radical printer and bookseller who published
The Republican
(1819-26); convicted of “blasphemous libel,” he spent ten years of his life in
prison.
Queen Caroline of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel (1768-1821)
Married the Prince of Wales in 1795 and separated in 1796; her husband instituted
unsuccessful divorce proceedings in 1820 when she refused to surrender her rights as
queen.
George Frederick Cooke (1756-1812)
Shakespearean actor in London and the United States; his journals became the basis for
the biography by the American playwright William Dunlop (1766-1839).
Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790)
American printer, scientist, writer, and statesman; author of
Poor
Richard's Almanack (1732-57).
Alexander Galloway (1776-1847)
Civil engineer and political radical associated with Sir Francis Burdett; in the 1790s he
was president of the London Corresponding Society; afterwards he was a supporter of the
United Irishmen and the Greek Revolution.
Pietro Gamba (1801-1827)
The brother of Teresa Guiccioli and member of Carbonieri. He followed Byron to Greece and
left a memoir of his experiences.
Thomas Gordon of Cairness (1788-1841)
Educated at Eton and Brasenose College, Oxford; he was a member of the London Greek
Committee and major-general in the Greek Army; he published
History of
the Greek Revolution (1832).
John Cam Hobhouse, baron Broughton (1786-1869)
Founder of the Cambridge Whig Club; traveled with Byron in the orient, radical MP for
Westminster (1820); Byron's executor; after a long career in politics published
Some Account of a Long Life (1865) later augmented as
Recollections of a Long Life, 6 vols (1909-1911).
Thomas Jefferson (1843-1826)
Governor of Virginia, President of the United States, founder of the University of
Virginia.
Edmund Kean (1787-1833)
English tragic actor famous for his Shakespearean roles.
John Philip Kemble (1757-1823)
English actor renowned for his Shakespearean roles; he was manager of Drury Lane
(1783-1802) and Covent Garden (1803-1808).
James Kennedy (1793 c.-1827)
Scottish physician in the British forces; his experiences with Byron in Cephalonia were
published as
Conversations on Religion with Lord Byron
(1830).
Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos [Αλεξανδρος Μαβροκορδατος] (1791-1865)
Greek statesman and diplomat with Byron at Missolonghi; after study at the University of
Padua he joined the Greek Revolution in 1821 and in 1822 was elected by the National
Assembly at Epidaurus. He commanded forces in western Central Greece and retired in 1826
after the Fall of Messolonghi.
Johann-Jacob Meyer (1798-1826)
Swiss republican who edited
Hellenica Chronica; he died during the
siege of Missolonghi.
Emperor Napoleon I (1769-1821)
Military leader, First Consul (1799), and Emperor of the French (1804), after his
abdication he was exiled to Elba (1814); after his defeat at Waterloo he was exiled to St.
Helena (1815).
William Parry (1773-1859)
Military engineer at Missolonghi; he was author of
The Last Days of
Lord Byron (1825).
St Paul (5 c.-67 c.)
Apostle to the Gentiles.
Sir Samuel Romilly (1757-1818)
Reformer of the penal code and the author of
Thoughts on Executive
Justice (1786); he was a Whig MP and Solicitor-General who died a suicide.
Lieutenant Sass (d. 1824)
Finnish soldier who served in the Swedish and Swiss armies before taking up arms against
the Turks, originally with a German troop; he was murdered by the Suliotes at
Missolonghi.
Robert Southey (1774-1843)
Poet laureate and man of letters whose contemporary reputation depended upon his prose
works, among them the
Life of Nelson, 2 vols (1813),
History of the Peninsular War, 3 vols (1823-32) and
The Doctor, 7 vols (1834-47).
Leicester Fitzgerald Charles Stanhope, fifth earl of Harrington (1784-1862)
The third son of the third earl; in 1823 he traveled to Greece as the Commissioner of the
London Greek Committee; there he served with Byron, whom he criticizes in
Greece in 1823 and 1824 (1824). He inherited the earldom from his brother in
1851.
Robert Waithman (1764-1833)
Political reformer, MP, and Lord Mayor of London (1823-24); he was a linen-draper by
trade.
George Washington (1732-1799)
Revolutionary general and first president of the United States.
Frances D'Arusmont [née Wright] (1795-1852)
Feminist, social reformer and associate of Bentham, Lafayette, and Robert Owen; she
published
Views of Society and Manners in America (1821).
George Gordon Byron, sixth Baron Byron (1788-1824)
Don Juan. (London: 1819-1824). A burlesque poem in ottava rima published in installments: Cantos I and II published in
1819, III, IV and V in 1821, VI, VII, and VIII in 1823, IX, X, and XI in 1823, XII, XIII,
and XIV in 1823, and XV and XVI in 1824.