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The Life of William Roscoe
Chapter IX. 1806-1807
William Roscoe, Parliamentary Speech on the Slave Trade, [February 1807]
INTRODUCTION & INDEXES
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Preface
Vol I. Contents
Chapter I. 1753-1781
Chapter II. 1781-1787
Chapter III. 1787-1792
Chapter IV. 1788-1796
Chapter V. 1795
Chapter VI. 1796-1799
Chapter VII. 1799-1805
Chapter IX. 1806-1807
Chapter X. 1808
Chapter XI. 1809-1810
Vol II. Contents
Chapter XII. 1811-1812
Chapter XIII. 1812-1815
Chapter XIV. 1816
Chapter XV. 1817-1818
Chapter XVI. 1819
Chapter XVII. 1820-1823
Chapter XVIII. 1824
Chapter XIX. 1825-1827
Chapter XX. 1827-1831
Chapter XXI.
Appendix
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“As the colleague of the honourable gentleman who spoke last, and as one of the representatives of a place where the trade, which it is the object of the present bill to abolish, has been carried on to a greater extent than in any other place in the kingdom, I cannot, I conceive, with propriety, give a silent vote on this occasion. That vote, Sir, will be in favour of
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the bill now before the House for the abolition of that trade. In giving this vote I shall at least satisfy my own feelings and my own conscience. But I trust, Sir, that I shall at the same time perform my duty to my constituents. For whatever may be thought of the people of Liverpool in other parts of the kingdom, I must beg leave to inform this House that they are by no means unanimous in support of the trade in question. On the contrary, a great and respectable body of the inhabitants of Liverpool are as adverse to the slave trade as any other persons in these realms, and I should greatly disappoint their expectations and their wishes, if I were not to vote for the abolition of that trade. After the length of time during which this subject has been considered by the nation at large, after the frequent discussions it has undergone in this House, after the present bill has been passed by the Upper House of Parliament, and is now sent to this House for its concurrence, above all, after the full and able manner in which the noble Lord (Howick), who introduced the bill, has brought it forward, it is perfectly unnecessary for me to discuss the principle of the bill, or to detain the House by additional arguments in its favour. There is, however, one argument which has always appeared to me so clear, so conclusive, and so short, that I will venture to state it. Sir, the
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African slave trade has always subsisted only by an abuse. If we place the human race in any fair and reasonable situation, if we provide them with the necessaries and accommodations of life, they must, by the very law of their nature, inevitably increase. It is only, then, because the slaves in our West India islands are not in that proper situation, and are not provided with the proper necessaries of life, that a diminution of number continually occurs, and the slave trade becomes necessary to supply that deficiency. Now, Sir, the bill before the House will not only prevent the further prosecution of the trade to Africa, but will also effect another great and beneficial purpose, not contemplated on the face of the bill,—it will immediately improve and meliorate the condition of the slaves in the West Indies. For as soon as the planter shall be convinced that he cannot make up the deficiency of his slaves by purchase, as soon as he can no longer act upon the horrid maxim, ‘that it is better to buy a slave than to breed one,’ he will then be called upon, by a sense of his own interest, to pay that attention to the comfort and accommodation of his slaves which is so essentially necessary for their increase and their happiness. Whatever apprehensions may be entertained as to the security and welfare of our West India possessions from the present measure, I hesitate not to assert that, in my opinion, it
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will, in the result, be found to be the first cause of the security and prosperity of those colonies. I well remember the time when the regulations made by this House on the middle passage were opposed by the merchants with the greatest warmth, as wholly destructive to their trade; but it is only a few days since that we heard their counsel at the bar of this House admit, that such regulations had rendered the trade much more advantageous than it had ever before been.

“In like manner, I trust that the time will ere long arrive when the West India planters will feel and acknowledge the beneficial effect, and will date the true prosperity of the British colonies from the time of the abolition of the slave trade. In discussing a question of this magnitude, affecting so great a portion of the human race, it is impossible to close our eyes to that part of the world which has suffered so greatly by the effects of the trade in question—I mean the coast of Africa. I should be sorry to accuse this country as being the sole cause of the state of ignorance and degradation in which that immense continent yet remains; but I must be allowed to say, that if we have not been the cause of the evil, we have at least contributed in a high degree to prevent its removal.

“When we consider the nature of the trade which we have carried on with that continent,
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when we reflect that the objects of our commerce have been our fellow-creatures; and that the articles we have furnished in return have been chiefly fire-arms, ammunition, and brandy, articles of destruction, articles of debauchery, I cannot but fear that we have contributed in a great degree to prevent that civilisation and improvement in Africa which might otherwise have taken place. That this supposition is too well founded may be fairly inferred from the well-known fact, that the interior of Africa is more civilised and better cultivated than the coast, where our trade has been carried on, and where we have kept up that continual excitement so prejudicial to that unfortunate country. It is time that we should remove that excitement; and if we cannot contribute to the improvement of Africa, that we should not at least contribute any longer to her calamities and her degradation,

“But, Sir, although I think it unnecessary to enter into a further discussion of the principle of the bill, yet I have been well aware, that with respect to its mode of operation, or rather with respect to the time when such operation is to commence, some difference of opinion may be entertained. However anxious I have always been for the abolition of this traffic, it has been my uniform opinion that this should be effected by gradual and proper measures.

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“And here I beg it may be most explicitly understood that, in speaking of gradual measures, it was never my idea that the trade should be continued for the advantage of those persons who are carrying it on. No, Sir, I would not continue the trade a month, a week, a day, on any such grounds.

“It was well observed on a former night in this House, that justice is due to all persons, as well to our own countrymen as to the natives of Africa. I fully assent to this observation. But in the distribution of justice we must cautiously distinguish between the rights of the claimants. It would be the height of injustice to balance the mere pecuniary interests of any one body of men against the lives, the liberty, and the safety of any other body of men. They are claims of a different nature, and cannot be weighed with each other. That justice is due to the persons in this country who may be affected by the bill 1 readily admit; but it is due from this nation, and not from Africa, which has already suffered sufficiently from us.

“Leaving, therefore, these claims out of the question at present, and regarding only the object of this bill, I must observe, that in a great measure, of this nature particularly, caution is necessary, that in producing a certain good we produce as little evil as possible.

“Sir, we must perceive how difficult it is
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to legislate for those who are no parties to our deliberations.

“I certainly am not without apprehensions that if this trade had been terminated by a sudden and immediate act, it might have been productive of dreadful consequences on the coast of Africa, where there is a great conflux of slaves, whose numbers might accumulate, and who, from the sudden and total cessation of the trade, might fall a sacrifice to the avarice or resentment of their owners. Before I left Liverpool, to have the honour of taking my place in this House, I thought it necessary to make a particular inquiry on this subject from a person well conversant with, and who had frequently visited different parts of the coast. From him I learnt, that at Angola, and other places on the southern parts of the coast, slaves were brought down in scanty numbers, and, consequently, little danger was to be apprehended from the immediate termination of the trade; but that on the more northern parts, and particularly at Bonny, the slaves are brought down in great numbers, being carried from the interior parts of the country for four, five, or six months, and that there some fatal consequences might ensue if precautions were not taken against them. It was, however, his opinion, that a period of six, or at most nine months, would be a sufficient notice for terminating the trade; and as this space of time
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will be afforded by the present bill, I shall cheerfully assent to it as it now stands, and do conceive that as the trade has been gradually narrowed by the regulations adopted by this House, and as some further time is yet allowed by the bill for its final termination, the friends of a gradual abolition ought now to unite with the promoters of the present bill, in carrying this great and beneficent measure into full effect.

“And now, Sir, as to the question of compensation to those persons who may be injured by the effects of the present measure, I cannot entertain a doubt that this House will be earnest to distribute justice in its proper degree to all who are entitled to it. The trade in question has been long carried on with the concurrence of the country, and under the sanction of the legislature, and has, till the present time, been thought indispensably necessary to the cultivation and possession of our colonial possessions. If, then, it should hereafter appear, that the persons engaged in carrying it on should sustain an actual loss by the operation of this bill,—not a loss of eventual or prospective profits, which they might have derived from continuing to carry on the trade (for to such a claim it would be absurd to listen), but a real and substantial loss, by not being able to withdraw their capital, and to close their concerns within the time limited by the bill,—then I must assert,
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that the persons making such claims are as well entitled to compensation as any persons who ever solicited the justice of this House. But, Sir, there is another compensation of a much higher and better nature to which the merchants of this country are entitled. That compensation is to be found in the more extended trade and commerce of this country. When we consider the immense revenue which we are now called upon to pay, it is evident that the time is arrived when we must avail ourselves of all our resources; when we look at the immense power acquired by the great tyrant of the Continent, we must perceive, that it is necessary to oppose to him an immense colonial power, whereby we may maintain and enlarge the maritime strength of our country. Under such circumstances, we ought to extend ourselves to the East and to the West.

“It can be no longer concealed, that the question respecting the East Indies is now so closely connected with the safety and prosperity of this country, that they can scarcely be separately considered; nor can it be supposed that we can any longer allow ourselves to be crippled in this essential branch of our commerce. Let there be no monopoly but the monopoly of the country at large.

“Sir, I have long resided in the town of Liverpool. It is now upwards of thirty years since
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I first raised my voice in public against the traffic which it is the object of the present bill to abolish. From that time I have never concealed my sentiments upon it, in public or in private; and I shall always think it the greatest happiness of my life, that I have had the honour to be present on this occasion, and to concur with those true friends of justice, of humanity, and, as I most firmly believe, of sound policy, who have brought forward the present measure.”